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Title: An Account of the Conquest of Peru

Author: Pedro Sancho

Translator: Philip Ainsworth Means

Release date: September 12, 2008 [eBook #26602]
Most recently updated: January 4, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Stephen Blundell and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU *** 


DOCUMENTS AND NARRATIVES

CONCERNING THE

DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST

OF LATIN AMERICA


PUBLISHED BY

THE CORTES SOCIETY

NEW YORK


NUMBER TWO




Edition limited to 250 copies

of which ten are on Kelmscott paper


This copy is Number


85




AN ACCOUNT

OF THE

CONQUEST OF PERU


WRITTEN BY

PEDRO SANCHO

SECRETARY TO PIZARRO

AND SCRIVENER TO HIS ARMY


TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH AND ANNOTATED

BY

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS


THE CORTES SOCIETY

NEW YORK

1917




COCKAYNE, BOSTON






Transcriber's Note:
Variant spellings of proper names in the main body of the text, as noted in the Preface,
have been retained.
Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note, whilst
significant amendments have been listed at the end of the text.
A list of contents, though not present in the original publication,
has been provided below.


TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

RELATION

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVIII

CHAPTER XIX

NOTES

BIBLIOGRAPHY




[5]


TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE


The work of Pedro Sancho is one of the
most valuable accounts of the Spanish conquest
of Peru that we possess. Nor is its
value purely historical. The "Relación" of
Sancho gives much interesting ethnological
information relative to the Inca dominion
at the time of its demolition. Errors Pedro
Sancho has in plenty; but the editor has
striven to counteract them by footnotes.


In every instance the translator has preserved
Pedro Sancho's spelling of proper
names, calling attention to the modern
equivalent on the first occurrence of each
name. In a few instances, where the text
was unusually obscure, close translation has
not been adhered to.


The virtues, as well as the shortcomings
of this account, are so obvious that an extended
reference to them here is superfluous.[6]
It must always be borne in mind that this
document partook of the nature of an "apologia
pro vita sua" and that it was directly
inspired by Pizarro himself with the purpose
of restoring himself to the Emperor's favor.
Its main purpose was to nullify whatever
charges Pizarro's enemies may have been
making to the sovereign. Consequently there
are numerous violations of the truth, all of
which are, for us, easy to recognize.


A word as to the previous editions of Pedro
Sancho may not be out of place here. The
original manuscript is lost. An Italian
translation of it appears in the "Viaggi" of
Giovanni Battista or Giambattista Ramusio,
published in Venice about 1550. The
numerous editions of Ramusio's great work
do not need to be listed here. Occasionally
the translator has referred to that of 1563,
a copy of which is in his possession. The
edition which has served as a text for the
present translation is that issued and edited
by Don Joaquin García Icazbalceta, Mexico,
1849. This edition, like all of Icazbalceta's[7]
work, is painstaking. Professor Marshall
Saville has been good enough to lend me
his copy of this edition, which is very rare,
in order that I might have it to work with.
Finally, a small portion of Pedro Sancho's
narrative was issued by the Hakluyt Society
of London. The editor, Sir Clements Markham,
included it in the same volume with
the reports of Xeres, Miguel de Estete, Hernando
Pizarro. The volume, entitled "Reports
on the Discovery of Peru," was
issued by the Hakluyt Society in 1872.


PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS


Boston, Massachusetts

October 9, 1916


[8]


RELATION


Of the events that took place during the
conquest and pacification of these provinces
of New Castile, and of the quality of the
land, and of the manner in which the Captain
Hernando Pizarro afterward departed to
bear to His Majesty the account of the
victory of Caxamalca[1] and of the capture of
the Cacique Atabalipa.[2]


[9]


CHAPTER I


Concerning the great quantity of silver and gold
which was brought from Cuzco, and of the portion
thereof which was sent to H. M. the emperor as the
royal fifth: How the imprisoned Cacique Atabalipa
declared himself free of his promise which he had
made to the Spaniards to fill a house with gold for
ransom: And of the treason which the said Atabalipa
meditated against the Spaniards, for which
betrayal they made him die.


The Captain Hernando Pizarro had departed
with the hundred thousand pesos of
gold and the five thousand marks of silver
which were sent to His Majesty as his royal
fifth; after that event, some ten or twelve
days, the two Spaniards who were bringing
gold from Cuzco arrived, and part of the
gold was melted at once because it was in
very small pieces; it equalled the sum of[3]
... five hundred-odd plates of gold torn
from some house-walls in Cuzco; and even
the smallest plates weighed four or five
pounds apiece; other, larger ones, weighed[10]
ten or twelve pounds, and with plates of this
sort all the walls of that temple were covered.
They brought also a seat of very fine
gold, worked into the form of a foot-stool,
which weighed eighteen thousand pesos.[4]
Likewise, they brought a fountain all of
gold and very subtilely worked which was
very fair to see as much for the skill of
the work as for the shape which it had
been given; and there were many other
pieces such as vases, jars, and plates which
they also brought. All this gold gave a
quantity which came to two millions and a
half [pesos], which, on being refined to pure
gold, came to one million, three hundred and
twenty-odd thousand pesos, from which was
subtracted the fifth of His Majesty, or, two
hundred and seventy-odd thousand pesos.
Fifty thousand marks of silver were found,
of which ten thousand were set aside for H. M.
One hundred and seventy thousand pesos
and five thousand marks were handed over
to the treasurer of H. M. The remaining
hundred thousand pesos and five marks were[11]
taken, as has been said, by Hernando
Pizarro to help meet the expenses which His
Caesarian Majesty was encountering in the
war against the Turks, enemies of our Holy
Faith, as they say. All that remained,
beyond the royal fifth, was divided among
the soldiers and companions of the Governor.
He gave to each one what he conscientiously
thought he justly merited, taking
into consideration the trials each man had
passed through and the quality of his person,
all of which he did with the greatest diligence
and speed possible in order that they
might set out from that place and go to
the city of Xauxa.[5]


And because there were among those soldiers
some who were old and more fit for
rest than for fatigues, and who in that war
had fought and served much, he gave them
leave to return to Spain. He procured
their good will so that, on returning, these
men would give fairer accounts of the greatness
and wealth of that land so that a sufficient
number of people would come thither[12]
to populate and advance it. For, in truth,
the land being very large and very full of
natives, the Spaniards who were in it then
were all too few for conquering it, holding
it and settling it, and, although they had
already done great things in conquering it,
it was owing more to the aid of God who,
in every place and occasion, gave them the
victory, than to any strength and means
which they had for succeeding, with that
further aid they were confident He would
sustain them in the future.


That melting of the metals completed,
the Governor commanded the notary to
draw up a document in which it said that
the cacique Atabalipa was free and absolved
from the promise and word which he had
given to the Spaniards, who were to take
the house full of gold in ransom for himself.
This document the Governor caused to be
proclaimed publicly and to the sound of
trumpets in the plaza of that city of Caxamalca,
making it known, at the same time,
to the said Atabalipa by means of an interpreter,[13]
and also he [the Governor] declared
in the same proclamation, that, because it
suited the service of H. M. and the security
of the land, he wished to maintain the cacique
as a prisoner with good guard, until more
Spaniards should arrive who should give
added security; for, the cacique being free,
he being so great a lord and having so many
soldiers who feared and obeyed him, prisoner
though he was, and three hundred leagues
[from his capital], he could not well do less
in order to free himself from all suspicion;
all the more so because many times it had
been thought almost certain that he had
given orders for warriors to assemble to
attack the Spaniards. This, as a matter
of fact, had been ordered by him, and the
men were all in readiness with their captains,
and the cacique only delayed the attack
because of the lack of freedom in his own
person and in that of his general Chilichuchima,[6]
who was also a prisoner. After some
days had passed, and when the Spaniards
were on the point of embarking in order to[14]
return to Spain, and the Governor was
making the rest ready for setting out for
Xauxa, God Our Lord, who with his infinite
goodness was guiding affairs toward all that
was best for his service, as will be [seen],
having already in this land Spaniards who
were to inhabit it and bring to the knowledge
of the true God the natives of the said land
so that Our Lord might always be praised
and known by these barbarians and so that
his Holy Faith might be extolled, permitted
the discovery and chastisement of the evil
plans which this proud tyrant had in mind
as a return for the many good works and kind
treatment which he had always received from
the governor and from each one of the Spaniards
of his company; which recompense,
according to his intention, was to have been
of the sort he was wont to give to the caciques
and lords of the land, ordering [his men] to
kill without let or cause whatever. For it
chanced that our discharged soldiers [were]
returning to Spain, he, seeing that they were
taking with them the gold that had been got[15]
from his land, and mindful of the fact that
but a short while ago he had been so great a
lord that he held all those provinces with
their riches without dispute or question, and
without considering the just causes for which
they had despoiled him of them, had given
orders that certain troops who, by his command,
had been assembled in the land of
Quito, should come, on a certain night at an
hour agreed upon, to attack the Spaniards
who were at Caxamalca, assaulting them
from five directions as they were in their
quarters, and setting fire wherever possible.
Thirty or more Spanish soldiers were marching
outside of Caxamalca, having been to
the city of San Miguel in order to place the
gold for H. M. on board ship, and [the
Inca] believed that as they were so few he
would be able easily to kill them before they
could join forces with those in Caxamalca[7]
... of which there was much information
from many caciques and from their chiefs
themselves, that all, without fear of torments
or menaces, voluntarily confessed this[16]
plot: [telling] how fifty thousand men of
Quito and many Caribes[8] came to the land,
and that all the confines contained armed
men in great numbers; that, not finding
supplies for them all thus united, he had
divided them into three or four divisions,
and that, though scattered in this fashion,
there were still so many that not finding
enough to sustain themselves, they had cut
down the still green maize and dried it so
that they might not lack for food. All this
having been learned, and being now a public
matter to all, and as it was clear that they
were saying in his [the Inca's] army that
they were coming to kill all the Christians,
and the governor seeing in how much peril
the government and all the Spaniards were,
in order to furnish a remedy, although it
grieved him much, nevertheless, after seeing
the information and process drawn up, assembled
the officials of H. M. and the captains
of his company and a Doctor who was
then in this army, and the padre Fray Vicente
de Valverde, a religious of the order of[17]
Santo Domingo sent by the Emperor our
Lord for the conversion and instruction of the
people of these realms; after there had been
much debate and discussion over the harm
and the profit that might follow upon the
continued life or the death of Atabalipa, it
was resolved that justice should be done upon
him. And because the officials of H. M.
asked for it and the doctor regarded the information
as sufficient, he was finally taken
from the prison in which he was, and, to
the sound of a trumpet, his treason and perfidy
were published, and he was borne to
the middle of the plaza of the city and tied
to a stake, while the religious was consoling
him and teaching him, by means of an interpreter,
the things of our christian faith,
telling him that God wished him to die for
the sins which he had committed in the
world, and that he must repent of them,
and that God would pardon him if he did
so and was baptised at once. He, [the Inca]
moved by this discourse, asked for baptism.
It was at once given to him by that reverend[18]
padre who aided him so much with his exhortation
that although he was sentenced
to be burned alive, he was given a twist of
rope around his neck, by means of which
he was throttled instead[9] but when he saw
that they were preparing for his death,
he said that he recommended to the governor
his little sons, so that he might take
them with him, and with these last words,
and while the Spaniards who stood around
him said the creed for his soul, he was
quickly throttled. May God take him to
his holy glory, for he died repentant of
his sins with the true faith of a Christian.
After he was thus hung, in fulfilment of
the sentence, fire was cast upon him so
that a part of his clothes and flesh was
burnt. That night [because he had died
in the late afternoon] his body remained
in the plaza in order that all might learn of
his death, and on the next day the Governor
ordered that all the Spaniards should be
present at his interment, and, with the cross
and other religious paraphernalia, he was[19]
borne to the church and buried with as much
solemnity as if he had been the chief Spaniard
of our camp. Because of this all the principal
lords and caciques who served him
received great pleasure, considering as great
the honour which was done them, and knowing
that, because he was a christian, he was
not burned alive, and he was interred in
church as if he were a Spaniard.


[21]


CHAPTER II


They choose as lord of the state of Atabalipa
his brother Atabalipa[10] in whose coronation they
observed ceremonies in accordance with the
usage of the caciques of those provinces. Of
the vassalage and obedience which Atabalipa
and many other caciques offered to the Emperor.


This done, the governor commanded the
immediate assembling in the chief plaza of
that city of all the caciques and principal
lords who were then living there in company
with the dead lord; they were many, and
from distant lands, and his intention was to
give them another lord who should govern
them in the name of H. M., for, as they were
accustomed to give always their obedience
and tribute to a sole lord, great confusion
would result if it were not thus, for each of
them would rise up with his own lordship,
and it would cost much toil to bring them[22]
into friendship with the Spaniards and into
the service of H. M. For this and many
other reasons the Governor made them assemble,
and finding among them a son of
Gucunacaba[11] called Atabalipa, a brother of
Atabalipa to whom by law the realm belonged,
he said to all that now that they saw how
Atabalipa was dead because of the treason
he had plotted against him [the Governor],
and because they were all left without a lord
who should govern them and whom they
should obey, he wished to give them a lord
who would please them all, and that he
[the lord] was Atabalipa who was there
present, to whom that kingdom legitimately
belonged as he was the son of that Gucunacaba
whom they had loved so much. He
[Atabalipa] was a young man who would
treat them with much love and who had
enough prudence to govern that land. He
[the Governor] urged them, nevertheless, to
look well to it that they wished him for a
lord, for if not, they were to name another,
and if he were capable, the governor would[23]
give him to them as lord. They replied that
since Atabalipa was dead, they would obey
Atabalipa or whomever else he should give
them, and so it was arranged that they should
yield obedience another day according to the
accustomed manner. When the next day
had come, once more they all assembled
before the door of the governor where was
placed the cacique in his chair and near him
all the other lords and chiefs, each in his
proper position. And due ceremonies having
been held, each one came to offer him a white
plume as a sign of vassalage and tribute, which
is an ancient custom dating from the time that
this land was conquered by these Cuzcos.[12]
This done, they sang and danced, making
a great festivity, in which the new king
neither arrayed himself in clothes of price
nor placed the fringe upon the forehead
in the manner in which the dead lord was
wont to wear it. And when the governor
asked him why he did so, he replied that it
was the custom of his ancestors when they
took possession of the realm to mourn the[24]
dead cacique and to pass three days in fasting,
shut up within their house, after which they
used to come forth with much pomp and
solemnity and hold great festivities, for which
reason he, too, would like to spend two days
in fasting. The Governor replied that since
it was an ancient custom he might keep it,
and that soon he would give him many things
which the Emperor our Lord sent to him,
which he would give to him and to all the
lords of those provinces. And at once the
cacique was placed for his fast in a place
apart from the assembly of the others, which
was a house that they had built for this purpose
since the day that notice was given by
the Governor; it was near the Governor's
lodging; on account of it the said Governor
and the other Spaniards were greatly astonished,
seeing how, in so short a time, so
large and fine a house had been built. In
it he was shut up and retired without anyone's
seeing him or entering that place save
the servants who waited on him and brought
him food, or the Governor when he wished[25]
to send him something. When the fast was
over, he came forth richly clad and accompanied
by many troops, caciques and chiefs
who guarded him, and all the places where
he was to sit were adorned with costly
cushions, and beneath his feet were placed
fine cloths. Seated near him was Calichuchima,
the great general of Atabalipa who
conquered this land, as was told in the account
of the affairs at Caxamalca, and near
him was also the captain Tice, one of the
chiefs, and on the other side were certain
brothers of the lord, while on both hands
were other caciques and captains and governors
of provinces and other lords of great
lands, and, in short, no one sat there who was
not of quality. They all ate together on the
ground, for they use no other table, and when
they had eaten, the cacique said that he
wished to give his obedience in the name of
H. M., as his chiefs had given it. The
Governor told him to do it in the way that
seemed best, and soon he [the cacique]
offered him [the governor] a white plume[26]
which had been given to him by his caciques,
saying that it was given as a token of obedience.
The Governor embraced him with
much love and received it, saying that he
wished to tell him the things which he was
to tell in the name of the Emperor, and it was
agreed between the two that they should
meet again for this purpose the following
day. When it had arrived, the Governor
presented himself in the assembly dressed
as well as possible in silken clothes and
accompanied by the officials of H. M. and
by some noblemen of his company who
assisted well-dressed for the greater solemnity
of this ceremony of friendship and peace,
and by his side he stationed the ensign with
the royal standard. Then the Governor began
asking each [cacique] in turn his name
and that of the land of which he was the
lord, and he ordered that it be taken down
by his secretary and scrivener, and there
were as many as fifty caciques and chiefs.
Then, facing all those people, he told them
that D. Carlos our lord of whom they were[27]
servants and vassals who were in his company,
had sent him to that land in order to give
them understanding and to preach to them
of how a sole Lord Creator of the sky and of
the earth, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
three distinct persons in one sole true God,
had created them and given them life and
being, and had brought to bear the fruits of
the land whereby they were sustained, and
that to this end he would teach them what
they were to do and observe in order to be
saved. And he told them how, by the command
of the all-powerful God, and of his
vicars upon earth, because he had gone to
heaven where he now dwells and will be
eternally glorified, those lands were given
to the Emperor in order that he might have
charge of them, who had sent him [Pizarro]
to instruct them in the christian faith and
place them under his obedience. He added
that it was all in writing and that they should
listen to it and fulfil that which he had read
to them, by means of an interpreter, word
for word. Then he asked them if they had[28]
understood, and they replied that they had,
and that since he had given them Atabalipa
for a lord, they would do all that he commanded
them to do in the name of H. M.,
holding as supreme lord the Emperor, then
the Governor, then Atabalipa, in order to do
as much as he commanded in his [H. M.'s]
name. Then the Governor took in his hands
the royal standard which he raised on high
three times, and he told them that, as vassals
of the Caesarian Majesty, they ought to do
likewise, and the cacique took it, and afterwards
the captains and the other chiefs, and
each one raised it aloft twice; then they went
to embrace the Governor who received them
with great joy through seeing their good will,
and with how much contentment they had
heard the affairs of God and of our religion.
The Governor wished that all this be drawn
up as testimony in writing, and when it was
over, the caciques and chiefs held great festivities,
so much so that every day there were
rejoicings such as games and feasts, usually
held in the house of the Governor.


[29]


CHAPTER III


While leading a new colony of Spaniards to
settle in Xauxa, they receive news of the death
of Guaritico,[13] brother of Atahualpa. Afterwards
they passed through the land of Guamachucho,[14]
Adalmach,[15] Guaiglia,[16] Puerto Nevado, and Capo
Tombo,[17] and they hear that in Tarma many
Indian warriors are waiting to attack them, on
account of which they take Calichuchima prisoner,
and then proceed intrepidly on their
journey to Cachamarca,[18] where they find much
gold.


At this time he [the Governor] had just
finished distributing the gold and silver which
were in that house among the Spaniards of
his company, and Atabalipa gave the gold
belonging to the royal fifths to the treasurer
of H. M. who took charge of it in order to
carry it to the city of Xauxa where he [the
Governor] intended to found a colony of
Spaniards on account of the reports he had
of the good surrounding provinces and of[30]
the many cities which there were about it.
To this end, he had the Spaniards arranged
in order and provided with arms and other
things for the journey, and when the time
for departure came, he gave them Indians
to carry their gold and burdens. Before
setting out, having heard how few soldiers
there were in San Miguel[19] for the purpose
of holding it, he took, from among those
Spaniards whom he was to take with him,
ten cavalrymen and a captain, a person of
great cautiousness, whom he ordered to go
to that city where he was to maintain himself
until ships should arrive with troops
who might guard it, after which he was
to go to Xauxa where he himself was about
to found a village of Spaniards and melt
the gold which he bore, promising that he
would give them all the gold that was due
them with as much punctuality as if they
were actually present, because his [the captain's]
return [to San Miguel] was very
necessary, that being the first city to be settled
and colonized for the Caesarian Majesty[31]
as well as the chief one because in it they
would have to wait there to receive the ships
which should come from Spain, to that
land.[20]


In this manner they set out with the instructions
which the Governor gave them as
to what they were to do in the pacification
of the people of that region. The Governor
set out one Monday morning, and on that
day travelled three leagues, sleeping by the
shore of a river where the news reached him
that a brother of Atabalipa called Guaritico
had been killed by some captains of Atabalipa
at his command. This Guaritico was a very
important person and a friend of the Spaniards,
and he had been sent by the Governor
from Caxamalca to repair the bridges and
bad spots in the road. The cacique pretended
to feel great heaviness because of his
death, and the Governor himself regretted
it because he liked him, and because he was
very useful to the Christians. The next
day the Governor set out from that place,
and, by his marches, arrived in the land of[32]
Guamachucho, eighteen leagues from Caxamalca.
Having rested there two days, he
set out for Caxamalca[21] nine leagues ahead,
and arrived there in three days, and rested
four in order that his troops might have
repose and opportunity to collect supplies
for the march to Guaiglia, twenty leagues
from there. Having left this village, he
came in three days to the Puerto de Nevado,
and a morning's march brought him within
a day's journey of Guaiglia; and the governor
commanded a captain of his, who
was the Marshal D. Diego de Almagro,
to go with troops and take a bridge two
leagues from Guaiglia, which bridge was
built in a manner that will soon be related.
This captain captured the bridge, which is
near a strong mountain that dominated that
land. The Governor did not delay in arriving
at the bridge with the rest of his men,
and having crossed it, he went on, in another
morning, which was Sunday, to Guaiglia.
Arrived there, they soon heard mass and
afterwards entered certain good rooms; having[33]
rested there eight days, he set forth with
the soldiers, and the next day crossed another
bridge of osiers,[22] which was above the said
river which here passes through a very delectable
valley. They journeyed thirty
leagues to the point where captain Hernando
Pizarro came when he went to Pachacamac,[23]
as will be seen in the long account which
was sent to H. M. of all that was done on
that journey to Pachacamac, from there to
the city of Xauxa and back to Caxamalca,
on the occasion on which he took with him
the captain Chilichuchima and other matters
which do not concern us here. The Governor
changed his route, and, by forced marches,
arrived at the land of Caxatambo.[24] From
there he went on without doing more than
to ask for some Indians who should carry
the gold of H. M. and of the soldiers, and
always using great vigilance in learning of
the affairs which took place in the land, and
always having both a vanguard and a rear-guard
as had been done up to that time
for fear that the captain Chilichuchima[34]
whom he had with him, would hatch some
treasonable plot, all the more so on account
of the suspicion he felt owing to the fact that
neither in Caxatambo nor in the eighteen
leagues after it had he met with any warriors,
nor were his fears lessened during a
halt in a village five leagues beyond because
all the people had fled without leaving a
living soul. When he had arrived there, a
Spaniard's Indian servant, who was from
that land of Pambo[25] distant from here
some ten leagues, and twenty from Xauxa,
came to him saying that he had heard that
troops had been assembled in Xauxa to kill
the Christians who were coming, and that
they had as captains Incorabaliba, Iguaparro,
Mortay[26] and another captain, all
four being important men who had many
troops with them, and the servant added
that they had placed a part of this force
in a village called Tarma five leagues from
Xauxa in order to guard a bad pass that
there was in a mountain and to cut and break
it up in such a way that the Spaniards could[35]
not pass by. Informed of this, the governor
gave orders that Chilichuchima should be
made a prisoner, because it was held to be
certain that that force had been made ready
by his advice and command, he thinking to
flee the Christians and to go to join it. Of
these matters the cacique Atabalipa was
unaware, and on this account, these [Spanish]
troops did not permit any Indian to pass by
in the direction of the cacique who might
give notice of these affairs. The reason why
these Indians had rebelled and were seeking
war with the Christians was that they saw
the land being conquered by the Spaniards,
and they themselves wished to govern it.


The Governor, before setting out from
that place, sent a captain with troops to take
a snowy pass three leagues ahead and then
to pass the night in some fields near Pombo,[27]
all of which the captain did, and he passed
the pass with much snow, but without encountering
any obstacle. And the Governor
crossed it likewise, without any opposition
save for the inconvenience caused by the[36]
snow falling upon them. They all spent
the night in that waste without a single
hut, and they lacked for wood and victuals.
Having arrived in the land of Pombo, the
Governor provided and commanded that
the soldiers should be lodged with the best
order and caution possible, because he had
news that the enemy were increasing every
moment, and it was held to be certain that
he would come here to assail the Spaniards,
and because of this, the Governor caused
the patrols and sentinels to be increased,
always spying upon the progress of the
enemy. After he had waited there another
day for certain envoys whom the cacique
Atabalipa had sent to learn what was going
on in Xauxa, one came who told how the
warriors were five leagues from Xauxa on
the road from Cuzco and were coming to
burn the town so that the Christians should
not find shelter, and that they intended
afterward to return to Cuzco to combine
under a captain named Quizquiz who was
there with many troops who had come from[37]
Quito by command of Atabalipa for the
security of the land. When this was learned
by the Governor, he caused to be made ready
seventy-five light horse, and with twenty
peones who guarded Chilichuchima, and without
the impediment of baggage, he set out
for Xauxa, leaving behind the treasurer with
the other troops who were guarding the camp
baggage and the gold of H. M., and of the
company. The day on which he set out
from Pombo, he travelled some seven leagues,
and he halted in a village called Cacamarca,[28]
and here they found seventy thousand pesos
of gold in large pieces, to guard which the
Governor left two Christians from the cavalry
in order that when the rear-guard should
arrive, it might be conducted well guarded.
Then, in the morning, he set forth with his
men in good array, for he had word that
three leagues from there were four thousand
men. And on the march three or four light
horsemen went ahead so that, if they should
meet a spy of the enemy's, they might take
him prisoner to prevent his giving warning[38]
of their coming. At the hour of noon, they
arrived at that bad pass of Tarma where
warriors were said to be waiting to defend it.
The pass seemed to be so full of difficulties
that it would be impossible to go up it, because
there was a bad road of stone down
into the gully where all the riders had to
dismount, after which it was necessary to
go up the heights by a slope about a league
long, the greater part of which was steep and
difficult forest, all of which was crossed
without any Indians who were said to be
armed making an appearance. And in the
afternoon, after the hour of vespers, the
Governor and his men arrived at that village
of Tarma where, because it was a bad site
and because he had news that Indians were
coming to it to surprise the Christians, he did
not wish to linger longer than was necessary
for feeding the horses and allaying their own
hunger and fatigue so as to enable them to
go forth prepared from that place which had
no other level spot than the plaza as it was
on a small slope surrounded by mountains[39]
for the space of a league. As it was already
night, he made his camp here, being always
on the alert and having the horses saddled.
And the men were without [proper] food
and even without any comfort because there
was neither fire-wood nor water, nor had
they brought their tents with them to shelter
them, because of which they all nearly died
of cold on account of the fact that it rained
much early in the night and then snowed so
that the arms and clothes were drenched.
But each one sought the best remedy he
could, and so that evil and troublous night
passed to the dawn when he commanded that
all mount their horses so as to arrive early
at Xauxa which was four leagues from there.
When two had been crossed over, the Governor
divided the seventy-five soldiers between
three captains, giving fifteen to each, and
taking with him the remaining twenty and
the twenty peones who were guarding Chilichuchima.
In this order they journeyed
to Porsi a league from Xauxa, having given
each captain orders as to what he was to do,[40]
and they all halted in a small village which
they encountered. Then they all marched
on in complete accord, and gave a look at the
city. They all halted again on a slope within
a quarter of a league of it.


[41]


CHAPTER IV


They arrive at the city of Xauxa; they leave
some soldiers there to guard that place, and
others go against the army of the enemy with
which they fight. They win a victory, and return
to Xauxa.


The natives all came out along the road
in order to look at the Christians, celebrating
much their coming because they thought
that, through it, they would issue forth from
the slavery in which that foreign army [the
Incas] held them. [The Spaniards] wished
to await a later hour in the day at this place,
but, seeing that no warriors appeared, they
began their journey so as to enter the city.
On going down that little slope, they saw
running toward them at great speed an
Indian with a lance erect, and when he came
up to them it was found that he was a servant
of the Christians who said that his master[42]
had sent him to inform them that they must
hold themselves in readiness because their
enemies were in the city, and that two Christians
from the cavalry had been sent ahead
of the rest, and that they had entered the
city to see the buildings there, and while they
were inspecting it, they saw some twenty
Indians who came out of certain houses with
their lances and other arms, calling to others
to come forth and join with them. The
two Christians, seeing them thus assemble,
without heeding their cries and clamour,
attacked them, killed several, and put the
others to flight; the latter soon joined with
others who came to their aid, and they
formed a mass of some two hundred which
the Spaniards again attacked, in a narrow
street, and broke, forcing them to retreat to
the bank of a great river which passes by
that city, and then one of these Spaniards
sent the Indian as I have said, with raised
lance as a sign that there were armed enemies
in the city. This having been heard, the
Spaniards set spur to their horses, and,[43]
without delay, arrived at the city and entered
it; and when they joined their companions,
the latter told them what had
occurred with those Indians. The captains,
running in the direction in which the enemy
had retreated, arrived at length at the bank
of the river, which was then very full, and
on the other shore, at a distance of a quarter
of a league, they descried the squadrons of
their enemies. Then, having passed the river
with no little toil and danger, they gave chase
to them. The Governor remained guarding
the city because it was said that there were
enemies hidden within it, as well. The Indians
perceiving that the Christians had
crossed the river, they began to retreat,
drawn up in two squadrons. One of the
Spanish captains, with his fifteen light horsemen,
spurred ahead toward the slope of the
hill for which they [the Indians] were making
so that they could not retreat thither and
fortify themselves. The other two captains
kept right up with them, overtaking them in
a field of maize near the river. There they[44]
put them in disorder and routed them,
capturing as many as possible, so that of six
hundred [Indians] not more than twenty or
thirty, who took to the mountains before
the other captain with his fifteen men could
arrive, saved themselves. Most of the Indians
made for the water, thinking to save
themselves in it, but the light horsemen
crossed the river almost by swimming after
them, and they did not leave one alive save
some few who had hidden themselves in
their flight after their army was broken in
pieces. Then the Spaniards ran through
the country as far as a league below without
finding a single Indian. Then, having returned,
they rested themselves and their
horses, which were in great need of it; both
because of the long journey of the day before
and on account of their having run those two
leagues, they were rather crippled. When
the truth was learned as to what troops
those were [with whom the Spaniards had
fought], it was found that the four captains
and the main body were encamped six leagues[45]
down the river from Xauxa, and that, on
that very day, they had sent those six hundred
men to complete the burning of the city
of Xauxa, having already burned the other
half of it seven or eight days before, and that
they had then burned a great edifice which
was in the plaza, as well as many other things
before the eyes of the people of that city,
together with many clothes and much maize,
so that the Spaniards should not avail themselves
of them. The citizens were left so
hostile to those other Indians that if one of
the latter hid, they showed him to the Christians
so that they would kill him, and they
themselves aided in killing them, and they
would even have done so with their own hands
if the Christians had permitted it. The
Spanish captains, having studied the place
where these enemies were found as well as
the road, along a part of which they journeyed,
they determined not to shut themselves up
in Xauxa, but to pass onward and attack
the main body of the army which was four
leagues off before it should receive news of[46]
their coming. With this intention, they commanded
the soldiers to make ready, but their
proposal did not come to pass because they
found the horses so weary that they held it
to be better council to retire, which they did.
Arrived in Xauxa, they recounted to the
Governor all that had happened, with which
he was well pleased, and he received them
cheerfully, thanking them all for having
borne themselves so valorously. And he
told them that by all means he intended to
attack the camp of the enemy because, although
they were advised of the victory, it
was certain that they would be waiting. At
once he ordered his master of the camp to
lodge the men and let them rest during what
remained of the day and through the night
until moon-rise, and that then they should
make ready to go and attack their enemies.
At that hour fifty light horsemen were in
readiness, and at the sound of the trumpet
they presented themselves, armed and with
their horses, at the lodging of the Governor
who despatched them very soon upon their[47]
road. Fifteen horsemen remained with him
in the city together with the twenty peones
who made the guard all of each night with
the horses saddled, until the captain of that
sally returned, which was in five days. He
related to the governor all that had happened
from the time of his departure, telling how,
on the night he left Xauxa, he journeyed
some four leagues before dawn, with much
eagerness to attack the enemy's camp before
they were warned of his coming; and being
now near [the enemy] at dawn, they saw a
great mass of smoke in the place of their
encampment, which seemed to be two leagues
further on. And so he spurred on with his
men at a great pace, thinking that the enemy,
warned of his approach, had fled and that
the buildings that there were in a village were
burning. And so it was, because they had
fled, after having set fire to that wretched
hamlet. Arrived at that place, the Spaniards
followed the footsteps of the warriors through
a very broad valley. And as they overtook[48]
them they collided with the enemy who were
going more slowly with many women and
children in their rear-guard, and the Spaniards,
leaving these behind them in order to catch
up with the men, ran more than four leagues,
and caught up with some of their squadrons.
As some of them [the Indians] saw the
Castilians from some distance, they had time
to take shelter on a mountain and save themselves;
others, who were few, were killed,
leaving in the power of the Spaniards (who,
because their horses were tired, did not wish to
go up the mountain) many spoils and women
and children. And as it was already night,
they returned to sleep in a village which they
had left behind. And the following day these
Spaniards determined to follow them as they
fled back to Cuzco so as to take from them
certain bridges of net-work and to prevent
their crossing. But, because of lack of
pasturage for their horses, they found themselves
obliged to fall back, to the dissatisfaction
of the Governor because they had[49]
not at least followed and taken those bridges
so as to prevent the Indians from returning
to Cuzco; it was feared that, being strange
people, they would do great harm to the
citizens of those places.


[51]


CHAPTER V


They name new officials in the city of Xauxa
in order to establish a settlement of Spaniards,
and, having had news of the death of Atabalipa,
with great prudence and much craftiness in order
to keep themselves in the good graces of the Indians,
they discuss the appointment of a new lord.


And for this reason, as soon as the baggage
and the rear-guard, which he had left at
Pombo, had arrived, he [the Governor]
published an edict to the effect that whereas
he was determined to found a settlement of
Spaniards in the name of H. M., all those
who wished to settle there might do so. But
there was not one Spaniard who wished to
remain, and they said that so long as there
were warriors all about in that land with
arms in their hands the natives of that province
would not be at the service and disposal
of the Spaniards and in obedience to
H. M. When this was observed by the[52]
Governor, he determined not to lose time
then in that matter, but to go against the
enemy in the direction of Cuzco in order to
drive them from that province and rout them
from all of it. In the meanwhile, in order to
put in order the affairs of that city, he founded
the village in the name of H. M., and created
officials of justice for it [and for its citizens]
who were eighty in number, of whom forty
were light horsemen whom he left there as
a garrison, and, [leaving also] the treasurer,
who was to guard the gold of H. M. and to
act in all matters as head and chief in command
of the government.[29] While these
things were being done, the cacique Atabalipa
came to die, of his illness; because of
this, the Governor and all the other Spaniards
felt great sorrow, because it was certain
that he was very prudent and had much
love for the Spaniards. It was given out
publicly that the captain Calichuchima had
caused his death because he desired that the
land should remain with the people of Quito
and not with either those of Cuzco or with[53]
the Spaniards, and if that cacique ["Atabalipa"]
had lived, he [Calichuchima] would
not have been able to succeed in what he
desired to do. At once, the Governor had
Calichuchima and Tizas[30] and a brother of
the cacique and other leading chiefs and
caciques who had come from Caxamalca
summoned to him; to them he said that
they must know very well that he had given
them Atabalipa as a lord and that, now that
he was dead, they ought to think of whom
they would like as lord in order that he
might give him to them. There was a great
difference of opinion between them on this
subject because Calichuchima wished the
son of Atabalipa and brother of the dead
cacique Aticoc[31] as lord, and others, who
were not of the land of Quito, wished the
lord to be a native of Cuzco and proposed
a brother of Atabalipa (as lord). The Governor
said to those who wished as lord the
brother of Atabalipa that they should send
and have him summoned and that after
he had come, if he found him to be a man[54]
of worth, he would appoint him. And with
this reply that meeting came to an end.
And the Governor, having called aside the
captain Calichuchima, spoke to him in these
words: "You already know that I loved
greatly your lord Atabalipa and that I have
always wished him to leave a son after
he died, and that this son should be lord,
and that you, who are already a prudent man,
should be his captain until he had reached
the age of governing his dominions, and for
this reason I greatly desire that he should
be called soon, because, for love of his father,
I love him much, and you likewise. But at
the same time, since all these caciques who
are here are your friends and since you have
much influence with the soldiers of their
nation, it would be well that you send them
word by messengers to come in peace, because
I do not wish to be enraged against
them and to kill them, as you see I am doing,
when I wish that the affairs of these provinces
should be quiet and peaceful." This captain
had a great desire, as has been said, that the[55]
son of Atabalipa should be lord, and knowing
this, the Governor slyly spoke these words
to him and gave him this hope, not because
he had any intention of carrying it out,[32] but
in order that, in the meanwhile, that son of
Atabalipa might come for this purpose (and)
might cause those caciques who had taken
up arms [also] to come to him in peace.
It was likewise agreed that he should say to
Aticoc and to the other lords of the province
of Cuzco that he [the Governor] would
give them as lord him whom they wished,
because it was necessary that those things
which were for the good of all should thus
be governed in the state. He tried to give
to Calichuchima words that [would enable
him] to cause the people who were in Cuzco
with arms to lay them down in order that
they might do no harm to the people of the
country, and those of Cuzco, because they
were true friends of the Christians, gave
them notice of all that the enemy were trying
to do and of all that was going on in the
country, and for this reason and others the[56]
Governor said this with great prudence.
Chilichuchima, to whom he told it, showed
as much pleasure at these words as if he had
been made lord of the whole world, and he
replied that he would do as he was ordered
and that it would cause him much pleasure
if the caciques and soldiers were to come
in peace[33] and that he would despatch
messengers to Quito in order that the son
of Atabalipa might come. But he feared
that two great captains who were with him
would prevent it, and would not let him
come. Nevertheless he would send such a
person of importance with the embassy that
he thought that all would conform with his
wish. And soon he added, "Sir, since you
wish me to cause these caciques to come,
take off this chain [which I wear] for, seeing
me with it, no one wishes to obey me."
The Governor, in order that he should not
suspect that he had feigned what he had
said to him, told him that he was pleased
to do so, but on the condition that he was
to put a guard of Christians over him until[57]
after he had caused those soldiers who were
at war to come in peace and until the son
of Atabalipa had come.[34] He [Chalcuchima]
was satisfied with this, and so he was released,
and the Governor put him under a
good guard, because that captain was the
key [the possession of which ensured] having
the land quiet and subjected. This
precaution taken, and the troops who were
to go with the Governor toward Cuzco being
made ready, the number of whom was
one hundred horsemen and thirty peons,
he [the Governor] ordered a captain to
go ahead with seventy horsemen and some
peons in order to rebuild the bridges which
had been burned, and the Governor remained
behind while he was giving orders for many
matters touching the welfare of the city and
Republic which he was to leave already well
established, and in order to await the reply
of the Christians whom he had sent to the
coast in order to examine the ports and set
up crosses in them in case some one should
come to reconnoitre the land.


[59]


CHAPTER VI


Description of the bridges which the natives
are wont to make in order to cross the rivers;
and of the toilsome journey which the Spaniards
had, in going to Cuzco, and of the arrival at
Panarai and Tarcos.


This captain departed with those who were
to follow him on Thursday, and the Governor
with the rest of the troops, and Chilichuchima
with his guard left the following Monday.
In the morning they were all ready with their
arms and other necessary things; the journey
they were to make being long, they were to
leave all the baggage in Xauxa, it not being
convenient to carry it with them on that
journey. The Governor journeyed two days
down the valley along the bank of the Xauxa
River, which was very delectable and peopled
in many places, and on the third day he
arrived at a bridge of net-work which is over
the said river and which the Indian soldiers[60]
had burned after they crossed over, but
already the captain who had gone ahead had
made the natives rebuild it. And in the
places where they build these bridges of net-work,
where the rivers are swollen, this
inland country far from the sea being densely
populated, and because almost none of the
Indians knows how to swim, because of
which even though the rivers are small and
might be forded, they nevertheless throw
out these bridges, and after this fashion;
If the two banks of the river are stony, they
raise upon them large walls of stone, and then
they place four [ropes of] pliable reeds two
palms or a little less in thickness, and between
them, after the fashion of wattle-work, they
weave green osiers two fingers thick and well
intertwined, in such a way that some are not
left more slack than others, and all are well
tied. And upon these they place branches
crosswise in such a way that the water is not
seen, and in this way they make the floor of
the bridge. And in the same manner they
weave a balustrade of these same osiers along[61]
the side of the bridge so that no one may fall
into the water, of which, in truth, there is
no danger, although to one who is not used
to it, the matter of crossing appears a thing
of danger because, the span being long, the
bridge bends when one goes over it, so that
one goes continually downward until the
middle is reached, and from there he keeps
going up until he has finished crossing to the
other bank, and when the bridge is being
crossed, it trembles very much, so that it
goes to the head of him who is not accustomed
to it. Ordinarily they make two bridges
close together, so that, as they say, the lords
may cross by one and the common people
by another. They keep guards over them,
and the lords of all the land keep them there
continuously in order that if someone should
steal gold or silver or anything else from him
or from some other lord of the land, he would
not be able to cross. And those who guard
these bridges have their houses nearby, and
they always have in their hands osiers and
wattles and cords in order to mend the bridges[62]
if they are injured or even to rebuild them if
need were. The guards who were in charge
of this bridge when the Indians who burned
it passed over, hid the materials which they
had for mending it, for otherwise the Indians
would have burned them also, and for this
reason they rebuilt it in so short a space of
time in order that the Spaniards might cross
over. The Spanish cavalry and the Governor
crossed by one of these bridges, although,
on account of its being new and not well
made, they had much trouble because the
captain who had gone ahead with seventy
cavalrymen had made many holes in it so
that it was half destroyed. Still, the horses
got over without endangering themselves,
although nearly all stumbled because the
bridge moved and trembled so, but, as I have
said, the bridge was made in such a way that
even though they were thrown upon their
knees, they could not fall into the water. As
soon as all were over, the Governor encamped
in some groves near which ran some streams
of beautiful clear water. Later they proceeded[63]
on their journey two leagues along
the shore of that river through a narrow
valley on both sides of which were very high
mountains, and in some places, this valley
through which the river passes has so little
space that there is not more than a stone's
throw from the foot of the mountain to the
river, and in other places, because of the
slope of the mountain, there is but little
more. Two leagues of this valley having
been travelled, they came to another bridge,
a small one over another river, over which
the troops passed on foot while the horses
forded, as much on account of the bridge
being in bad order as on account of the fact
that the water was low at that time. Having
crossed the river, he [the Governor] began
to climb a very steep and long mountain all
made of steps of very small stones.[35] Here
the horses toiled so much that, when they
had finished going up, the greater part of
them had lost their shoes and worn down
the hoofs of all four feet. That mountain,
which lasted for more than half a league,[64]
having been overcome, and having journeyed
for a bit in the evening along a slope, the
Governor with his men arrived at a village
which the hostile Indians had sacked and
burned, on account of which neither people
nor maize was found in it, nor any other food,
and the water was very far off because the
Indians had broken the aqueducts which
came to the city, which was a great evil and
of much inconvenience for the Spaniards who,
because they had found the road hard, toilsome
and long on that day, needed good
lodging. The next day the Governor set out
from there and went to sleep in another
village which, although it was very large and
fine and full of houses, had as little food in
it as the last one; and this village is called
Panarai. The Governor wondered greatly
with his men at finding here neither food
nor anything else, because this place belonged
to one of the lords who had been with Atabalipa
and with the dead lord in the company
of the Christians, and he had come in their[65]
company as far as Xauxa, [where] he said
he wished to go ahead in order to prepare in
this land his victuals and other things necessary
for the Spaniards. And when they
found here neither him nor his people, it was
held to be certain that the country-side had
revolted. And not having had any letter
from the captain who had gone ahead with
the seventy horsemen, save which let them
know that he was going right after the hostile
Indians, it was feared that the foe had
taken some step whereby he was prevented
from sending any messenger. The Spaniards
sought so much, that they found some maize
and ewes, ... and the next day, early, they
set out and arrived at a village called Tarcos,
where they met the cacique of the district
and some men who told them of the day on
which had passed that way some Christians
who were going to fight with the enemy who
had established their camp in a neighboring
settlement. All received this news with great
pleasure, and they found a good reception in[66]
that place, because the cacique had brought
to the plaza a large quantity of maize, fire-wood,
ewes, and other things of which the
Spaniards had great need.


[67]


CHAPTER VII


While proceeding on their journey they have
news sent by the forty Spanish horsemen of the
state of the Indian army with which the latter
had fought victoriously.


On the next day, which was Saturday, All
Saints' day, the friar who was with this company
said mass in the morning, according to
the custom of saying it on such a day, and
later all set out and journeyed until they
arrived at a full river three leagues beyond,
always descending from the mountains by a
rough and long slope. This river, likewise,
had a net-work bridge which, being broken,
made it necessary to ford the stream, and
afterwards a very large mountain was ascended
which, looked at from below, seemed
impossible of ascent by the very birds of the
air, and still more so by men on horseback
toiling over the ground. But the climb was[68]
made less arduous for them by the fact that
the road went up in spirals, and not straight.
The greater part, however, was made of large
steps of stone which greatly fatigued the
horses and wore down and injured their
hoofs, even though they were led by the
bridle. In this manner a long league was
surmounted, and another was traversed by
a more easy road along a declivity, and in
the afternoon the Governor with the Spaniards
arrived at a small village of which a
part was burned, and in the other part,
which had remained whole, the Spaniards
settled. And in the evening two Indian
couriers, sent by the captain who was ahead,
arrived. They brought news, in letters to
the Governor, that the captain had arrived
with all speed at the land of Parcos[36] which
he had left behind him, having had news
that the [Indian] captains were thereabout
with all the hostile forces; [but] he did not
encounter them, and it was held to be certain
that they had withdrawn to Bilcas,[37]
and through so much of the road as he traversed[69]
until coming to [a place] within five
leagues of Bilcas, where he spent the night,
he marched secretly in order not to be forestalled
by certain spies who were placed a
league from Bilcas. And having news that
the enemy were in a town without having
warning of his coming, the captain was delighted,
and, having gone down the rather
difficult slope where that place was, at dawn
he entered [the town where some warriors
were lodged with few precautions].[38] The
Spanish cavalry began to attack them in
the plazas until so many had been killed or
had fled that no one remained; because
there were a few Indian soldiers who had
retired to a mountain on one side of the
road who, as soon as the day became bright
and they saw the Spaniards, assembled in
squadrons, and came against them crying
out Ingres,[39] which name they hold to be
very insulting, being that of a contemned
people who live in the hot lands of the
sea-coast, and because that province was
cold and the Spaniards wore clothes over[70]
their flesh, [the Indians] called them Ingres
and threatened them with slavery as they
were few, not more than forty, and defying
them by saying that they would come down
to where they were. The captain, although
he knew that that was a bad place for fighting
on horseback, of which position the
Spaniards could little avail themselves there,
nevertheless, in order that the enemy should
not think that he would not fight from lack
of spirit, took with him thirty horsemen,
leaving the rest to guard the town, and went
down through a cleft[40] in the mountain by
a very painful slope. The enemy boldly
awaited them and in the shock of battle they
killed one horse and wounded two others,
but finally, all being dispersed, some fled in
one direction and others in another over the
mountain [by] a very rough road where the
horses could neither follow them nor injure
them. At this juncture, an [Indian] captain
who had fled from the village, and who knew
that they had killed one horse and wounded
two, said "Come, let us turn back and fight[71]
with these men until not one is left alive, for
there are but a few of them!" and at once all
returned with more spirit and greater impetuosity
than before, and in this way a sharper
battle than the first was fought. At the end,
the Indians fled and the horsemen followed
them in all directions as long as they could.
In these two encounters more than six hundred
men were left dead, and it is believed
also that Maila, one of their captains, died,
and the Indians affirmed it also, and they, on
their part, when they killed a horse, cut off
his head and put it on a lance which they
bore before them like a standard. [The
Spanish captain] likewise informed [his men]
that he intended to rest there for three days
out of consideration for the wounded Christians
and horses, and that later they would
set out to take, first of all, a bridge of net-work
which was near there, so that the fugitive
enemies should not cross it and go to
join with Quizquiz[41] in Cuzco and with the
garrison of troops he had there, which was
said to be waiting for the Spaniards in a bad[72]
pass near Cuzco. But, although they found
it to be more than bad, they hoped in God
who, in whatever place that battle might be
fought, even in a land all rough and stony,
would not permit the Indians to be able to
defend themselves any where, no matter how
difficult and toilsome it might be, nor to
attack the Spaniards in any bad pass. And,
having set out from here and having crossed
the bridge three leagues from Cuzco [the captain
declared] that he would there await the
Governor as he had informed him by swift
messenger Indians of what had occurred.


[73]


CHAPTER VIII


After having suffered various inconveniences,
and having passed the cities of Bilcas and of
Andabailla,[42] and before arriving at Airamba,[43]
they have letters from the Spaniards in which
they ask for the aid of thirty cavaliers.


Having received this letter, the Governor
and all the Spaniards who were with him
were filled with infinite content over the victory
which the captain had obtained, and at
once he sent it, together with another, to
the city of Xauxa, to the treasurer and to
the Spaniards who had remained there in
order that they might share in the gladness
over the victory of the captain. And likewise
he sent despatches to the captain and
the Spaniards who were with him congratulating
them much on the victory they had
won, and begging them and counseling them
to be governed in these matters more by prudence[74]
than by confidence in their own
strength, and commanding, at all events,
that, having passed the last bridge, they
should await him [the Governor] there so
that they might then enter the city of Cuzco
all together. This done, the Governor set
out the following day and went by a rough
and tiring road through rocky mountains
and over ascents and descents of stone steps
from which all believed they could only bring
their horses with difficulty, considering the
road already traversed and that still to be
traversed. They slept that night in a village
on the other side of the river, which here,
as elsewhere, had a bridge of net-work. The
horses crossed through the water and the
footsoldiers and the servants of the Spaniards
by the bridge. On the next day they
had a good road beside the river where they
encountered many wild animals, deer and
antelope; and that day they arrived at nightfall
at some rooms in the vicinity of Bilcas
where the captain who was going ahead had
made halt in order to travel by night and so[75]
enter Bilcas without being found out, as he
did enter it, and here was received another
letter from him in which he said that he had
left Bilcas two days before, and had come to
a river four leagues ahead which he had
forded because the bridge had been burned,
and here he had understood that the captain
Narabaliba was fleeing with some twenty
Indians and that he had met two thousand
Indians whom the captain of Cuzco had sent
to him as aid who, as soon as they knew of
the rout at Bilcas, turned around and fled
with him, endeavouring to join with the
scattered remnants of those who were fleeing,
in order to await them [the Spaniards]
in a village called Andabailla,[44] and [the
Spanish captain said] that he was resolved
not to stay his course until he should encounter
them. These announcements being
understood by the Governor, he first thought
of sending aid to the captain, but later he
did not do so because he considered that if
there were to be a battle at all it would have
occurred already and the aid would not arrive[76]
in time, and he determined furthermore
not to linger a single day until he should
catch up with him, and in this way he set
out for Bilcas which he entered very early
the following day, and on that day he did
not wish to go further. This city of Bilcas[45]
is placed on a high mountain and is a large
town and the head of a province. It has a
beautiful and fine fortress; there are many
well built houses of stone, and it is half-way
by road from Xauxa to Cuzco. And on the
next day the Governor encamped on the
other side of the river, four leagues from
Bilcas, and although the day's march was
short, it was nevertheless toilsome because it
was entirely a descent almost all composed
of stone steps, and the troops waded the
river with much fatigue because it was very
full, and he set up his camp on the other
bank among some groves. Scarcely had the
Governor arrived here, when he received a
letter from the captain who was reconnoitring
in which the latter informed him that
the enemy had gone on five leagues and were[77]
in waiting on the slope of a mountain in a
land called Curamba,[46] and that there were
many warriors there, and that they had
made many preparations and had arranged
great quantities of stones so that the Spaniards
would not be able to go up. The
Governor, when he understood this, although
the captain did not ask him for aid, believed
that it was necessary now, and he at once
ordered the Marshal D. Diego de Almagro
to get ready with thirty light horsemen,
well equipped as to arms and horses, and
he did not wish him to take a single peon
with him, because he ordered him [Almagro]
not to delay for anything until he should
come up with the captain who was ahead
with the others. And when he [Almagro]
had set out, the Governor likewise started,
on the following day, with ten horsemen
and the twenty peons who were guarding
Chilichuchima, and he quickened his
pace so much that day that of two days'
marches he made one. And just as he
was about to arrive at the village called[78]
Andabailla, where he was to sleep, an Indian
came to him on the run to say that on a certain
slope of the mountain, which he pointed
out with his finger, there had been discovered
hostile troops of war, on which account, the
Governor, armed as he was and on horseback,
went with the Spaniards he had with
him to take the summit of that slope, and he
examined the whole of it without finding the
warriors of whom the Indian had spoken,
because they were troops native to the land
who were fleeing from the Indians of Quito
because the latter did them very great harm.
The Governor and company having arrived
at that village of Andabailla, they supped
and spent the night there. On the next day,
they arrived at the village of Airamba from
where the captain had written that he was
with the armed troops waiting for them upon
the road.[47]


[79]


CHAPTER IX


Having arrived at a village, they find much
silver in plates twenty-feet long. Proceeding on
their journey, they receive letters from the
Spaniards relating the brisk and adverse struggle
they had had against the army of the Indians.


Here were found two dead horses,[48] from
which it was suspected that some misfortune
had befallen the captain. But, having entered
the village, they learned, from a letter
that arrived before they retired for the
night, that the captain had here encountered
some warriors, and that, in order to
gain the mountain, he had gone up a slope
where he had found assembled a great
quantity of stone, a sign which showed
that they [the Indians] wished to guard
[the pass], and that they were gone in
search of [other] Indians because they had
warning that [the Spaniards] were not far[80]
off and that the two horses had died of so
many changes from heat to cold. He [the
captain] wrote nothing of the aid which
the Governor had sent to him, because of
which it was thought that it had not yet
arrived. The next day the Governor set
out from there, and slept [the next night]
by a river whose bridge had been burned by
the enemy, so that it was necessary to ford
it, with great fatigue on account of the fact
that the current was very swift and the
bottom very stony. On the next day, they
encamped at a town in the houses of which
was found much silver in large slabs twenty
feet long, one broad, and one or two fingers
thick. And the Indians who were there related
that those slabs belonged to a great
cacique and that one of the lords of Cuzco
had won them and had carried them off thus
in plates, together with those of which the
conquered cacique had built a house.[49] The
next day, the Governor set out in order to
cross the last bridge, which was almost three
leagues from there. Before he arrived at[81]
that river, a messenger came with a letter
from the captain in which he informed him
that he had arrived at the last bridge with
great speed in order that the enemy should
not have opportunity to burn it; but that,
at the time of his arrival there, they had
finished burning it, and as it was already
late, he did not wish to cross the river that
same day, but had gone to camp in a village
which was nearby. The next day,
he [the captain] had passed through the
water, which came to the breasts of the
horses, and had proceeded straight along the
road to Cuzco which was twelve leagues from
there; and as, on the way, he was informed
that, on a neighbouring mountain [where]
forts had been built, all the enemies were
hoping that the next day Quizquiz would
come to their aid with reënforcements from
the troops which he had in Cuzco, for this
reason he [the captain] had spurred ahead
with all speed together with fifty horsemen,[50]
for ten had been left guarding the
baggage and certain gold which had been[82]
found in the rout of Bilcas. And one Saturday,
at noon, they had begun to go up on
horseback a slope which lasted well over a
league, and, being wearied by the sharp
ascent and by the mid-day heat, which was
very great, they stopped awhile and gave to
the horses some maize which they had because
the natives of a village nearby had
brought it to them. Then, proceeding on
their journey, the captain, who rode a cross-bow
shot ahead, saw the enemy on the
summit of the mountain, which they entirely
covered, and [he saw] that three or four
thousand were coming down in order to
pass the point where they [the Spaniards]
were. Because of this, although he called
to the Spaniards to put themselves in battle-array,
he could not hope to join them, because
the Indians were already very near
and were coming with great rapidity. But
with those who were in readiness, he advanced
to give battle [to the Indians],
and the Spaniards who kept coming up
mounted the slope of the mountain, some on[83]
one hand, others on the other. They dashed
among those of the enemy who were foremost
without waiting for the beginning of the
fight, save for defending themselves against
the stones which were hurled upon them,
until they mounted to the summit of the
mountain, in which deed they thought they
saw a certain victory to be accomplished.
The horses were so tired that they could not
get breath in order to attack with impetuosity
such a multitude of enemies, nor did the
latter cease to inconvenience and harass them
continually with the lances stones and arrows
which they hurled at them, so they fatigued
all to such an extent that the riders could
hardly keep their horses at the trot or even
at the pace. The Indians, perceiving the
weariness of the horses, began to charge with
greater fury, and five Christians, whose
horses could not go up to the summit of the
slope, were charged so furiously by so many
of the throng that to two of them it was
impossible to alight, and they were killed
upon their horses. The others fought on[84]
foot very valorously, but at length, not being
seen by any companions who could bring
them aid, they remained prisoners, and only
one was killed without being able to lay hand
upon his sword or to defend himself, the
cause of which was that a good soldier was
left dead beside him, the tail of his horse
having been seized which prevented his going
ahead with the rest. They [the Indians]
opened the heads of all by means of their
battle-axes and clubs; they wounded eighteen
horses and six Christians; but none of
the wounds were dangerous save those of one
horse which died of them. It pleased God
Our Lord that the Spaniards should gain a
plain which was near that mountain, and the
Indians collected on a hill nearby. The captain
commanded half of his men to take the
bridles off their horses and let them drink in
a rivulet that ran there, and then to do the
same for the other half, which was done
without being hindered by the enemies.
Then, the captain said to all: "Gentlemen,
let us withdraw from here step by step down[85]
this declivity in such a way that the enemy
may think that we are fleeing from them,
in order that they may come in search of us
below, for, if we can attract them to this
plain, we will attack them all of a sudden in
such a manner that I hope not one of them
will escape from our hands. Our horses are
already somewhat tired, and if we put the
enemy to flight, we shall end by gaining the
summit of the mountain." And thus it was
that some of the Indians, thinking that the
Spaniards were retreating, came down below,
throwing stones at them, with their slings,
and shooting arrows.[51] When this was seen
by the Christians, [they knew] that now
was their time, [and] they turned their
horses' heads, and before the Indians could
gather together on the mountain where they
were before, some twenty of them were
killed. When this was seen by the others,
and when they perceived that there was
little safety in the place where they were,
they left that mountain and retired to
another one which was higher. The captain,[86]
with his men, finished climbing the
mountain, and there, because it was already
night, he camped with his soldiers. The
Indians also camped two cross-bow shots
away, in such a manner that in either camp
could be heard the voices in the other. The
captain caused the wounds to be cared for
and posted patrols and sentinels for the night,
and he ordered that all the horses were to
remain saddled and bridled until the following
day, on which he was to fight with the
Indians. And he tried to cheer his men up
and renew their valor, saying: "that by all
means it was necessary to attack the enemy
the following morning without delaying an
instant, because he had news that the captain
Quizquiz was coming with great reënforcements,
and by no means should they
wait until he joined forces with them." All
showed as much spirits and confidence as if
they already had the victory in their hands,
and again the captain comforted them, saying:
"he held the day just passed through
to be more perilous than that which awaited[87]
them on the morrow, and that God Our Lord
who had delivered them from danger in the
past would grant them victory in the future,
and that they should look to it whether, on
the day before, when their horses were so
weary, they had attacked their enemies with
disadvantage and had routed them and driven
them from their fortresses, even though their
own number did not exceed fifty, and that of
the enemy eight thousand; ought they not,
then, to hope for victory when they were
fresh and rested?" With these and other
spirited conversations, that night was passed,
and the Indians were in their own camp,
uttering cries and saying: "Wait, Christians,
until dawn, when you are all to die,
and we shall take away from you just as
many horses as you have!"[52] and they
added insulting words in their language having
determined to enter into combat with
the Christians as soon as it should dawn,
believing them and their horses to be weary
on account of the toil of the day before
and because they saw them to be so few in[88]
numbers and because they knew that many
of the horses were wounded. In this manner
the same thought prevailed on the one
side and on the other, but the Indians firmly
believed that the Christians would not escape
from them.[53]


[89]


CHAPTER X


News comes of the victory won by the Spaniards,
even to their putting the Indian army to
flight. They command that a chain be placed
about the neck of Chilichuchima, holding him to
be a traitor. They cross the Rimac[54] and all
reunite once more at Sachisagagna,[55] where they
burn Chilichuchima.


This news reached the Governor near the
last river, as I have said, and he, without
showing any change in his countenance, communicated
it to the ten horsemen and twenty
peons whom he had with him, consoling
them all with good words which he spoke to
them, although they were greatly disturbed
in their minds, for they thought that if
a small number of Indians, relatively to
the number anticipated, had maltreated the
Christians in such a manner in the first
action, they would bring upon them still
greater war on the following day when their[90]
horses were wounded and when the aid of
thirty horsemen, which had been sent to
them, had not yet arrived among the Spaniards.
But all showed that they knew how
to place their hopes in God, and they arrived
at the river which they crossed in balsas,
swimming the horses, because the bridge
was burned down. And the river being very
full, they delayed in crossing it the rest of
that day and the next one until the hour of
siesta when the Governor, smiling [determined]
to set out without waiting for the
Indian allies to cross.[56] [Just then] a Christian
was seen coming, and when all saw him
from afar, they judged that the captain
with the horsemen had been routed and
that this man was bringing the news in his
flight. But when he had arrived in the
presence of the Governor, he gave great
consolation to the minds of all with the
news that he brought, relating that God
Our Lord, who never abandons his faithful
servants even in the direst extremities,
ordained that while the captain with the[91]
others [of his company] was passing that
night cautiously and encouraging his men
for the combat on the morrow, the Marshal
arrived with the reënforcements of thirty
horsemen which had been sent, and these,
together with the ten others whom they had
left behind, made forty altogether, and when
all perceived this, the first group felt as much
pleasure as if they had resuscitated that day
[just lived through], holding it to be certain
that the victory would be theirs on the following
day. When day had come, which was
Sunday, they all mounted at dawn, and, disposed
in a wing formation in order to present
a better front, they attacked the rear of the
Indians who, during the night, had determined
to attack the Christians, but who, in
the morning, seeing so many soldiers, thought
that some aid must have come to them during
the night, on account of which, not having
the courage to put on a bold front, and
seeing that the Spaniards were coming up
the slope in pursuit of them, turned their
backs and retired from mountain to mountain.[92]
The Spaniards did not follow them
because the land was rough, and besides, a
mist arose which was so thick that they could
not see one another, and yet withal, on the
slope of a hill, they killed many of the enemy.
At this juncture, a thousand Indians in a
squadron commanded by Quizquiz arrived in
aid of the Indians who, seeing the Christians
on horseback and so warlike, judged it time
to withdraw to the mountain.[57] At the same
time, the Christians assembled in their [the
Indians'] fort, whence the captain had sent
this messenger to the Governor to tell him
that he would await him there until he
should arrive. When this news was heard
by the Governor, he rejoiced greatly over
the victory which God Our Lord had given
him when he least expected it, and without
delaying an instant he ordered that all
should go forward with the dunnage and
the remaining Indians, because, jointly with
this news, he had received warning that
in the retreat of this hostile force of soldiers,
four thousand men had split off from[93]
the rest, and that therefore he should proceed
cautiously, and should also be very
sure that Chilichuchima was arranging and
commanding all this and was giving advice
to the enemy as to what they were to do,
and that, on this account, he should bear
himself with caution. When the Governor
had finished his day's march, he had chains
put upon Chilichuchima and said to him:
"Well you know how I have always borne
myself toward you and how I have always
tried [to be generous with you], making you
the captain who should rule all this land
until the son of Atabalipa should come from
Quito in order to be made lord [of it], and
although I have had many causes for putting
you to death, I have not wished to do so,
believing always that you would mend your
ways. Likewise, I have asked you many
times to urge these hostile Indians, with
whom you have influence and friendliness,
to calm themselves and lay down their arms,
since, although they had done much harm
and had killed Guaritico[58] who came from[94]
Xauxa at my command, I would pardon
them all. But in spite of all these admonitions
of mine you have wished to persist
in your evil attitude and intentions, thinking
that the advice which you gave to the
hostile captains was powerful enough to
make your wicked design succeed. But
now you can see how, with the aid of our
God, we have always routed them, and that
it will always be so in the future, and you
may be very sure that they will not be able
to escape nor to return to Quito whence
they came, nor will you ever again see
Cuzco[59] because as soon as I have arrived
at the place where this captain is with my
soldiers, I shall cause you to be burned
alive because you have known how to keep
so ill the friendship which, in the name of
Caesar,[60] my lord, I have agreed upon with
you. Have no doubt that this will be done
unless you urge these Indian friends of yours
to lay down their arms and come in peace,
as I have asked you to do many times before."
To all these reasonings Chilichuchima[95]
listened attentively without returning a word.
But always firm in his obstinacy, he [at
length] replied: "that those captains had not
done as he had ordered them to do because
they did not wish to obey him, and, for that
reason he had not remained to make them
understand that they must come in peace,"
and with such words he excused himself
from what was attributed to him. But the
Governor, who already knew of certain of
his dealings, left him with his evil thoughts
and did not return to speak to him upon the
matter. Then, having crossed the river in
the afternoon, the Governor went forward
with those soldiers and arrived by night in a
village called Rimac[61] a league from that
river. And there the Marshal arrived, with
four horsemen, to wait for him, and after
they had talked together, they set out the
next day for the camp of the Spaniards where
they arrived in the afternoon, the captain
and many others having come out to meet
them, and all rejoiced greatly at seeing themselves
all together again. The Governor[96]
gave each one thanks, according to his
merits, for the valour they had shown, and
all set out together in the evening and arrived
two leagues further on at a village called
Sachisagagna.[62] The captains informed the
Governor all that had happened, just as I
have related it. When they were all lodged
in this village, the captain and the Marshal
urged the Governor to do justice on Chilichuchima,
because he ought to know that
Chilichuchima advised the enemy of all that
the Christians did, and that he it was who
had made the Indians come out of the mountains
of Bilcas, exhorting them to come and
fight with the Christians who were few and
who, with their horses, could not climb those
mountains save step by step and on foot,
and giving them, at the same time, a thousand
other counsels as to where they were to
wait and what they were to do, like a man
who had seen those places and who knew
the skill of the Christians with whom he had
lived so long a time. Informed of all these
things, the Governor gave orders that he[97]
was to be burned alive in the middle of the
plaza, and so it was done, for his chiefs and
most familiar friends were those who were
quickest in setting fire to him.[63] The religious[64]
tried to persuade him to become
a Christian, saying to him that those who
were baptized and who believed with true
faith in our saviour Jesus Christ went to
glory in paradise and that those who did not
believe in him went to hell and its tortures.
He made him understand this by means of
an interpreter. But he [Chilichuchima] did
not wish to be a Christian, saying that he did
not know what sort of thing this law was,
and he began to invoke Paccamaca[65] and
captain Quizquiz that they might come to
his aid. This Paccamaca the Indians have
as their God and they offer him much gold
and silver, and it is a well-known thing that
the demon is in that idol and speaks with
those who come to ask him something.[66]
And of this matter I have spoken at length
in the relation which was sent to H. M. from
Caxamalca. In this way this captain paid[98]
for the cruelties which he committed in the
conquests of Atabalipa, and for the evils
which he plotted to the hurt of the Spaniards
and in disservice of H. M. All the people
of the country rejoiced infinitely at his
death, because he was very much abhorred
by all who knew what a cruel man he was.[67]


[99]


CHAPTER XI


A son of the cacique Guainacaba[68] visits them;
they agree upon friendship with him, and he
tells them of the movements of the army of
hostile Indians with which they have some encounters
before entering Cuzco, where they
establish as lord the son of Guainacaba.[69]


Here the Spaniards rested that night,
having set good guards, because they were
given to understand that Quizquiz was close
by with all his men. And on the following
morning, came to visit the Governor a son
of Guainacaba and a brother of the dead
cacique Atabalipa,[70] and the greatest and
most important lord who was then in that
land; and he had ever been a fugitive so
that those of Quito might not kill him. This
man said to the Governor that he would
aid him to the extent of his power in order
to drive from that land all those of Quito,
who were his enemies and who hated him[100]
and did not wish to be the subjects of a
foreign people. This man was the man to
whom, by law, came all that province and
whom all the caciques of it wished for their
lord. When he came to see the Governor,
he came through the mountains, avoiding
the roads for fear of those of Quito, and
the Governor received him with great gladness
and replied to him: "Much does what
you say please me, as does also finding you
with so good a desire to expel these men of
Quito, and you must know that I have come
from Xauxa for no other purpose than to
prevent them from doing you harm and free
you from slavery to them, and you can believe
that I have not come for my own benefit
because I was in Xauxa, sure of having
war with them and I had an excuse for not
making this long and difficult journey. But
knowing the injuries they were doing to you,
I wanted to come to rectify and undo them,
as the Emperor my lord commanded me to
do. And so, you may be sure that I will do
in your favor all that seems suitable for me[101]
to do. And I will do the same to liberate
from this tyranny the people of Cuzco."
The Governor made him all these promises
in order to please him so that he might continue
to give news of how affairs were going,
and that cacique remained marvellously satisfied,
as did also those who had come with
him. And he [Manco] replied: "Henceforth
I shall give you exact information concerning
all that they of Quito do in order that they
may not inconvenience you." And in this
manner he took leave of the Governor, saying:
"I am going to fish because I know
that tomorrow the Christians do not eat
flesh, and I shall encounter this messenger
who tells me that Quizquiz is going with
his men to burn Cuzco and that he is now
near at hand, and I have wished to warn
you of it in order that you may fix upon a
remedy." The Governor at once placed all
the soldiers upon the alert, and, although it
was already noon, when he knew the needs
of the situation, he did not wish to delay
even to eat, but journeyed with all the[102]
Spaniards straight toward Cuzco, which was
four leagues from that place, with the intention
of establishing his camp near the city
so as to enter it early the next day. And
when he had travelled two leagues, he saw
rise up in the distance a great smoke, and
when he asked some Indians the cause of it,
they told him that a squadron of the men
of Quizquiz had come down a mountain and
set fire [word missing]. Two captains went
ahead with some forty horsemen to see if
they could catch up with this squadron,
which speedily joined with the men of Quizquiz
and the other captains who were on a
slope a league in front of Cuzco waiting for
the Christians in a pass close to the road.
Seen by the captains and Spaniards, they
[the Indians] could not avoid an encounter
with them, although the Governor had them
made to understand that they [the Spaniards]
would wait for the rest to join them, which
they would have done, were it not for the
fact that the Indians incited each other with
much spirit to encounter them. And before[103]
they [the Spaniards] could be attacked, they
fell upon them on the skirt of a hill, and in
a short time they routed them, forcing them
to flee to the mountain and killing two hundred
of them. Another squad of cavalry
crossed over another slope of the mountain
where were two or three thousand Indians
who, not having the pluck to wait for them,
threw down their lances in order to be able
to run the better, and fled headlong. And
after those first two squads broke and fled,
they [the Spaniards] made them flee to the
heights; and [at the same time] two Spanish
light horsemen saw certain Indians return
down the slope, and they set themselves
to skirmish with them. They perceived that
they were in great danger, but they were
helped, and the horse of one of them was
killed, from which the Indians derived so
much encouragement that they wounded
four or five horses and a Christian, and they
made them retreat as far as the plain. The
Indians who, until then, had not seen the
Christians retire, thought that they were[104]
doing it in order to attract them to the plain
and there attack them as they had done at
Bilcas, and they said so among themselves
and were cautious, not wishing to go down
and follow them. By this time the Governor
had arrived with the [rest of] the Spaniards
and, as it was already late, they set up their
camp on a plain, and the Indians maintained
themselves an arquebuse-shot away on a
slope until mid-night, yelling, and the Spaniards
spent all that night with their horses
saddled and bridled. And the next day, at
the first ray of dawn, the Governor arranged
the troops, horse and foot, and he took the
road to Cuzco, with good understanding and
caution, believing that the enemy would come
to attack him on the road, but none of them
appeared. In this way the Governor and his
troops entered that great city of Cuzco
without any other resistance or battle on
Friday, at the hour of high mass, on the fifteenth
day of the month of November of the
year of the birth of our Saviour and Redeemer
Jesus Christ MDXXXIII. The Governor[105]
caused all the Christians to lodge in the
dwellings around the plaza of the city, and
he ordered that all should come forth with
their horses to the plaza and sleep in their
tents, until it could be seen whether the
enemy were coming to attack them. This
order was continued and observed for a
month. On another day, the Governor
created as lord that son of Guainacaba, for
he was young, prudent and alive and the
most important of all those who were there
at that time, and was the one to whom that
lordship came by law. And he did it so soon
in order that the lords and caciques should
not go away to their own lands which were
divers provinces, and some very far away,
and so that the natives should not join those
of Quito, but should have a separate lord of
their own whom they might reverence and
obey and not organize themselves into bands.
So he commanded all the caciques to obey
him [Manco] as their lord and to do all that
he should order them to do.[71]


[107]


CHAPTER XII


The new cacique[72] goes with an army to drive
Quizquiz from the state of Quito. He has some
encounters with the Indians, and, because of the
roughness of the roads, they return, and they
later go thither again with a company of Spaniards,
and before they set out, the cacique pays
his obedience to the emperor.


As soon as this was done, he [the Governor]
gave orders to the new cacique to assemble
many warriors in order to go and
vanquish Quizquiz and drive from the land
those of Quito, and he [the Governor] said
to the Inca that it was not regular that,
when he was lord, another should remain in
his land against his will, and [the Governor]
said many other words to him upon this
subject in the presence of all in order that
they might see the favor which he did him
[Manco] and the fondness which he showed
him, and this not for the sake of advantages[108]
that might result from it, but for his own
[Manco's] sake.[73] The cacique had great
pleasure in receiving this order, and in the
space of four days he assembled more than
five thousand Indians, all in readiness with
their arms, and the Governor sent with them
a captain of his own and fifty cavalrymen;
he himself remained guarding the city with
the rest of the troops. When ten days
had gone by, the captain returned and
related to the Governor what had happened,
saying that at nightfall he had arrived
with his troops at the camp of Quizquiz
five leagues from there, because he had
gone by a roundabout road through which
the cacique guided him.[74] But, before arriving
at enemy's camp, he encountered
two hundred Indians posted in a hollow, and
because the land was rough he was not able
to take their fort away from them and to
overpower them so that they could not give
notice of his coming, which they did do. But,
although this company [of Indians] was in
a strong place, it was not so bold as to wait[109]
for his attack and it withdrew to the other
side of a bridge to cross which was impossible
[for the Spaniards] because, from a mountain
which dominated it, to which the Indians had
retired, they hurled so many stones that no
one was permitted to cross, and, because the
land was the roughest and most inaccessible
that had been seen, they [the Spaniards]
turned back. [The captain] said that two
hundred Indians had been killed, and that
the cacique was much pleased at what [the
captain] had done, and, on their return to
the city had guided them through another
and shorter road on which, in many places,
the captain found great quantities of stones
piled up for defense against the Christians,
and he found, among other passes, one so
bad and difficult that he, with all his troops,
suffered great trials and could not follow it
further. At that place it became apparent
that the cacique had true, and not feigned,
friendship for the Governor and Christians,
for he led them out of that road from which
not one Spaniard could have escaped [alone].[110]
[The captain] said that after he left the city,
he did not go over as much as a cross-bow
shot of flat land, and that all the country
was mountainous, stony and very difficult to
traverse and [he added] that if it had not
been for the fact that it was the first time
that the cacique was travelling with him
and might impute it to fear, he would have
turned back. The Governor would have
liked him to follow the enemy until he drove
them from the place where they were, but
when he heard the nature of the place, he
remained content with what had been done.
The cacique said that he had sent his soldiers
after the enemy, and that he thought they
would do them some damage; and accordingly
within four days news came that they
had killed a thousand Indians. The Governor
once more charged the cacique to cause more
warriors to be assembled, and he himself
wished to send with them some of his cavalry
in order that they might not desist until
they had driven the enemy from the land.
When he returned from [the first] trip, the[111]
cacique went to fast in a house which was on
a mountain, a dwelling which his father had
built in another day; there he stayed three
days, after which he came to the plaza where
the men of that land gave him obedience
according to their usage, recognizing him as
their lord and offering him the white plume,
just as they had to the cacique Atabalipa in
Caxamalcha. When this was done, he caused
all the caciques and lords who were there to
assemble, and, having spoken to them concerning
the harm that the men of Quito were
doing in his land and about the good that
would result to all if a stop were put to it,
he commanded them to call and prepare warriors
who should go against those of Quito
and drive them from the place in which they
had posted themselves. This the captains
did at once, and they so managed to raise
troops that, in the period of eight days, ten
thousand warriors were in that city, all,
picked men, and the Governor caused to be
prepared fifty light horsemen with a captain
in order that they might set out on the last[112]
day of the feast of the Nativity. The Governor,
before that journey was made, wishing
to re-affirm peace and friendship with
that cacique and his people, when mass had
been said on Christmas day by the religious,[75]
went out to the plaza with many
of the soldiers of his company, and into the
presence of the cacique and of the lords of
the land and of the warriors who were seated
along with his Spaniards, the cacique on a
stool and his men on the ground around him.
The Governor made them an address, as he
was wont to do on such occasions, and by
me, his secretary and the scrivener of the
army, was read the demand and requirement
which H. M. had sent, and its contents were
declared to them by an interpreter; all
understood it and replied [in a friendly manner].
It was required of them that they
should be and should call themselves vassals
of H. M., and the Governor received [their
obedience] with the same ceremony as was
used the other time, namely, of twice raising
the royal standard, and in testimony [of the[113]
friendship] the Governor embraced them
to the sound of trumpets, observing other
solemnities which I do not write in order to
avoid prolixity. This done, the cacique stood
up and, in a vase of gold, gave drink to the
Governor and the Spaniards with his own
hands, and then all went off to eat, it being
already evening.


[115]


CHAPTER XIII


They suspect that the cacique wishes to rebel.
It turns out to be unfounded. Many Spaniards
go with him and twenty thousand Indians against
Quizquiz, and of what happens to them they give
news in a letter to the Governor.


And when the Spanish captain with the
Indians and the cacique were about to depart
within two days in order to go against
the enemy ...[76] the Governor was informed
by some Spaniards, some Indian friends
and some allied natives of the country that
among some of the cacique's chief men,
it was being talked of that they should
join with the warriors of Quito, and they
[the informers] accused him of other things.
Because of this, there arose some suspicion,
and, in order to make sure as to whether
the friendship of the cacique for the Christians
who loved him so was faithful and[116]
true, wishing to know truth of the matter,
[the Governor] caused the cacique and some
of his chief men to be called, on the next
day, to his room. And he told them what
was being said about them; after investigation
had been made and torture had been
given to some Indians, it came out that the
cacique and the chiefs were without any
blame, and it was certified that, neither by
word nor deed, had they done anything to
the hurt of the Spaniards, but that two
chiefs had said that because their ancestors
had never been subject to anyone neither
they nor the cacique ought to submit themselves
[to the Spaniards]. But notwithstanding
this, by what was known then and
afterwards, it was believed that the Indians
always loved the Spaniards and that their
friendship with them was not feigned.[77] The
troops did not set out on their journey because
the rigor of winter [was at its height]
and it rained a great deal every day, so it
was determined to allow the height of the
rainy season go by, principally because of the[117]
fact that many bridges had been ill-treated
and broken, to mend which was essential.
When the season in which the rains ceased
arrived, the Governor had the fifty cavalrymen,
the cacique the men he had and make
ready. All of these, with the captain whom
he gave them, put themselves on the march
for Xauxa by way of the city of Bilcas,[78]
where, it was understood, the enemy were
because the roads were cut up by the many
winter rains and the rivers were swollen;
although there was no bridge over many of
them, the Spaniards crossed on their horses
with great trouble, and one of them was
drowned. Arrived by [long] marches at the
river which is four leagues from Bilcas, it
was learned that the enemy had gone on to
Xauxa. And the river being swollen and
furious, and the bridge burned, it was necessary
for them to stop and build it anew, for,
without it, it would have been impossible
to cross the river, either in those boats which
are called balsas or by swimming or in any
other way. Twenty days the camp was here[118]
in order to mend the bridge, for the officers
[maestros] had much to do, because the water
was high and kept breaking down the osier
ropes which were put in place. And if the
cacique had not had so great a number of
men to build the bridge and to cross over
by it and pull over the ropes of osiers, it
would not have been possible to build it.
But having twenty-four thousand warriors,
and by crossing [the stream] again and
again to attempt [to set in place the ropes]
making use of cords and balsas, at last they
succeeded in placing the osier ropes and when
they had been passed across [the river], the
bridge was built in a very short space of
time. [It was] so good and well built that
another like it is not to be found in that land,
for it is three hundred and seventy-odd feet
long, and broad enough to allow two horses
to cross at once without any risk. Then,
having crossed that bridge and having arrived
at Bilcas, the Spaniards found quarters in
the city, from which they sent to the Governor
a report on how affairs were progressing.[119]
Here the camp stopped for some days, resting,
in order that they might have news of
the place in which the enemy were, of which
they learned no more than that they had
set out for Xauxa, and that they were thinking
of attacking the Spaniards who had remained
there as garrison. When he learned
this, the captain at once set out with the
Spaniards to aid [the garrison], taking with
him a brother of the cacique and four thousand
warriors. The cacique returned to Cuzco,
and the captain sent the governor a letter
which his lieutenant wrote from Xauxa in
great haste, and which was of the following
tenor: "When your excellency drove the
enemy from Cuzco, they rallied and came
to Xauxa, and before they arrived, it was
learned by our men that they were coming
in great force, because, from all the places
of the region, they were drawing as many
men as they could, as much for warriors as
to carry the supplies and baggage; when
this was learned by the treasurer Alfonso
[in Xauxa], he sent four light horsemen to[120]
a bridge which is twelve leagues from the
city of Xauxa where the enemy were on the
other side, in a very important province.
When they had returned, the treasurer used
his best efforts, as much in guarding the
city and in treating well the caciques who
were there with him as in informing himself
stealthily of all the doings of the enemy.
And the greatest suspicions which he had
were of the Indians who were in the town
and in the region and who were very numerous,
because almost all were in agreement
with the enemy to come and attack the Spaniards
on four sides. With this agreement,
the Indians of Quito crossed [the bridge
before mentioned] with the intention that a
captain with five hundred of their men
should come from the direction of a [certain]
mountain and cross a river which is a quarter
of a league from the city and place himself
on the highest part of the mountain [near
Xauxa] in order to assault the city on the day
agreed upon between them. The captain
Quizquiz and Incurabaliba,[79] who were their[121]
chief leaders, were to come by the plains
with a greater force of warriors. This was
speedily learned from an Indian to whom
torture was given. The captain who was
to cross the river and attack the city from
the mountain travelled rapidly and arrived
a day before the rest of the warriors. And
one morning at dawn news came to the
city of how many enemies had crossed
the bridge, from which was born a great disaffection
among the natives of Xauxa who
[formerly] served the Christians loyally, from
which it was supposed that the whole land
had risen in arms, as has been said. First
of all, the treasurer arranged that all the
gold of H. M. and of the men which was in
the city should be placed in a large house,
and he set a guard of the feeblest and sickest
Spaniards, ordering that the rest should be
prepared to fight; and he ordered ten light
horsemen to go out to see how large a number
of the enemy had crossed the river in
order to take the mountain, and he himself,
with the rest of the soldiers, waited on the[122]
plaza in case the greater number of the enemy
should come by way of the plain. The Spanish
scouts attacked the Indians who had
crossed the bridge; they retired, and the
Spaniards had to cross the bridge after them
some peon cross-bowmen whom the treasurer
had sent them, so that the Indians turned
and fled with great loss. The great blow of
the others, who came by the plain, did not
take place at the time agreed upon with the
others for assaulting the city, and in waiting
for it, they lost time. That night and the
[following] day the city was vigilant, and
the soldiers were always armed and their
horses saddled, all being together in the
plaza, thinking that on the following night
the Indians would come to attack the city
and burn it, as it was said that they intended
to do. When [the first] two quarters of the
night were passed, seeing that the enemy
did not appear, the treasurer took with him
a light-armed horseman and went to see in
what place the enemy had camped and how
many of them had approached the city, [for[123]
the Indians who gave news of all this did
not know where they were, and likewise because
the enemy took roads of which no
one could give information], with the result
that at daybreak the treasurer found himself
four leagues from the city, and, having seen
the place where the Indians were and the
nature of the site, he returned to the city at
which he arrived a little after noon. When
it was seen by the hostile Indians that the
Spaniards had discovered them, they were in
great fear, and got up from that site and
went towards the city, and in the night they
came and took up a position a quarter of a
league from the city beside a small river
which entered the large one. When this was
known by the Spaniards, they spent that
night with the greatest caution, and on the
following day, after hearing mass, the treasurer
took twenty light horse and twenty
peons with two thousand friendly Indians,
leaving as many more Spanish cavalry and
some foot soldiers in the city with the understanding
that they were to give a signal whenever[124]
the enemy should attack them so that
the other [Spaniards] might come to aid
them. Having gone out from the city with
the lieutenant, the Spaniards saw that the
Indians of Quito had crossed the little river
with their squadrons in which there might
be some six thousand of them, and, seeing
the Spaniards, they turned and crossed to
the other bank. Then, the treasurer and the
Spaniards perceiving that if they did not
attack the Indians that day, the following
night the latter would come to sack and set
fire to the city, so that there would be greater
trouble if night was awaited, he [the treasurer]
determined to cross the river and fight
with the enemy. A sharp skirmish was held
[on the other side], as much with cross-bows
and arrows as with stones, and the treasurer,
who was going in advance of the rest down
the stream, received a stone on the crown of
his head which threw him from his horse
into the midst of the river, and, stunned, he
was borne along quite a distance, so that he
would have been drowned had not some[125]
Spanish cross-bowmen who were there helped
him and pulled him from the water with
much trouble. [The Indians] also gave his
horse [a blow] in the leg which broke it, and
he died soon. From this the Spaniards drew
great animosity, and they hastened to cross
the river. Seeing their determination the
Indians withdrew, fleeing to a mountain
where some hundred of them died. The
horsemen followed them through the mountains
more than a league and a half, and
[finally], because they withdrew to the strongest
position of the mountain, where the horses
could not go up, [the Spaniards] went back
to the city. And, soon perceiving that the
Indians did not venture forth from that
fortress [the Spaniards] determined to return
once more against them, and twenty
Spaniards with more than three thousand
Indian friends attacked them on that mountain
where they were fortified and killed
many, driving them from that fortress and
pursuing them more than three leagues, killing
many neighboring caciques who were in[126]
their favor. With this victory the Indian
friends were as much pleased as if they alone
had won it. The Indians of Quito re-assembled
once more in a place called Tarma
five leagues from Xauxa, whence, likewise,
they were driven because they did much
harm in the neighboring lands."


[127]


CHAPTER XIV


Of the great quantity of gold and silver which
they caused to be smelted from the figures of
gold which the Indians adored. Of the foundation
of the city of Cuzco where a settlement of
Spaniards was established, and of the order
which was set up there.


When this good news was learned by the
Governor, he had it published at once, and
because of it the Spaniards were filled with
content and gave infinite thanks to God for
having shown himself favorable in everything
to this enterprise. Then the Governor wrote
and sent couriers to the city of Xauxa, giving
to all his congratulations and thanking them
for the valor they had shown, and especially
his lieutenant, asking him to give him information
of all that took place in the future.
And in the meanwhile, the Governor hastened
matters for setting out thence, leaving affairs
provided for in the city, founding a colony,[128]
and peopling plentifully the said city. He
caused all the gold which had been collected
to be melted, which was in small pieces, an
operation quickly performed by Indians
skilled in the process. And when the sum
total was weighed, it was found to contain
five hundred and eighty thousand, two hundred-odd
pesos of good gold. The fifth for
H. M. was taken out, and it was one hundred
and sixteen thousand, and seventy-odd pesos
of good gold. And the same smelting was
performed for the silver, which was found to
contain two hundred and fifteen thousand
marks, a little more or less, and of them one
hundred and seventy thousand or so were
fine silver in vessels and plates, pure and good,
and the rest was not so because it was in
plates and pieces mixed with other metals
from which, according, the silver was extracted.
And from all this, likewise, was
taken the fifth of H. M. Truly it was a
thing worthy to be seen, this house where
the melting took place, all full of so much
gold in plates of eight and ten pounds each,[129]
and in vessels, and vases and pieces of various
forms with which the lords of that land
were served, and among other very sightly
things were four sheep[80] in fine gold and
very large, and ten or twelve figures of
women of the size of the women of that
land, all of fine gold and as beautiful and
well-made as if they were alive. These
they held in as much veneration as if they
had been the rulers of all the world, and alive
[as well], and they dressed them in beautiful
and very fine clothing, and they adored
them as Goddesses, and gave them food
and talked with them as if they were women
of flesh.[81] These went to form a part of the
fifth of H. M. There were, besides, other
odd silver objects of like form. The seeing
of great vases and pieces of burnished
silver was certainly a matter for great
satisfaction. The Governor divided and
distributed all this treasure among all the
Spaniards who were at Cuzco and those
who remained in the city of Xauxa, giving
to each one as much good silver, and as[130]
much impure, together with as much gold
[as he deserved], and to each man who had
a horse he gave according to the man's merit
and that of the horse and in accordance with
the services he had done; and to the peons
he did the same according to what was posted
up to his credit in the book of distributions,
which was kept [for this purpose]. All this
was completed within eight days, and at the
end of as many more, the Governor set out
from here, leaving the city settled in the
manner which has been told. In the month
of March, 1534, the Governor ordered that
the greater part of the Spaniards he had
with him should be assembled in this city,
and he made an act of foundation and settlement
of the town, saying that he placed it
and founded it in his own authority[82] and
he took possession of it in the middle of
the plaza. And as a sign of the foundation
and of the commencement of building
and founding the colony, he held certain
ceremonies in accordance with the act which
was drawn up, which I, the scrivener, read[131]
in a loud voice in the presence of all. And
the name of the city was agreed upon, "the
very noble and great city of Cuzco."
And, continuing the settlement, he appointed
the site[83] for the church which was to be
built, its boundaries, limits, and jurisdiction,
and immediately afterward he proclaimed
that all who might come to settle
here would be received as citizens, and
many came in the next three years.[84] From
among them all they chose the persons
most fitted for undertaking the charge of
governing public affairs, and he [the Governor]
appointed his lieutenant, alcaldes and
ordinary regidores and other public officials,
all of whom he chose in the name of H. M.
and he gave them the powers to exercise
their offices. This done, the Governor, with
the consent and advice of the religious
whom he had with him and of H. M.'s paymaster
who was then with him, with whose
assistance he looked over and considered
the circumstances of the citizens until as
many [had been chosen] as H. M. had[132]
arranged should take part in the repartimiento
of the natives; in the meanwhile
a certain number of them [Indians] was
assigned to all the Spaniards who were
to remain, in order that they might instruct
them in the things of our holy catholic faith.
And there set aside and given to the service
of H. M. twelve thousand-odd married Indians
in the province of the Collao in the
middle thereof, near the mines, in order that
they might take out gold for H. M. from
which, it is understood, there will be great
profits, considering the great wealth of the
mines which are there, of which matters
lengthy mention is made in the book of the
foundation of this colony and in the register
of the deposit which was made by the neighbouring
Indians. And the approving, confirming
or amending of these arrangements
was left to the will of H. M. according as
should seem best to suit his royal service.


[133]


CHAPTER XV


The Governor sets out with the cacique for
Xauxa, and they receive news of the army of
Quito, and of certain ships which some Spaniards
who went to the city of San Miguel saw on those
coasts.


When these things were done, the Governor
set out for Xauxa, taking the cacique with
him, and the citizens remained guarding the
city [according] to orders which the Governor
left them so that they might govern themselves
until he should command something
else. Journeying by forced marches, on the
day of Easter, he found himself on the Bilcas
river, where he learned from letters and
notices from Xauxa, that the warriors of
Quito, after they were routed and driven
from their last positions by the captain from
Cuzco, had withdrawn and fortified themselves
forty leagues from Xauxa on the[134]
Caxamalcha road in a bad pass in the immediate
vicinity of the road, and had built their
walls to prevent the [possibility of] the
horses [crossing] the pass. [These walls
had] some very narrow gates in them, and
a street by which to mount a high boulder
where the captain and the warriors lived
and which had no other entrance than this
one by way of this fort that they had built
with these very narrow doors; [and the
Governor learned] that they were planning
to await aid here, because it was known
that the son of Atabalipa was coming with
many warriors. This news the Governor
communicated to the cacique who at once
sent off couriers to the city of Cuzco in
order to cause warriors to come who should
not exceed two thousand in number, but who
were to be the best there were in all that
province, because the Governor told him that
it would be better were they few and good
than if they were many and unserviceable,
because the many would destroy the food in
the land through which they were to pass[135]
without necessity or profit. At the same
time the Governor wrote to the lieutenant and
corregidor of Cuzco that he should aid the
captains of the cacique and see to it that
the warriors came soon. On the second day
after Easter, the Governor set out from this
place, and, by forced marches, arrived in
Xauxa, where he learned the whole of what
had passed there in his absence, and especially
what those of Quito had done, and, in particular,
they told him that after the enemy was
put to flight from the environs of Xauxa,
they had retired twenty or thirty leagues
from there into the mountains, and that,
according to the captain who went out
against them with the brother of the cacique
and four thousand men, they arrived within
sight of them [the Indians], and that, after
a rest of a few days, they went to attack
them and routed them and drove them from
that place with much trouble and great danger.
When they [the Spanish force] had returned
to Xauxa, the Marshal Don Diego de Almagro
who, when the captain and Spaniards[136]
came from Cuzco, had come with them by
order of the Governor to inspect the Indians
round about in order to see and know the
state of things in that city and among its
citizens, went out to visit the caciques and
lords of the region of Chincha[85] and Pachacama,
and the others who had their lands and
lived on the sea-coast.


In this state the Governor found affairs
when arrived at Xauxa, and, having rested
from the long journey without arranging anything
in the first few days, he waited for the
Indians[86] [for whom he had sent] in order to
go and drive the enemy from the fort which
they had made and finish with them, when
there came to him one of two Spanish messengers
who had gone to the city of San
Miguel to see how things were going there,
and who spoke to him in this way: "My
lord, when I had set out from here by order
of the Marshal, I set myself to journey with
all speed along the plains and the shore of
the sea, not without trouble, because many
of the caciques who are along that road were[137]
in revolt. But some who were friendly provided
us with whatever we needed, and they
informed us that some ships had been seen
along the sea-coast, which I myself saw one
day, and, considering that I was sent to the
city of San Miguel to find out whether the
ships of the Adelantado Alvarado or of other
people had arrived, I went [rapidly] along
the coast for nine days and nights, sometimes
in sight of them, believing that they
would take port and that I would thus learn
who they were. But even with all this speed
and trouble I could not do what I wished, on
which account I made up my mind to continue
my journey to the city of San Miguel,
and, having crossed to the other side of the
large river, I was informed by the Indians of
the country that Christians were coming
along that road, and I, thinking that without
doubt it would prove to be the troops of
the Adelantado Alvarado, my companion and
I went on our guard in order not to encounter
them impromptu.[87] And when they arrived[138]
at Motupe, I learned that they were near
that place [where I was], and I waited for
the night. At dawn I sent my companion
to speak with them, and to see what people
they were, and I gave him certain tokens by
which he could inform me, and finally, I
learned that they were soldiers who were
coming to the conquest of these kingdoms.
Because of this, I went to them and spoke
at length, telling them the errand I was on,
and they, in return, informed me that they
had come to the city of San Miguel in certain
ships from Panama and were two hundred
and fifty in number. When they had
arrived at San Miguel, the captain who was
in that city with two hundred men, seventy
of them cavalry, had gone away to the provinces
of Quito in order to conquer them, and
they, some thirty persons with their horses,
knowing the conquests which were being
made in Cuzco, and the lack of men there
was there, did not wish to go with the captain
to those provinces of Quito and so were coming[139]
to Xauxa. And we gave them news of
all that had happened here and of the war
which we had had with the Indians of Quito.
And in order to bring more quickly the news
of what had happened there I returned from
that place without going to the city of San
Miguel, knowing for certain that the captain
would have departed with his men and would
already be near Cossibamba.[88] Turning back
on my road, I met, on Easter, the Marshal
D. Diego de Almagro near Cena[89] which is
where the road to Caxamalca branches off,
and to him I related how things were going
and how some suspected that the captain
who was going to Quito was not going with
good intentions. As soon as the Marshal
heard this, he set off in order to catch up
with the captain who was taking these soldiers
on the march to Quito, in order to
detain him until together they could arrange
the necessary provisions for this war. This,
then, sir, is what has happened to me on
this journey, during which I tried to get[140]
information about those ships, but could
not learn anything else about them. Of
Alvarado nothing more is known than that
he has already embarked on these shores or
has passed further on, as letters inform me."


[141]


CHAPTER XVI


They build a church in the city of Xauxa, and
send some three thousand Indians with some
Spaniards against the hostile Indians. They have
news of the arrival of many Spaniards and
horses, on which account they send soldiers to
the province of Quito. A Relation of the quality
and people of the land from Tumbez to
Chincha, and of the province of Collao and
Condisuyo.[90]


The Governor received this messenger,
read the letters which he brought, and asked
him many other things, and, in order to
arrange all that seemed suitable in this business,
he called all the officials of H. M.
After they had discussed the journey of that
captain to Quito and how the Marshal would
already have reasoned with him, according
to the report brought by that messenger,
permission was given [to the Governor] that
he should send one of his lieutenants with[142]
sufficient powers for the task in hand. And
when his letters to the city of San Miguel
and to the Marshal, in which he told them
what was to be done, were written, he sent
off with them three Christians, in order that
the letters might go more quickly and safely,
ordering the men to hasten with all speed
upon the road and keep advising him of what
they learned. After this had been arranged,
he [Pizarro] chose the place in which the
church was to be erected in that city of
Xauxa. This task he commanded to be
done by the caciques of the district, and it
was built with its great doors of stone.[91]
In the meanwhile, there arrived the four
thousand Indian warriors whom the cacique
had called from Cuzco, and the Governor
caused to be made ready fifty Spanish cavalrymen
and thirty peons to go [with the
Indians] in order to drive the enemy from
the pass where they were, and they set
out with the cacique and his soldiers, who
loved the Spaniards better every day.[92] The
Governor ordered the captain of these[143]
Spaniards to pursue the enemy as far as
Guanaco[93] and as far beyond as he believed
necessary, and that he should keep him
informed continually, by letters and messengers
of what went on. After this, the
Governor received news of the ships on
the feast of the Holy Ghost, and at the
same time, he received a letter from San
Miguel which two Spaniards brought him,
and he learned how the ships, because of
bad weather, had remained seventy leagues
from Paccacama[94] without being able to
go further, and how the Adelantado de
Alvarado had gone up to Puerto Viejo three
months before with four hundred men [on
foot] and one hundred and fifty cavalry[95]
and with them he entered the interior in
the direction of Quito, believing that he
would arrive there at the same time that
the Marshal Don Diego de Almagro would
enter those provinces from the other side.
As a result of all this information concerning
the justice and government of the city
of S. Miguel and of other places, the Governor[144]
entered upon the control of it [himself].
And, in order to mend matters, with
the consent of the officials, he sent his messengers
in a brigantine by sea, and with
them he sent orders to the Marshal that,
in the name of H. M., he should lend him
[Pizarro] aid, and should conquer, pacify
and settle those provinces of Quito with the
troops he had with him and with those who
were in readiness in the city of San Miguel.
At the same time, he arranged other matters
in this connection, so that Alvarado should
do no harm in the land, and because H. M.
so desired that it should be, and likewise he
determined that, on the arrival of the ships,
he would send a report to H. M. of all that
had taken place on that venture up to that
very hour, so that he [H. M.] might be informed
of all and might provide in every
instance what he held to be the best for his
royal service. This is the state of the affairs
of war and of other matters in this land: and
of the quality of it I shall speak briefly because
a relation of it was sent from Caxamalca.[145]
This land, from Tumbez to Chincha
has [a width of some] ten leagues, in some
places more, in others less; it is a broad, flat,
sandy land in which no grass or herbs grow
and where it rains but little; it is [in places]
fertile in maize and fruits because the people
sow and irrigate their farms with water from
the rivers that come down from the mountains.
The houses which the laborers use
are made of rushes and branches, because,
when it does not rain, it is very hot, and few
of the houses have roofs.[96] They are a
wretched folk, and many of them are blind
on account of the great amount of sand that
there is. They are poor in gold and silver,
and what they have is because those who live
in the sierra exchange it for goods. All the
land beside the sea is of this description as
far as Chincha, and even fifty leagues beyond
there. They dress in cotton [bambaso]
and eat maize both cooked and raw, and half-raw
meat. At the end of the plains which
are called Ingres are some very high mountains
which extend from the city of San[146]
Miguel as far as Xauxa, and which may well
be one hundred and fifty leagues long, but
have little breadth. It is a very high and
rugged land of mountains and many rivers;
there are no forests save some trees in places
where there is always a thick mist. It is
very cold because there is a snow-capped
mountain range which extends from Caxamalca
to Xauxa and on which there is snow
all the year through. The people who live
there are much more advanced than the
others, because they are very polished and
warlike and of good dispositions. They are
very rich in gold and silver because they get
it from many places in the mountains. None
of the lords who have governed these provinces
have ever been able to make any use
of these coast-people, as they are such a
wretched and poor folk, as I have said, that
they are fit to be used for nothing else than
to carry fish and fruits [up into the highlands],
for as soon as they come into the
mountainous regions, their own land being
very hot, they sicken for the most part; and[147]
the same thing happens to those who inhabit
the mountains if they go down into the hot
country. Those who dwell on the other
side of the land, beyond the summits of the
mountains, are like savages who have no
houses nor any maize save a little; they have
very great forests and maintain themselves
almost entirely on the fruit of the trees; they
have no domicile, nor fixed settlements that
are known; there are very great rivers, and
the land is so useless that it paid all its
tribute to the lords in parrot feathers.[97]


The mountainous region being the chief
part of the country, and being so narrow, as
well as being torn by the wars that have been
there, settlements of Christians cannot be
made there, for it is a very remote region.
From the city of Xauxa along the Cuzco road,
the country keeps getting more shut in by
mountains and the distance from the sea is
greater. And those who have been lords of
Cuzco, their own dwelling being in Cuzco,
called the rest of the land, in the direction of
Quito, Cancasuetio, and the land beyond[148]
[Cuzco], called Callao, Collasuyo, and, in the
direction of the sea, Condisuyo, and the
interior Candasuyo;[98] and in this way they
gave names to these four provinces, disposed
like a cross, which contained their empire.
In the Collao they know not of the sea, and
it is a flat land to judge from what has been
seen of it, and it is large and cold, and there
are in it many rivers from which gold is got.
The Indians say that in the province is a
large lake of fresh water which, in its centre,
has two islands.[99] In order to learn the state
of this land and its government, the Governor
sent two Christians to bring him a long
report of it; they set out in the beginning
of December. The region of Condisuyo,
toward the sea from Cuzco is a small and
delectable land, although it is all of forests
and stones, and the inland region is so likewise.
Through it [the Antisuyu] run all
the rivers which do not flow into the western
sea. It is a land of many trees and
mountains and is very thinly populated.
This sierra runs from Tumbes as far as[149]
Xauxa, and from Xauxa as far as the city
of Cuzco. It is stony and rough; if there
were not roads made by hand it would not
be possible to travel on foot, still less on
horseback, and for the roads there are many
houses full of materials for repairing the
pavement, and in this matter the lords had
so much firmness that there was nothing to
do but keep it in order.[100] All the mountain
fields[101] are made in the guise of stairways
of stone, and the rest of the road has
no great width because of some mountains
that hem it in on both sides, and on one
side they had made a buttress of stone so
that one day it should not slide down [the
mountain], and there are, likewise, other
places, in which the road has a breadth of
four or five human bodies, all made and
paved with stone. One of the greatest works
the conquerors saw in this land was these
roads. All or most of the people on these
slopes of the mountains live on high hills
and mountains; their houses are of stone
and earth; there are many dwellings in each[150]
village. Along the road each league or two
or nearer, are found the dwellings built for
the purpose of allowing the lords to rest
when they were out visiting and inspecting
their land; and every twenty leagues there
are important cities, heads of provinces, to
which the smaller cities brought their tribute
of maize, clothes and other things. All these
large cities have storehouses full of the things
which are in the land, and, because it is very
cold but little maize is harvested except in
specially assigned places; but [there is plenty
of] all the many vegetables and roots with
which the people sustained themselves, and
also good grass like that of Spain. There
are also wild turnips which are bitter. There
is a sufficiency of herds of sheep[102] which
go about in flocks with their shepherds
who keep them away from the sown fields,
and they have a certain part of [each]
province set apart for them to winter in.
The people, as I have said, are very polished
and intelligent, and go always clad and
shod; they eat maize both cooked and raw,[151]
and drink much chicha, which is a beverage
made from maize after the fashion of beer.
The people are very tractable and very
obedient and yet warlike. They have many
arms of diverse sorts, as has been told in
the relation of the imprisonment of Atabalipa
which was sent from Caxamalca, as
was said above.[103]


[153]


CHAPTER XVII


Description of the city of Cuzco and of its
wonderful fortress, and of the customs of its inhabitants.


The city of Cuzco is the principal one of
all those where the lords of this land have
their residence; it is so large and so beautiful
that it would be worthy of admiration even in
Spain; and it is full of the palaces of the
lords, because no poor people live there, and
each lord builds there his house, and all the
caciques[104] do likewise, although the latter
do not dwell there continuously. The greater
part of these houses are of stone, and others
have half the façade of stone. There are
many houses of adobe, and they are all arranged
in very good order. The streets are
laid out at right angles; they are very straight,
and are paved, and down the middle runs a
gutter for water lined with stone. The chief
defect which the streets have is that of being[154]
narrow, so that only one horse and rider
can go on one side of the gutter and another
upon the opposite side. This city is located
upon the slope of a mountain, and there are
many houses upon the slope and others below
on the plain. The plaza is rectangular, and
the greater part of it is flat and paved with
small stones. Around the plaza are four
houses of noblemen, who are the chief men
of the city; [the houses] are of stone,
painted and carved, and the best of them
is the house of Guaynacaba,[105] a former
chief, and the door of it is of marble [colored]
white and red and of other colors;[106]
and there are other very sightly buildings
with flat roofs. There are, in the said city,
many other buildings and grandeurs. Along
the two sides [of the city] pass two rivers
which rise a league above Cuzco, and from
there down to the city and for two leagues
below it they run over stone flags so that
the water may be pure and clear, and so
that, though they may rise, they may not
overflow. They have bridges for those who[155]
enter the city. Upon the hill which, toward
the city, is rounded and very steep, there is
a very beautiful fortress of earth and stone.
Its large windows which look over the city
make it appear still more beautiful.[107] Within,
there are many dwellings, and a chief tower
in the centre, built square, and having four
or five terraces one above another. The
rooms inside are small and the stones of which
it is built are very well worked and so well
adjusted to one another that it does not appear
that they have any mortar and they are
so smooth that they look like polished slabs
with the joinings in regular order and alternating
with one another after the usage in
Spain.[108] There are so many rooms and
towers that a person could not see them
all in one day; and many Spaniards who
have been in Lombardy and in other foreign
kingdoms say that they have never seen
any other fortress like this one nor a stronger
castle. Five thousand Spaniards might well
be within it; nor could it be given a broadside
or be mined, because it is on a rocky[156]
mountain. On the side toward the city,
which is a very steep slope, there is no more
than one wall;[109] on the other side, which
is less steep, there are three, one above the
other. The most beautiful thing which can
be seen in the edifices of that land are these
walls, because they are of stones so large
that anyone who sees them would not say
that they had been put in place by human
hands, for they are as large as chunks of
mountains and huge rocks, and they have
a height of thirty palms and a length of
as many more, and others have twenty
and twenty-five, and others fifteen, but
there is none so small that three carts could
carry it. These are not smooth stones,
but rather well joined and matched one with
another. The Spaniards who see them say
that neither the bridge of Segovia nor any
other of the edifices which Hercules or the
Romans made is so worthy of being seen as
this. The city of Tarragona has some works
in its walls made in this style, but neither so
strong nor of such large stones. These walls[157]
twist in such a way that if they are attacked,
it is not possible to do so from directly in
front, but only obliquely.[110] These walls are
of the same stone, and between wall and wall
there is enough earth to permit three carts
to go along the top at one time. They are
made after the fashion of steps, so that one
begins where another leaves off. The whole
fortress was a deposit of arms, clubs, lances,
bows, axes, shields, doublets thickly padded
with cotton and other arms of various sorts,
and clothes for the soldiers collected here
from all parts of the land subject to the lords
of Cuzco. They had many colors, blue,
yellow, brown and many others for painting,
much tin and lead with other metals, and
much silver and some gold, many mantles
and quilted doublets for the warriors. The
reason why this fortress contained so much
workmanship was that, when this city was
founded it was done by a lord orejon[111]
who came from Condisuyo, toward the sea,
a great warrior who conquered this land
as far as Bilcas and who, perceiving that[158]
this was the best place to fix his domicile,
founded that city with its fortress. And
all the other lords who followed after him
made some improvements in this fortress
so that it was ever augmenting in size.
From this fortress are seen around the city
many houses a quarter of a league, half a
league and a league away, and in the valley,
which is surrounded by hills, there are more
than five thousand houses, many of them for
the pleasure and recreation of former lords
and others for the caciques of all the land
who dwell continuously in the city. The
others are storehouses full of mantles, wool,
arms, metals, and clothes and all the things
which are grown or made in this land. There
are houses where the tribute is kept which
the vassals bring to the caciques; and there
is a house where are kept more than a hundred
dried birds because they make garments of
their feathers, which are of many colors, and
there are many houses for this [work].
There are bucklers, oval shields made of
leather, beams for roofing the houses, knives[159]
and other tools, sandals and breast-plates
for the warriors in such great quantity that
the mind does not cease to wonder how so
great a tribute of so many kinds of things
can have been given. Each dead lord has
here his house and all that was paid to him
as tribute during his life, for no lord who
succeeds another [and this is the law among
them] can, after the death of the last one,
take possession of his inheritance. Each one
has his service of gold and of silver, and his
things and clothes for himself, and he who
follows takes nothing from him. The caciques
and lords maintain their houses of
recreation with the corresponding staff of
servants and women who sow their fields
with maize and place a little of it in their
sepulchres. They adore the sun and have
built many temples to him, and of all the
things which they have, as much of clothes
as of maize and other things, they offer some
to the sun, of which the warriors later avail
themselves.


[161]


CHAPTER XVIII


Of the province of the Collao and of the qualities
and customs of its people, and of the rich
gold mines that are found there.


The two Christians who were sent to see
the province of the Collao were forty days
upon their journey, and, as soon as they had
returned to Cuzco where the governor was,
they gave him news and a report of all that
they had seen and learned, which is set forth
below. The land of the Collao is far off and
a long way from the sea, so much so that the
natives who inhabit it, have no knowledge
of it. The sierra is very high and rather
broad, and with all this, it is excessively cold.
There are in the region no groves or woods,
nor is there any wood for burning, and what
little there is in use there comes from trade,
in exchange for merchandise, with those who
live near the sea and are called Ingres, and[162]
also with those who live below near the rivers,
for these people have fire-wood and they exchange
it for sheep[112] and other animals
and vegetables, since, for the most part,
the land is sterile, and all the people live
on roots, herbs, maize and sometimes flesh,
not because there is not, in that province
of the Collao, a good quantity of sheep,
but because the people are so much the
subjects of the lord to whom they are bound
to give obedience that, without his licence
or that of the chief or governor who, by
his command, is in the country, they do
not kill one [llama], nor do even the lords
and caciques dare to kill any without such
permission. The land is well populated because
wars have not destroyed it as they have
other provinces. The villages are of ordinary
size and their houses are small, with walls of
stone and adobe mixed and covered with roofs
of straw. The grass which grows in this
land is short and sparse. There are some
rivers, although of small volume. In the
middle of the province there is a great lake,[163]
in length almost one hundred leagues, and
the most thickly peopled land is around its
shore; in the middle of the lake there are
two islets, and on one of them is a mosque and
house of the sun which is held in great veneration,
and to it they come to make their
offerings and sacrifices on a great stone on
the island which they call Tichicasa[113] which
either because the devil hides himself there
and speaks to them or because of an ancient
custom, or on account of some other cause
that has never been made clear, all the
people of that province hold in great esteem,
and they offer there gold, silver and other
things. There are more than six hundred
Indians serving in this place, and more than
a thousand women who make chicha in
order to throw it upon that stone Tichicasa.[114]
The rich mines of that province
of the Collao are beyond this lake [in a
region] called Chuchiabo.[115] The mines are
in the gorge [caja-chiusa] of a river, about
half-way up the sides. They are made like
caves, by whose mouths they enter to scrape[164]
the earth, and they scrape it with the horns
of deer and they carry it outside in certain
hides sewn into the form of sacks or of wine-skins
of sheep-hide. The manner in which
they wash it is that they take from the river
a [jet?][116] of water, and on the bank they set
up certain very smooth flag-stones on which
they throw the water, after which they
draw off by a duct the water of the [jet?]
which has just fallen down [upon the gold-earth?],
and the water carries off the earth
little by little so that the gold is left upon
the flag-stones themselves, and in this manner
they collect it. The mines go far into the
earth, one ten brazas, another twenty, and
the greatest mine, which is called Guarnacabo[117]
goes into the earth some forty
brazas.[118] They have no light, nor are they
broader than is necessary for one person to
enter crouching down, and until the man
who is in the mine comes out, no other can
go in. The people who get out the gold
here are as many as fifty,[119] counting men
and women, and these are all of this land,[165]
and from one cacique come twenty, from
another fifty, from another thirty, and from
others more or less according to the number
that they have, and they take out gold
for the chief lord, and they have taken such
precautions in the matter that in nowise
can any of what is taken out be stolen, because
they have placed guards around the
mines so that none of those who take out the
gold can get away without being seen. At
night, when they return to their houses in
the village, they enter by a gate where the
overseers are who have the gold in their
charge, and from each person they receive the
gold that he has got. There are other mines
beyond these, and there are still others
scattered about through the land which are
like wells a man's height in depth, so that
the worker can just throw the earth from
below on top of the ground. And when they
dig them so deep that they cannot throw the
earth out on top, they leave them and make
new wells.[120] But the richest mines, and the
ones from which the most gold is got, are the[166]
first, which do not have the inconvenience
of washing the earth, and, because of the
cold, they do not work those mines more
than four months of the year, [and then
only] from the hour of noon to nearly sunset.[121]
The people are very mild, and so accustomed
to serve, that all that has to be done in the
land they do themselves, and so it is, in the
roads and in the houses which the chief lord
commands them to build, and they continually
offer themselves for work and for
carrying the burdens of the warriors when
the lord goes to some place [in the region].
The Spaniards took from those mines a load
of earth and carried it to Cuzco without
doing anything else. It was washed by the
hand of the Governor after the Spaniards had
sworn that they had not placed the gold in
it or done anything to it save take it from
the mine as the Indians did who washed it,
and from it three pesos of gold was got. All
those who understand mines and the getting
of gold, being informed of the manner in
which it is got in this land, say that all the[167]
[country is full of mines], and that if the Spaniards
gave implements and skill [in using
them] to the Indians so that it might be got
out, much gold would be taken from the earth,
and it is believed that when this time has
arrived, a year will not go by in which a
million of gold is not got. The people of
this province, as well men as women, are very
filthy, and they have large hands, and the
province is very large.


[169]


CHAPTER XIX


Of the great veneration in which the Indians
held Guarnacaba[122] when he lived[123] and of that
in which they hold him now, after death. And
how, through the disunion of the Indians, the
Spaniards entered Cuzco, and of the fidelity of
the new cacique Guarnacaba[124] to the Christians.


The city of Cuzco is the head and principal
province of all the others, and from here
to the beach of San Mateo and, in the other
direction, to beyond the province of Collao,
which is entirely a land of arrow-using
savages, all is subject to one single lord who
was Atabalipa, and, before him, to the other
by-gone lords, and at present the lord of all
is this son of Guarnacaba. This Guarnacaba,
who was so renowned and feared, and
is so even to this day, although he is dead,
was very much beloved by his vassals, and
subjected great provinces, and made them[170]
his tributaries. He was well obeyed and
almost worshipped, and his body is in the
city of Cuzco, quite whole, enveloped in rich
cloths and lacking only the tip of the nose.
There are other images of plaster of clay
which have only the hair and nails which
were cut off in life and the clothes that were
worn, and these images are as much venerated
by those people as if they were their
gods. Frequently they take the [body] out
into the plaza with music and dancing, and
they always stay close to it, day and night,
driving away the flies. When some important
lords come to see the cacique, they go
first to salute these figures, and they then go
to the cacique and hold, with him, so many
ceremonies that it would be a great prolixity
to describe them. So many people assemble
at these feasts, which are held in that plaza,
that their number exceeds one hundred thousand
souls. It turned out to be fortunate
that they [the Spaniards] had made that son
of Guarnacaba lord, because all the caciques
and lords of the land and of remote provinces[171]
came to serve him and, out of respect for him,
to yield obedience to the Emperor. The
conquerors passed through great trials, because
all the land is the most mountainous
and roughest that can be traversed on horseback,
and it may be believed that, had it not
been for the discord which existed between
the people of Quito and those of Cuzco and
its neighbourhood, the Spaniards would never
have entered Cuzco, nor would there have
been enough of them to get beyond Xauxa,
and in order to enter they would have had
to go in a force of five hundred, and, to maintain
themselves, they would have needed
many more, because the land is so large and
so rough that there are mountains and passes
that ten men could defend against ten
thousand. And the Governor never thought
of being able to go with less than five hundred
Christians to conquer, pacify, and make a
tributary of it. But as he learned of the
great disunion that existed between the people
of that land [Cuzco] and those of Quito,
it was proposed that he should go with the[172]
few Christians that he had to deliver them
from subjection and servitude, and to put a
stop to the mischief and wrongs that those
of Quito were doing in that land, and Our
Lord saw fit to favor him [in it]. Nor
would the Governor ever have ventured to
make so long and toilsome a journey in this
great undertaking had it not been for the
great confidence which he had in all the
Spaniards of his company through having
tried them out and having learned that they
were dextrous and skilled in so many conquests
and accustomed to these lands and
to the toils of war. All of this they showed
themselves to be in this journey through
rains and snows, in swimming across many
rivers, in crossing great mountain chains and
in sleeping many nights in the open air
without water to drink and without anything
on which to feed, and always, day and night,
having to be armed and on guard, in going,
at the end of the war, to reduce many caciques
and lands which had rebelled, and in going
from Xauxa to Cuzco, on which journey[173]
they suffered, with their governor, so many
trials and on which they so often placed
their lives in peril in rivers and mountains
where many horses were killed by falling
headlong. This son of Guarnacaba has much
friendship and concord with the Christians,
and for this reason, in order to preserve him
in the lordship, the Spaniards put themselves
to infinite pains and likewise bore themselves
in all these undertakings so valorously, and
suffered so much, just as other Spaniards
have been able to do in the service of the
Emperor, that, as a result, the very Spaniards
who have found themselves in this
undertaking, marvel at what they have done
when once more they set themselves to think
upon it, and they do not know how they
come to be alive as they have been able to
suffer so many trials and such prolonged
hunger. But they hold that all [their
troubles] were put to a good use, and they
would again offer themselves, were it necessary,
to enter upon the greatest wearinesses
for the conversion of those people and the[174]
exaltation of our holy catholic faith. Of the
greatness and situation of the aforesaid land,
I omit to speak, and it only remains to give
thanks and praises to Our Lord because, so
obviously, he has wished to guide with his
hand the affairs of H. M. and of these kingdoms
which, by his divine providence, have
been illumined and directed upon the true
road of salvation. May he bend his infinite
goodness so that henceforth the [kingdoms]
may go from good to better by the intercession
of his blessed Mother, the advocate of
all our steps who directs them to a good
end.


This relation was finished in the city of
Xauxa on the 15th day of the month of July,
1534. And I, Pero Sancho, Scrivener
general of these kingdoms of New Castile
and secretary of the governor Francisco
Pizarro, by his order and that of the officials
of H. M. wrote it just as things happened,
and when it was finished I read it in the
presence of the governor and of the officials
of H. M., and, as it was all true, they said[175]
governor and officials of H. M. sign it with
their hand.


Francisco Pizarro

Alvaro Riquelme.Antonio Navarro.

Garcia de Salcedo


By order of the Governor and Officials.Sancho




[177]


NOTES


[179]


NOTES


[1] The modern Cajamarca; called by the Indians
Casamarca.


[2] Properly Atahualpa.


[3] Thus the original. Something is lacking to complete
the sense.—Note by Icazbalceta.


[4] The peso is about an ounce.


[5] Jauja.


[6] Properly Challcuchima or Calicuchima. This remarkable
Indian general was a son of Epiclachima,
younger brother of Cacha, last Caran Scyri of Quito.
Cacha was conquered by Huayna Capac about 1487,
and Calicuchima entered the service of Atahualpa who
was his kinsman through Paccha his cousin, Huayna
Capac's wife. (Velasco.)


[7] Something lacking in the text.


[8] Caribes, in Spanish, sometimes means the Carib
people; here, simply savages.


[9] In the text of Ramusio, Se gli diede una storta
col mangano al collo.


[10] This name is, of course, an error.


[11] Gucunacaba is Huayna Capac. He left
three legitimate sons beside Huascar, viz., Manco,
Paullu, and Titu Atauchi. I do not know which of
them was Sancho's "Atabalipa" number two. See
Sarmiento, 1907, p. xvii.[180]


[12] Cuzcos = Incas.


[13] Probably Huascar.


[14] Huamachuco.


[15] Andamarca.


[16] Huaylas.


[17] Cajatambo.


[18] Icazbalceta suggests that this place is Cajamarquilla.
I do not agree with this opinion, because
Cajamarquilla had long been in ruins when the Spaniards
arrived. (Cf. Hodge, 1897, pp. 304 ff.) It was
probably Chacamarca, (see below).


[19] San Miguel de Piura.


[20] San Miguel was founded first at another site
which, on being found to be unhealthy, was deserted;
San Miguel was soon refounded at Piura. (Cf. Prescott,
Bk. III, Cap. III, Moses, 1914, vol. I, p. 99.) It
is possible that the "captain" mentioned here was no
other than Sebastian de Belalcazar or Benalcazar who
later conquered Quito. (Cf. Moses, 1914, I, p. 106.)


[21] This is obviously a mistake.


[22] Descriptions of Inca bridges will be found at:



Garcilasso, 1859, I, pp. 253 ff., 260.

Cieza de Leon, 1864, pp. 314-315.

Joyce, 1912, pp. 142-143.

Beuchat, 1912, pp. 608, 650.

Pinkerton, 1808-1814, XIV, p. 530. (Picture.)


[23] Pachacamac has often been described. See especially
Uhle, 1903; and Estete, 1872; and Markham,
1912, pp. 232 ff.[181]


[24] Cajatambo.


[25] Pambo = Pombo = Pumpu.


[26] It is impossible to tell what the correct names of
these personages may have been.


[27] Pombo = Pambo = Pumpu.


[28] Chacamarca. See Raimondi's map, 1875.


[29] The Spanish here is very prolix. I have given
an approximate and shorter phraseology.


[30] This may be the "Tice" mentioned in Section
II, under another name. But all Sancho's proper
names are in great confusion.


[31] It is barely possible that "Aticoc" may be an
attempt at Titu Atauchi.


[32] The candor or barefacedness with which the secretary,
Sancho, confesses and even applauds the bad
faith of Pizarro in various places in this narrative,
which he wrote by order of Pizarro, is worthy of admiration.—Note
by Icazbalceta.


[33] The original: che haurebbe dato rame che i Capitani
etc., soldati fossero venuti alla pase. The significance
of the word rame is obscure; as at times it
means money, whence comes the vulgar phrase questo
sa di rame, in order to indicate that a thing is dear, it
appeared to me that I might adopt the interpretation
which I give, although I am not satisfied with it.—Note
by Icazbalceta. The present translator has
translated the Spanish as given by Icazbalceta.


[34] The original; veduto appears to me an error for
venuto.—Icazbalceta.[182]


[35] Inca "roads" were designed for foot traffic, and
steps were the means used for going up slopes.


[36] Parcostambo.


[37] Vilcas.


[38] All within the parentheses is a reconstruction of
the evident sense rather than a translation.


[39] Cf. Bandelier, 1910, p. 61.


[40] Serrata means either espesura [thicket] or angostura
[cleft].


[41] Quizquiz, like Chalicuchima, had been a general
of Atahualpa before the coming of the Spaniards.
He fought long against the invaders, but at length
his unavailing efforts caused him to be murdered by
his own followers. See Garcilasso, II, p. 509; Sarmiento,
171-173; Cieza de Leon, Chr., Pt. II, pp. 164
and 227; Markham, 1912, pp. 247-251.


[42] Andahuaylas.


[43] Curamba.


[44] Andahuaylas.


[45] Vilcas.


[46] Curamba is the correct form for Airamba (given
above).


[47] Vilcas, sometimes called Vilcashuaman, was a
part of the territory controlled by the Chanca before
they were made subjects to Cuzco. The conquest of the
Chanca may have begun in the time of Rocca, but it
had its culmination in that of Viracocha. Tupac
Yupanqui built numerous temples and palaces there,
and the region round about Vilcas was traversed by
important roads or trails. It is a place that is mentioned[183]
by nearly all the early writers. Cf. Garcilasso,
I, pp. 324-326, II, p. 58; Cieza de Leon, I, 312-315,
II, 150-154; Joyce, 1912, p. 107; Markham, 1912,
p. 178.


[48] Sancho is vague in his use of the words caballo
and ligero caballo. The latter means "light horse"
or "light-armed cavalry." But he uses the word
caballo when he means caballero. In the present
instance he really means caballo.


[49] The veracity of this story is certainly open to
question.


[50] Here the text says caballos, although it is plain
that caballeros is the word intended.


[51] See Squier, 1877, p. 177; Cieza, Tr. p. 355;
Velasco, 1840, p. 22; Joyce, 1912, pp. 210-212.


[52] This speech can hardly be regarded as verbatim,
of course.


[53] Sancho's imagination was drawn upon throughout
this section.


[54] Limatambo (correctly, Rimactampu).


[55] Xaquixaguana or Sacsahuana.


[56] The text has: "y que riendo el Gobernador partirse
sin aguardar a que pasaran los indios amigos, ..."


[57] tuvieron tiempo de retraerse al monte really means,
"they had time to withdraw to the mountain," but
the obvious sense is better preserved in the translation
I have given.


[58] Possibly this means Huascar, whom Atahualpa
had caused to be put to death.


[59] In Spanish they always say "el Cuzco." I believe[184]
that the reason for this is that "Cuzco" comes
from a Quichua word meaning "navel." If this is so,
"el Cuzco" has the significance of "the Navel" (of
the World). In English, of course, we use the word
simply as a place-name.


[60] The official designation of the Emperor was:
S. C. C. M., or Sagrada Cesarea Catolica Majestad.


[61] The modern village of Limatambo. When I was
there the fine walls so often spoken of were in a bad
condition from neglect on the part of the natives.
Yet, in spite of the refuse piled around them and the
throngs of pigs all about, one could see that the
masonry was of the finest Cyclopean type. Cf. Squier,
1877, p. 535; Markham, 1912, pp. 286 and 319; Cieza,
Tr., p. 320; Sarmiento, pp. 119 and 209. Garcilasso
tells us that it was founded by Manco Capac and that
it was the place where Viracocha waited for the Chanca.
Garcilasso, I, p. 80, and II, p. 52.


[62] Now called Zurite. It was the site of a palace
of Viracocha, who added it to his realm once more by
a victory (won by Pachacutec) over the Chanca. Cf.
Sarmiento, p. 85; Garcilasso, I, p. 53; Cieza, Chr., p.
128; The "Finca de los Andenes" is doubtless the
site of the palace.


[63] The truth of this statement is very questionable.


[64] Valverde.


[65] Pachacamac.


[66] In the days before the Incas the Creator-God
(under the names of Pachacamac, Viracocha, Irma,
etc.) was worshipped without idols. He was conceived[185]
as being superior to all other gods and as being
invisible. To judge from all accounts, his cult, at
this stage, was an advanced type of religion. Later,
however, the custom of having idols sprang up. As
their attributes were the same, there can be but little
doubt that Pachacamac and Viracocha were the same
deity. Pachacamac's chief shrine was on the coast,
at Pachacamac. Inca Pachacutec conquered Cuismancu,
lord of Pachacamac, about 1410, and built
a Sun Temple there. The chief temple to Viracocha
was at Cacha south of Cuzco, and it was probably
erected by the Inca Viracocha to celebrate his defeat
of the Chanca confederacy. Both these temples
(under Inca influence) had idols. Cf. Blas Valera,
1879, pp. 137-140; Sarmiento, pp. 28-29; Garcilasso,
II, pp. 69, 185-193, 428, 460; Cieza, Tr., pp. 161-163,
251-254; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 320-323; Uhle, 1903;
Markham, 1912, pp. 41, 97, 181, 233-234; Joyce,
1912, pp. 150-152; Beuchat, 1912, pp. 615-616.


[67] Another obvious fabrication.


[68] Huayna Capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525.


[69] This was Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac
by his third wife. Manco died in 1544, leaving a
grand-daughter, Coya Beatriz, who married Don
Martin Garcia Loyola. Their daughter, Lorenza,
became Marquesa de Oropesa.—Note by Sir C. R. M.
Cf. Garcilasso, II, pp. 352 and 526.


[70] A half-brother only.


[71] The story of Manco Inca is one of the most pathetic
in South American history. Although our[186]
author describes some of the events in the young
Inca's life, I will give a brief résumé of it here.


Manco was "crowned" with the borla or fringe on
March 24, 1534, at Cuzco. To please him, Almagro
the elder killed his two brothers (who might have become
his rivals) in order to get Manco on his side in
the quarrel which he had with the Pizarros as to which
ought to control Cuzco. After Almagro went to Chile,
the Villac Umu (High Priest) urged his brother Manco
to rise in revolt against the Spaniards, who were divided
among themselves. On April 18, 1536, Manco
revolted at Yucay. He laid siege to Cuzco with a
very large force and attacked the small Spanish garrison
mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses by
means of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise
harassing them. The Inca and his forces were,
for a time, successful. They captured the great fortress
of Sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken
by Juan Pizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro. Disheartened
by this, the Inca retired to the fortress of Ollantaytampu,
where he successfully combatted the attempts
of Hernando Pizarro to capture him. Later, Manco
was forced by Orgoñez to withdraw to the mountainous
region of Vilcapampa. The last Inca capital was
set up at Viticos, and there Manco held his court
for several years. He often raided the Spanish travellers
between Cuzco and Lima. His court became a
place of refuge for all Spaniards who fell out with their
fellows. One of these refugees, Gomez Perez, either
killed Manco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits[187]
or helped to kill him as the result of a plot. The Inca,
at all events, was murdered by Spaniards whom he
had befriended. That was in 1544. In 1911 Professor
Hiram Bingham visited Vitcos the situation
of which is clearly shown on the map, dated 1907,
that accompanies Sir Clements Markham's translation
of Sarmiento and Ocampo (Hakluyt, 2d Series,
no. XXII, p. 203). Professor Bingham's description
of the site is adequate, and, I think, unique.


At about the same time as the siege of Cuzco,
another Inca force, led by Titu Yupanqui, marched
on the newly founded Spanish capital (the Ciudad de
los Reyes or Lima). It was driven off by the Marques
Francisco Pizarro.


A brother of Manco, Paullu, was christened under
the name of Don Cristoval Paullu. He lived in the
Colcampata palace (which had been the great Pachacutec's),
and the small church of San Cristoval was
built near at hand for his use. He died about 1550,
being survived by Sayri Tupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui,
and two other children of Manco (who all lived on at
Viticos) and by his own sons Carlos and Felipe. It
was on the occasion of a particular request made by
the Viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marqués
de Cañete, that Sayri Tupac's aunt, Princess
Beatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in
Cuzco. Sayri Tupac died in 1560. Cf. Cieza, Tr., pp.
304-307; Garcilasso, II, pp. 104-105, 526; Titu Cusi
Yupanqui, apud Cieza's "War of Quito," pp. 164-166;
Montesinos, 1906, I, pp. 88-93; Cobo, 1892, III,[188]
pp. 203-210; Markham, 1892, pp. 93-96; Markham,
1912, pp. 254-259; Appleton's Cyclopaedia, 1888,
IV, pp. 186 and 682; Cabildos de Lima, I, pp. 1 ff.;
Bingham, 1912, entire.


[72] Manco Inca.


[73] Contrast this version with that given by Prescott
in Book III, Chapter 10. It is hardly necessary to
say that Prescott's is the correct one.


[74] Here, it is not difficult to read between the lines
and see what sort of treatment Manco got.


[75] Vicente de Valverde.


[76] An involved and unimportant clause here.


[77] This is all for the benefit of the Emperor, whose
policy it was to deal fairly by his new subjects.


[78] Vilcas.


[79] I do not know who is meant by this name.


[80] Llamas.


[81] Possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies
of the coyacuna or "queens" which, according to Garcilasso,
were placed in Curicancha—the Sun Temple.


[82] en su mismo ser.


[83] Casa really means house.


[84] "Che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni," says the
original, which can only be translated as I have done
it above. But when the secretary wrote his relation,
no such three years had gone by since the foundation
of Cuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to
suppose that the Italian translator did not understand
his original well, or that it is an interpolation
made later on.—Note by Icazbalceta.[189]


[85] The civilized inhabitants of the Chilca region
came originally from the interior, probably from the
Yauyos region. This event occurred, presumably,
somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time
the Incas were founding Cuzco (ca. 1100), they found
themselves strong enough to make raids into the
interior. Joyce points out that these raids may have
occurred even earlier, at a time when the Tiahuanacu
empire still flourished. At any rate, there was an
important contact with the interior cultures at an
early date. The Chincha also were constantly at war
with the Chimu, Chuquimancu and Cuismancu who
each ruled large and civilized coast states. The
Chincha were conquered by the Inca either in the
reign of Pachacutec or in that of Tupac Yupanqui
(more probably the former) somewhere about 1450.
According to Estete, their ruler (under Inca tutelage)
in the time of the Conquest was Tamviambea. The
cultural development of the Chincha was, artistically
speaking, not so high as that of the Chimu. It was,
however, in pre-Inca times, relatively complex. They
practised trephining successfully (an art derived from
their Yauyu ancestors), and they also frequently indulged
in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation.
Their general physical condition was good.
They numbered about 25,000. Cf. Cieza, Tr., p. 228;
Garcilasso, II, pp. 146-149; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95, 187;
Markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; Tello, 1912; Hrdlicka,
1914, pp. 22-24; Lafone-Quevedo, 1912, p. 115.[190]


[86] This may have been the chief Taurichumbi
mentioned by Estete. Cf. Markham, 1912, p. 239.


[87] This was before Alvarado and Pizarro met and
came to an agreement.


[88] Possibly Riobamba, Tumebamba, or some other
place in the "Kingdom" of Quito.


[89] Probably Saña.


[90] Properly Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, i.e. the
Southern province and the Western province of
Ttahuan-tin-suyu.


[91] Jauja (or Xauxa) was the predecessor of la Ciudad
de los Reyes. A letter to Charles V, dated July 20,
1534, describes it thus: "Esta Cibdad es la mexor y
mayor quen la Tierra se ha vista, e aun en Indias;
e decimos a Vuestra Magestad ques tan hermosa e de
tan buenos edyficios quen España seria muy de ver;
tiene las calles por mucho concierto empedradas de
guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas son de
señores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una
ladera de un cerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una
fortaleza muy bien obrada de canteria tan de ver, que
por españoles que an andado Reinos extranos, dizen
no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della; ..." Cf.
Cabildos, III, pp. 4-5.


[92] The Italian is: "Il quale tuttavia piu veniua
ponendo amore a gli Spagnuoli."—Note by Icazbalceta.


[93] Huanuco.


[94] Pachacamac.[191]


[95] Prescott places the total at 500 of which 230
were cavalry. Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. 9.


[96] It seems to me that, even in the days of the
Chimu and the Inca, the poorer people must have lived
in this sort of hut-like houses, and that only the great
dwelt in the "palaces" whose ruins are so remarkable.
Such a state of things would explain the apparent impossibility
of a large population existing in the dwellings
we now see. Cf. Hodge, 1897.


[97] This montaña is to-day the richest and most
valuable part of Peru.


[98] According to Garcilasso, Lib. II, Cap. 11, the
Peruvian empire was divided into four parts, Cuzco
being considered the centre. They called the northern
part Chinchasuya, the southern Coyasuya, the western
Cuntisuya, and the eastern Antisuyu.—Note by
Icazbalceta.


[99] Lake Titicaca contains several islands, notably
Titicaca and Coati.


[100] An obscure passage translated merely in most
general terms.


[101] Agras I take to mean fields from its similarity
to the Latin word, ager.


[102] Llamas.


[103] At this point Ramusio gives a fanciful view
of the city of Cuzco, which has no real interest whatever.—Note
by Icazbalceta.


[104] Cacique is really a West Indies word. The early
Spanish writers are wont to apply it to any sort of
native official. Here, no doubt, the correct term would[192]
be the Quichua word Curaca. Officials thus designated
under the Inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs of
formerly independent tribes and territories—roughly
analogous to the mediatized princes of Europe. Though
made vassals of the Inca, the curacas were often continued
in the command of their former subjects and
were intrusted with the governorship of provinces
over which they were formerly sovereigns. The curacas
ranked immediately below the Inca caste, and
ruled what was known as a hunu. Sometimes a curaca
was made an Inca-by-privilege as a reward of services.


[105] Huayna Capac.


[106] The marble was really granite. No marble was
used by the Incas.


[107] This reference to windows is important. At the
outset we must remind ourselves that Sancho may
have confused windows and niches. It is entirely possible,
however, that windows may formerly have been
present in those walls of Sacsahuaman. As is well
known, windows and niches were distinguishing features
of Inca architecture during the later period of
that dynasty. Sites like Pissac, Limatambo, Yucay,
Quente, Vilcabamba (alias Machu Pichu, a post-conquest
site in part), and Huaman-marca in the Amaybamba
Valley all present one or both of these features,
and all present unmistakable signs of recent construction,
say from the reign of Viracocha (circa
1425-50) onward. The importance of this mention
of windows (or niches) lies in this: It gives strong
evidence in support of my belief that the walls of[193]
Sacsahuaman which are toward Cuzco were of Inca
construction. Garcilasso (II, pp. 305 ff.) attempts to
give the credit for the whole of Sacsahuaman to Inca
Yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopean
walls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date,
as do "the seats of the Inca" close at hand, from the
days of Tiahuanaco. When we see the statement
made that the fortress of Sacsahuaman was of Inca
construction we must remember that really only the
southern walls and a few buildings behind them were
built under the Incas.


[108] That is, the joints do not come above one another,
but are alternated, as in brick-work.


[109] There are really six walls on the south and three
on the north. Cf. Garcilasso, II, 305.


[110] This is a poor attempt to describe the entrant
and re-entrant angles that make the cyclopean walls
so remarkable from a military point of view. See the
plan by Squier and Davis, Garcilasso, II, p. 305.


[111] Orejon, lit. "large-ear"; i.e. a member of the
Inca clan privileged to distend his ears by means of
ear-plugs. This myth of the founding of Cuzco by a
man from the sea is not found elsewhere.


[112] Llamas.


[113] Titicaca.


[114] Cobo describes the Temple of the Sun on Titicaca
and that of the Moon on Coati as being, together, the
third most important sanctuary in the Inca dominion.
The other two, of course, were the temples in Cuzco
and Pachacamac. For a detailed description of the[194]
temples in Lake Titicaca see Cobo, IV, pp. 54-63 and
Bandelier, 1910. The structures at that point are all
of late-Inca construction and seem to have been built
after the Inca conceived the idea of making himself
out to be the "Son of the Sun." They were perhaps
built with a view to lending colour to the myth.


[115] Correctly, Chuqui-apu.


[116] The original una seriola is a word whose meaning
I have not been able to find. It is found again a little
below. The method the Indians had for washing the
earth and getting the gold can be seen in Oviedo, Historia
General de las Indias, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8.—Note
by Icazbalceta.


[117] Huayna Capac.


[118] A braza is six feet.


[119] It says this in the original, but it is an error, for
it will be seen that the number must have been much
greater.—Note by Icazbalceta.


[120] As the text of this passage is obscure I give it
here: ... profundos como de la altura de un hombre,
en cuanto pueda el de abajo dar la tierra al de arriba;
y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arriba no puede
alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos ...


[121] Here is another rather obscure passage: "... pero
e pui ricche ... sono le prime che non hanno caricho da
lauar la terra & per rispetto del freddo & delle mine que
vi e non lo cauano. &c." Oviedo (Hist. General, Parte
I, lib. 6, Cap. 8); Acosta (Hist. nat. y mor. de las
Ind., lib. 4, Cap. 4); y Garcilasso (Com. Real., Parte
I, lib. 8, Cap. 24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines.[195]
In the first class are counted those which produce
pure gold in rather large grains, so that they can be
collected without further operations. These are, perhaps,
the sort that the secretary Sancho says are the
richest, although he has not spoken of them before.
In the second class are included those which produce
gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth
which it is necessary to remove by means of washing,
and these are those which Sancho mentions. The
third class of mines, which this man does not mention,
are those which yield gold mingled with stones
and other metals, just as silver is commonly found.
These mines, although at times very rich, failed to be
worked because of the expenses which labour caused.—Note
by Icazbalceta.


[122] Huayna Capac.


[123] The text says vino—"came." I think, however,
that it must be a misprint for vivo—"lived."


[124] This means, of course, Manco Inca.


[197]


BIBLIOGRAPHY


[199]


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED IN

THE COURSE OF THIS TRANSLATION OF

PEDRO SANCHO


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Transcriber's Note (Significant Amendments):


p. 7, 'Miguel de Astete' amended to Miguel de Estete;

p. 170, 'as it they were' amended to as if they were;

p. 179, 'Quitu' amended to Quito;

p. 179, 'His three left three' amended to He left three;

p. 180, 'Cajarmaquilla' amended to Cajamarquilla;

p. 183, 'Atalhualpa' amended to Atahualpa;

p. 190, 'Cabildo' amended to Cabildos;

p. 192, 'The curacus ranked' amended to The curacas ranked.