Since the Kankanay have been studied very little, the exact extent of their culture area is not at present certain.

The Igorot of northern Benguet, and almost all of the people living in Amburayan and southern Lepanto, speak the same dialect, have similar customs, and call themselves by the same name, “Kakanay” or “Kankanay.” The people of this group have no important cultural features by which to distinguish them from the Nabaloi, and linguistics is the only basis on which they may be classed as a separate unity.

The inhabitants of northern Lepanto call themselves “Katangnang,” speak a variation of the dialect spoken in the southern part of the sub-province, and have some customs, such as communal sleeping houses for unmarried boys and girls, which are more similar to certain customs of the Bontoc than to any found among the southern Igorot.

It might also be mentioned that the towns of northern Lepanto are comparatively large and compact like those of Bontoc, while the Kankanay of southern Lepanto as well as those of Benguet and Amburayan live in scattered settlements. Another difference is the amount of authority exercised by the baknang or wealthy class. In [345]northern Lepanto the baknang are comparatively unimportant, while among the southern Kankanay they are as powerful as among the Nabaloi.

However, the best authorities regard practically all the Lepanto Igorot as Kankanay. This seems to be advisable at present, but it is not improbable that a more thorough study of the Katangnang in the northern part of the sub-province will result in their being classed as a separate group.

Regarding the Igorot of northern Lepanto as Kankanay, the territorial limits of the tribe are approximately as follows:

On the north, the Lepanto-Bontoc sub-provincial boundary; on the east, the western boundary line of Ifugao; on the south, a line passing near the southern limits of Alilem and Bacun, then through the southern part of Kapangan between the barrios of Kapangan and Datakan, then through the township of Atok a little north of the central barrio, and then through the southern barrios of Buguias; and on the west, a line passing through the foothills of Amburayan and Lepanto.

In personal appearance the majority of the Kankanay are very similar to the Nabaloi except for the fact that they have hardly benefited as much through contact with the outside world. Except in the case of those who live near the sub-province of Bontoc, it is rather difficult to distinguish a Kankanay man from a Nabaloi.

The women of the two tribes are easily distinguished by a difference in dress, since the Kankanay women wear a waist instead of a jacket, and a plain skirt instead of the kind with the folded effect worn by the Nabaloi.

In personal traits the Benguet Kankanay are similar to the Nabaloi, but farther north the people are more self-assertive and independent. The difference in this respect between the cargadores of the various culture areas is noticeable. In Benguet they will generally carry without protest whatever size load they are given, but in Bontoc the cargador decides exactly how much he will carry. While waiting for his load, the Benguet man will probably remain out in the road, the Lepanto man in the yard, the Ifugao on the porch; but the Bontoc man comes into the house and acts as if he were in all respects the equal of the one for whom he carries. [346]

In agriculture and the industrial arts the Kankanay and the Nabaloi have made about equal progress, and practically everything that might be said of the one applies equally to the other. The standard of living is about the same, except that as a rule the Nabaloi have more rice. The houses and the method of their construction are similar, but there is a larger proportion of good houses among the Nabaloi. The household furnishings of the two peoples consist of the same or of similar articles.

The custom law of the southern Kankanay differs from that of the Nabaloi only in unimportant details.1

The order of inheritance is the same, and the general principle that property must go to the next generation and that parents, brothers, and uncles can hold it in trust only, applies to the southern Kankanay as well as to the Nabaloi. Another principle of common application by the two tribes is that all relatives of the same degree, whether male or female, inherit equally.

The southern Kankanay and the Nabaloi also have similar customs in regard to marriage, and children are betrothed by their parents in the same way. Among the northern Kankanay the young people choose their own spouses as they do in Bontoc.

Divorces among the Kankanay are rather frequent, though they claim that they are never divorced after children have been born. I know of two cases of divorce, however, between Kankanay wives and their Nabaloi husbands after there were children.

In general, the customs of the southern Kankanay and the Nabaloi regarding the discovery and punishment of crime are the same; but a larger proportion of cases are settled by the Kankanay according to their old custom law, since the Nabaloi have lately become more prone to take their troubles to the white officials.

All the ordeals known to the Nabaloi for discovering criminals or testing the veracity of witnesses are used by the Benguet Kankanay. In addition to these they have the test called manman, decided by looking at the gall of two chickens furnished by the respective contestants. The Kankanay as well as the Nabaloi contestant always appeals to the sun. [347]

Taken as a whole the custom law of the southern Kankanay and the Nabaloi is the same; and judging from the information at present available we may conclude that all the Igorot groups administer justice according to the same basic principles.

There is little difference in the amount of general knowledge possessed by the Kankanay and the Nabaloi, but the latter are probably a little more advanced in this respect. Whatever may be said of their native culture, the Nabaloi are certainly showing a greater readiness to adopt civilization than any other Igorot people.

Comparing the general Kankanay culture to that of the neighboring groups, I should say that it is lower than the culture of the Nabaloi and higher than that of the Bontoc. In some respects it is superior to the culture of the Ifugao or Kalinga, while in other respects it is inferior.

The Kankanay ceremonial system is similar to that of the Nabaloi.1 The rituals are the same in general purpose; they are based on a similar belief in spirits; the important elements of both systems are sacrifice and prayer; and the functions of the priests are the same. The ceremonies of each group must be given in their appropriate places, and a particular sacrifice must be offered in connection with each, though there is probably more latitude of choice among the Kankanay than among the Nabaloi.

There are Kankanay ceremonies corresponding in purpose to nearly all the Nabaloi ceremonies, but as a rule the spoken ritual is quite different. Some of the corresponding ceremonies are called by the same name, and some by different names. In a few cases ceremonies called by the same name are celebrated for entirely different purposes by the two groups.

There is not the same uniformity in the ceremonies celebrated in the various towns of the Kankanay as there is in those of the Nabaloi. As a rule the same rituals are held in the towns of northwestern Benguet, in Ampasungan of Lepanto, and in Bacun of Amburayan. [348]Buguias and Mancayan have the majority of these ceremonies, but not all. On the other hand, a few are celebrated in the latter towns which are unknown in the former.

From the data available, it seems that there is even more difference between the ceremonies of the northern and southern Kankanay than there is between those of the latter and the Nabaloi. It is quite certain, however, that all the Lepanto ceremonies have not been recorded, and when this has been done the rituals of the two sections may show a closer resemblance than at present appears to be the case.

The southern Kankanay have no term by which a supreme ruler of the universe is designated, and it is doubtful if any Kankanay, with the exception of a few who live near the coast, have any conception of such a personage. The translation of “Lumawig” as God in connection with the description of some of the ceremonies presented in Robertson’s publication on the Lepanto Igorot,2 may be explained by the tendency of the Ilocano township secretaries who did the recording, to interpret Igorot rituals in terms of the Christian religion.

It seems that all the Igorot tribes that have so far been studied recognize Lumawig as one of their great culture heroes. The Benguet Kankanay say that he once lived on earth and was one of them, and that when he died his soul did not go to the mountains with the souls of the other Igorot, but ascended to the sky, where it still remains with the souls of Kabigat, Amdoyaan, and the other great heroes of the past. All the culture heroes are objects of worship.

The kakading are the souls of the dead. They go to the mountains but sometimes return to their villages and cause sickness in order that sacrifice will be necessary. The tanong and amud are souls of ancestors.

The Kankanay as well as the Nabaloi believe in the existence of spirits other than the souls of the dead, which cause sickness or bad luck. Their concept of the special functions of each class of spirits, however, is not in all cases the same as that of the Nabaloi. The belief in the amdag which catch the souls of the living with a net, and in the pasang which prevent the birth of children, is common to both tribes. On the other hand, the ampasit and the timungau, malevolent spirits of the Nabaloi, seem to be regarded rather as culture heroes [349]by the Kankanay. In addition to the amdag and the pasang, the southern Kankanay recognize the following:

The dagas, spirits which live with the people in their dwelling houses.

The bilig, spirits which live in the pasture or timber lands near the settlements.

The pinading, spirits which live in the high mountains, and correspond in some respects to the kakaising of the Nabaloi.

The Kankanay belief in Messeken, Akodau, and the other inhabitants of the underworld is the same as that of the Nabaloi. The belief regarding the underworld seems to be held in common by all the Igorot tribes and to extend to the Tinguian of Abra.

The Kankanay in a very few ceremonies pray to the sun and moon, but it is not probable that they pray to groups of stars as do the Nabaloi. The elements are frequently personified in the sacred stories, but it is not probable that prayer is offered to them.

The Kankanay make ceremonies for the same general purpose as the Nabaloi. The majority of them are celebrated primarily against sickness, or to avert calamities, such as crop failure. Incidentally, all public ceremonies secure the good will of deities and spirits, and cause the giver to live long, be lucky, and become rich. The matter of personal pride and desire of power is also an important factor, and it is said that the most expensive cañao celebrated by some of the Lepanto Kankanay is given for no other purpose. I think this is doubtful, however, and believe it probable that all cañaos possess some religious significance, even when the givers have a material motive.

Another reason for ceremonies given by a member of the Kankanay baknang might be interesting. He stated that if he did not give the mandit and other public cañaos at frequent intervals, all his livestock would be stolen, but that as long as the people knew that they would consume the larger number of his animals, they were willing that he should have the trouble and responsibility of raising them.

As with the Nabaloi, the mambunong is an institution; though the Kankanay have more occasions on which they address the spirits and deities without his intervention than the Nabaloi. Except in [350]Buguias the ceremonies are not shrouded in mystery to the same extent that they are among the Nabaloi, and the people have more general knowledge concerning them.

The compensation allowed the priest is about the same as among the Nabaloi, and the priests appoint their successors in the same way; that is, by selecting the one to whom the prayer is taught.

Anap, meaning “to find out,” is the general name for the Kankanay divination ceremonies. Three methods are used.

The mambunong puts tapuy in a glass and prays, asking the gods to show what caused the sickness and what ceremony should be celebrated to effect its cure. He then looks into the tapuy where he sees something indicating the cause of the sickness and the ceremony to be celebrated. This method corresponds to the Nabaloi bakno.

A stone is suspended by a string, the mambunong prays, the various rituals are named; if the stone moves at the mention of a ceremony, that one must be celebrated. This method corresponds to the Nabaloi sabat.

An egg is stood on end on the ground, the rituals are named, and the one to be given is determined by the falling of the egg. This corresponds to the buyon of the Nabaloi, except that the latter use a stick instead of an egg.

The examination of the gall of a chicken is used to determine whether or not one will be lucky in doing a certain thing, or whether a sick person will recover. This divination is called manman.

As with the Nabaloi, the spoken ritual consists of either a petition or a story which serves as a magical formula. The formula seems to be used to a greater extent by the Kankanay than by the Nabaloi. The prayer or formula must always be uttered at the appropriate place and in the proper circumstances, or else it will not be effective. The use of the formula as well as the prayer seems to be common to all tribes of the Igorot including the Tinguian.3 [351]

There is no dancing in connection with the private ceremonies; but the tayo, a dance by one man and woman at a time, forms a part of nearly all public ceremonies. The dance is the same as the tayau of the Nabaloi except that the Kankanay dance to faster time. The time is faster among the northern than among the southern Kankanay.

While the dance is in progress the mambunong shouts the following at intervals of about ten minutes to the man who is dancing:

While the mambunong is reciting the baliwak, the man stops dancing, but the woman continues. The baliwak corresponds to the datok of the Nabaloi.

The typical dances of the Nabaloi and the Kankanay are very similar, but this can not be stated of the dances of any of the other Igorot tribes. The Bontoc, Ifugao, Apayao, and Kalinga dances all differ considerably, and even the most common dances in various towns of the same tribe differ to such an extent that an inhabitant of one town can not take part in a dance of another.

Sacred songs form a part of the worship in connection with the Kankanay mandit, palis, tamo, and bindian. The badio, which is an extemporaneous chant similar to the badio of the Nabaloi, is always sung in connection with all ceremonies if there is sufficient tapuy on which to become intoxicated, but it is not regarded as a part of the worship.

The Kankanay pay even more attention to omens in connection with rituals or in their ordinary occupations than do the Nabaloi. Snakes, lizards, or certain birds crossing the roads are omens of bad luck. If anything falls, if a rock becomes detached and rolls down the hill, or a person stumbles, some calamity is sure to follow unless it can be averted by means of ceremonies.

The taboos among the Kankanay are even more numerous and last longer than among the Nabaloi. This may be partly due to the fact that the Kankanay are a more primitive people. [352]

The taboo and the belief in omens is common to all the Igorot tribes, and the latter is prevalent to some extent among many of the lower class Christian Filipinos.

A. Generally distributed through northern and central Lepanto:

Begnas or pakde, for the general welfare; made two or three times a year, before or after the planting and the harvesting of rice. Similar to the Ifugao honga, the Benguet Kankanay kosde, and the Nabaloi kosday.

Bayas, made by the rich to emphasize their station; also against sickness. Made after marriage “every four or five years,” or, “three times during one’s lifetime.” Similar to the Ifugao bumaiyah, the Benguet Kankanay mandit, and the Nabaloi pachit. [354]

Bakid, variously described as “for the dead,” “against ditches going dry,” and “part of other cañaos.” Similar to the Benguet Kankanay bugid; and the Nabaloi tawal ni payu.

Ubaya, divination, “for finding out.” Similar to the Ifugao ubaya, the Benguet Kankanay anap, and the Nabaloi buyon, sabat, and bakno.

Palis, against witches. Similar to the Benguet Kankanay palis and the Nabaloi palis.

B. Mentioned only in the reports from this or that township:

Pasang, against sterility. Similar to the Benguet Kankanay pasang, and the Nabaloi pasang.

Keslei, against sickness.

Tobag, against sickness.

Tonkala, in accordance with a vow rendered during sickness.

Bagaoas, for the rice crop; against mice and drouth.

Sepesep, nature and purpose not clear.

The bindian, called by the Kabayan Nabaloi bindayan, is celebrated in Buguias, but in no other Kankanay town. The ceremony is held to cure or to prevent sickness, or in compliance with a promise made while a person is sick.

In general, the celebration is similar to that conducted in Kabayan; but in Buguias instead of the dummy head being carved to represent the head of a person, it represents the head of a snake. In the bindian song for Buguias, the deeds of the heroes who went to Legleg and succeeded in killing two large snakes which had been responsible for the death of a large number of people, are commemorated. The olol, instead of representing the takers of human heads as they do in Kabayan, represent the persons who killed the snakes.

As among the Kabayan Nabaloi, hogs are used for sacrifice, and the dancing is the same in the two towns. The prayer is also similar. [355]As a rule the celebration is not conducted on so large a scale in Buguias as it is in Kabayan, and fewer people attend.

I do not know whether or not this ceremony is given in any of the Lepanto Kankanay towns, but I have seen a dance in Bagnen which is similar to the bindian dance. The Igorot farther north have their head-taking celebrations, of which the bindian seems to be a survival.

The mandit of the Kankanay corresponds to the pachit of the Nabaloi. The Nabaloi use the word manchit, meaning “to celebrate the pachit.” The Kankanay always substitute “d” for the “ch” of the Nabaloi.

However, there is a difference in the purpose for which the Nabaloi and the Kankanay of Kibungan and surrounding towns celebrate this ceremony. In Kibungan it is given neither to cure nor to prevent sickness, but only to cause the person celebrating it to become rich and to be honored by the people. In the Kankanay town of Buguias it is celebrated to cure or prevent sickness as well as to enhance the prestige and to increase the wealth of the giver.

The following is an account of a mandit which I saw on the 3rd and 4th of October, 1916, at the house of Damadan, a rich Igorot living in Kibungan:

The ceremony began about nine o’clock in the morning. The mambunong took a cocoanut shell filled with tapuy, and squatted in front of the house. He then prayed as follows, while holding the tapuy in his hand:

The old men then squatted around in a group and sang the bayog, which is as follows:

After singing the bayog, the people danced and drank tapuy until noon, when twelve hogs which were to be killed were tied and put in a row in front of the house. Just before the first hog was killed the mambunong prayed the prayer which is called batbat in Kibungan. It is as follows:

The hogs were then killed, and after the meat was cooked the same prayer was repeated. After the people had eaten, they began to dance and sing again and continued to do so throughout the night; but only a small number of those who were present during the day remained. The majority went home, taking with them part of the meat which had been left.

The second and third days were similar to the first; but fewer people attended, and fewer hogs were killed.

The mambunong stated that, if after a person has celebrated the mandit, a stone should become detached from the hillside and roll down near his house, or if there should be a slide near, it would be necessary for him to kill another hog, and have the mambunong pray the following prayer:

While this ceremony corresponds in general to the Nabaloi pachit, the song and prayer are entirely different. In the pachit the prayer is addressed principally to the souls of dead relatives, while in the mandit the hero deities are addressed. The prayer and song resemble more closely those for the Nabaloi bindayan than those for the pachit. It is not improbable that when the bindayan or its equivalent became obsolete among the Kibungan Kankanay, a part of it was incorporated in other rituals.

The corresponding Lepanto Kankanay ceremony is variously designated as the bayas, bagnas, and daaus. The corresponding Ifugao ceremony is called bumayah.

The dawak is a small mandit, and corresponds to the Nabaloi chawak. A very small dawak called basit dawak corresponds to the Nabaloi bayog. [358]

The batbat is given in all Benguet towns, by the Kankanay as well as the Nabaloi, to cure or prevent sickness and to bring riches and long life to the giver. The ceremony is held for the same general purpose by both tribes, but the manner of celebrating it is different.

In the Kankanay towns from one to twelve hogs may be used for this ceremony. The number varies according to the wealth of the giver. Unlike the Nabaloi they do not pretend to deceive the spirits by tying hogs which are not to be killed. The following story regarding this difference was related in Legleg,2 a barrio of Kapangan:

Before each hog is killed, the mambunong prays as follows while holding a cup of tapuy in his hand:

After the hog has been killed, the mambunong takes the stick with which it was stuck, and swings it while praying as follows:

The prayer recorded above is used in Legleg and all the other Kankanay barrios of Kapangan, but in Kibungan the prayer recorded under the mandit is also used for batbat. In Buguias the souls of the dead and the malevolent spirits as well as the deities are addressed, and the prayer as a whole is probably more similar to the Nabaloi prayer for batbat than to the one recorded above.

Dancing the tayo forms a part of this ceremony in all Benguet Kankanay towns.

The ceremony may last from one to three days, and is generally more expensive than the batbat of the Nabaloi. As a rule more hogs, tapuy, and rice are used.

It will be noted that in the prayer used by the Kankanay for batbat only the deities are addressed, while the Nabaloi not only relate a sacred story, but also petition the souls of ancestors, the pasang, and some of the constellations.

In some respects the Lepanto ceremony called keslei resembles the batbat.

Among the Benguet Kankanay as well as the Nabaloi the term saad is used to designate the batbat on a small scale.

Kapi is celebrated by the Buguias Kankanay in compliance with dreams, or a vow made during sickness.

A hog, tapuy, and rice are necessary. Just before the hog is killed, the mambunong prays, addressing his prayer to the deities, the souls of the dead, and the malevolent spirits. They are asked not to cause sickness, but to give good luck, riches, and long life. [360]

After the hog has been killed and cooked, the prayer is repeated. There is no dancing, but the people generally remain all day and spend the time drinking tapuy.

I have never seen this ceremony in any of the western Benguet Kankanay towns, but have been told that it is sometimes celebrated in Kapangan. It is celebrated in all Nabaloi settlements, and in the township of Mancayan in Lepanto.

The amlag is a ceremony celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns. Its purpose is to cause the release of the captured soul of a living person.

A chicken, some rice, and a collection of tools are necessary for sacrifice. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand and squats beside the tapuy and rice while he prays.

He begins his prayer by addressing the amlag of the various settlements from the coast town of San Fernando, La Union, to the place where the ceremony is held; and then requests that if any of them have captured the soul of the sick person, they release it in exchange for the food, tapuy, and tools.

This ceremony is celebrated for the same purpose as the amdag of the Nabaloi; but no sacred story is told by the Kankanay mambunong, nor are the deities addressed. The ceremony is celebrated in the Lepanto town of Mancayan, and probably in other Lepanto towns.

Lawit is a ceremony celebrated by the Benguet Kankanay to cause the return of the soul of a living person which has wandered away. One of the Kibungan mambunong said:

The mambunong takes a plate of rice from which tapuy has been fermented and holds it in one hand, while holding a chicken in the other. He turns his face toward the sky and says the following:

The lawit is celebrated in Kibungan, Kapangan, Bacun, and Ampusungan; but I do not know whether or not it is celebrated in any other Kankanay towns. It corresponds to the Nabaloi tawal and to the Bontoc ofat.

The Buguias Kankanay celebrate a ceremony called tingiting to cause the return of the souls of the persons who have occupied a house which has been burned. It is believed that the souls fly away with the fire and smoke.

One of those who has occupied the house holds some dried meat in his hand, while he calls the names of all the sky deities he can remember, and asks that they send the souls to earth again.

This ceremony is celebrated by the Nabaloi, and in the Lepanto Kankanay town of Mancayan.

The palis is celebrated by the Benguet Kankanay against witchcraft, and also to cause injury to befall an enemy.

Tapuy, cooked rice, and either a chicken or a dog are necessary for sacrifice.

The prayer is addressed by the mambunong to the amlag. They are asked to dissolve their alliance with the witch and take the side of the people, or to visit the enemy and cause him bad luck, in consideration of the tapuy and food which are furnished.

As soon as the prayer has been finished, the people present sing the angba, a song in which the deities are called by name and asked to witness the palis.

One man then dances and waves a spear as if he were attacking an enemy, while some of the people keep time by beating together wooden sticks.

The palis is celebrated by the Nabaloi and the Lepanto Kankanay. The ceremony, or its equivalent, is probably celebrated by all Igorot tribes, since a belief in witchcraft is prevalent throughout their territory. When the ceremony is celebrated to divert injury from oneself to an enemy, it corresponds to the Nabaloi sagausau. [362]

The buang is celebrated to cure deafness in Buguias, in some of the Kankanay barrios of Atok, and probably in some if not all of the Benguet Kankanay settlements farther west.

The mambunong holds in one hand the chicken to be sacrificed and with the other hand he holds a cup of tapuy above the head of the deaf person, while relating the following story:

Bangan did so and Kabigat was cured. Then they handed this down to the people, and commanded that the name of Thunder, Kabigat, and Bangan should be called.

This ceremony is celebrated by the Nabaloi, but a different version of the story is told.

Mayilutlutkan is a ceremony given by the Kankanay against headache. The mambunong takes a camote in his left hand and holds it against the head of the sick person. He holds a knife in his right hand against the camote, while praying as follows:

The mayilutlutkan corresponds to the Nabaloi nansaang. [363]

The palis chi kabunian is celebrated in Buguias to cure toothache, but I do not think it is celebrated in any other Benguet Kankanay towns.

A jar of tapuy and a chicken are used for sacrifice. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand, while with the other he holds a spear against the aching tooth. He prays to the amlag asking that they cease causing the tooth to ache, and that they visit their malevolence on the patient’s enemies instead.

The people then sing the angba, a song in which the deities are asked to witness the palis. The patient then holds a spear in his hand while he dances to the music produced by beating together two seasoned wooden sticks.

The ceremony is celebrated by the Nabaloi, but the spoken ritual is different.

Mantuis bilig is one of the ceremonies celebrated to cure pains in the chest. A chicken, a jar of tapuy, and a basket of blankets, breech-clouts, and headbands are necessary. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand, puts the basket on his head, squats beside the tapuy, and says the following:

[364]

Bilong is a ceremony which is celebrated to cure diseases of the lungs. The mambunong holds in one hand a piece of dried meat and says the following:

Maydosadan is one of the ceremonies which is held to cure pains in the chest. The mambunong holds a chicken which is to be sacrificed, while he relates the following:

After the chicken has been killed and cooked, the story is repeated.

Manbating is one of the ceremonies which is held when a person is bleeding from the nose or mouth. The mambunong holds a chicken in one hand, while he sits in front of a basket containing a rope and says the following:

The liblibian is a ceremony which is celebrated in Kibungan and the neighboring Kankanay towns to cure diarrhoea and pains in the abdomen.

The mambunong holds in one hand a kind of plant called dungau while relating the following story:

The ampasit is a ceremony which is celebrated by the western Benguet Kankanay to cure sexually caused diseases. The mambunong holds in one hand a chicken which is to be sacrificed, and relates the following story:

The ampasit of the Kankanay is entirely different from the ceremony of the same name celebrated by the Nabaloi. The Kankanay ampasit corresponds in purpose to the Nabaloi basil. There is no similarity, however, in the spoken rituals of these two ceremonies.

The dayau is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns to cure sores.

A chicken and a jar of tapuy are necessary for sacrifice. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand, a cup of tapuy in the other, and relates a version of the story recorded under the bilig (p. 377); but he adds that after the quarrel both the Wind and the Lightning became covered with sores, and that in compliance with the advice of Lumawig the dayau was celebrated in order that a cure might be effected.

After the ceremony the patient bathes while saying:

The ceremony is very similar to the diau kasib of the Nabaloi. It is celebrated in Mancayan, but I do not know whether or not it is celebrated in any other Lepanto towns.

The tamo is held in Buguias to cure insanity. It is also made in some of the villages of Mancayan, but I do not know whether it is celebrated in other Kankanay towns.

The mambunong holds the chicken in his hand and prays, but I can not state the nature of the prayer. After the prayer one man [369]dances with a spear in his hand. The dance, which is similar to that of the palis, is repeated three times. Between dances the people sing, but no one seems to be able to explain the meaning of the song. The majority of the words used in both the song and the prayer are probably obsolete.

The ceremony is similar in some respects to the tamo of the Nabaloi.

The pasang is celebrated to cause children to be born. The mambunong holds a chicken in each hand and squats between two baskets of blankets, while relating the following story:

There is no dancing in connection with this ceremony in the western Benguet Kankanay towns, but in Buguias the wife and husband dance. The wife carries her camote basket filled with blankets, breech-clouts, and cloth, which are offered to the pasang.

The pasang is celebrated for the same purpose by the Nabaloi, the Lepanto Kankanay, and probably other Igorot tribes. I have been told that a corresponding ceremony is celebrated as far north as Kalinga.

The abasang is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns when children are born.

A chicken and a jar of tapuy are used for sacrifice. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand, and prays to the laglagawin or guardian spirit of the child, asking that it may live long and be lucky. A magical story, which I was unable to secure, is also related.

This ceremony is celebrated by the Nabaloi, but I do not know whether or not it is held in any Kankanay towns outside of Benguet. [371]

The Kankanay as well as the Nabaloi celebrate sibisib to cure wounds. The mambunong holds against the wound the instrument with which it was inflicted, while relating the following:

The story related in Buguias is substantially the same as the one related by the Kabayan Nabaloi in the same ceremony.

The sibisib is celebrated in the town of Bacun in Amburayan, and in Ampusungan of Lepanto, but I do not know whether it is made in other Lepanto towns.

The larger number of the Benguet Kankanay are betrothed while children by their parents. The betrothal ceremony is called gaysing. As a rule this cañao is celebrated when the children are very young; frequently while they are infants; and occasionally before one of them is born.

One of the primary objects of the gaysing is to cement friendship between the parents, and it is frequently held after they have quarreled and pressure has been brought to bear to cause them to become friendly again.

An animal, generally a cow, is killed and tapuy is furnished, but there is no spoken ritual.

The Nabaloi custom of betrothal is the same, and the same ceremony is celebrated.

The betrothal ceremony celebrated by the young people themselves without the intervention of their parents is called galon. It is held only in the instances where there has been no gaysing, or where the parties for whom the gaysing has been celebrated refuse to marry. Except in the case of the rich, refusal to marry is rare, since the one who refuses must pay all expenses incurred for the gaysing.

The galon is celebrated exactly like the gaysing.

The corresponding Nabaloi ceremony is called kalon. [373]

The marriage ceremony, called mangilin, is similar to the mangidin of the Nabaloi.

A hog is always offered for sacrifice, and the mambunong prays, calling the names of the sky deities and asking them to witness the marriage. They are also requested to cause those marrying to treat each other properly, to cause them to have many children, to cause everything which they plant to grow well, to cause them to have luck with their livestock, and to give them long life and riches.

After the prayer the Mambunong passes a cup of water to the bridegroom, who drinks, and then gives the cup to the bride.

A taboo is effective against both the bride and groom for three days after the ceremony. At the end of this time they go to the brook to bathe, the man taking his ax and the woman her camote basket. While bathing each one repeats a short formula, after which they are husband and wife.

In case of divorce the mansiyanun, which is the same as the pansijanun of the Nabaloi, is made. There is no spoken ritual, but a hog and tapuy are furnished the people.

The engagement, marriage, and divorce ceremonies are similar throughout Benguet, eastern Amburayan, and southern Lepanto.

The siling, or funeral ceremony, is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns, and, indeed, under various names, by the majority if not all of the Igorot tribes.

Except in the case of infants or very small children the dead are not buried immediately, but are put into a death chair around which funeral rites are held. In the meantime animals belonging to the dead person or his relatives are killed and eaten, while the burial is delayed.

The interval between the death and the burial varies according to the wealth of the deceased, sometimes lasting for months in the case of the very wealthy. Even when the health authorities force immediate burial on account of danger from infectious diseases, the siling continues just the same with a dummy corpse in the death chair. [374]

Before anything is killed, the mambunong prays, asking that the food eaten at the siling may not cause sickness. A female relative then leans on the death chair and says the following:

“You are dead, ——. We are giving everything we can for your siling. Do not come back for us, but let us live long.”

After the siling ends the corpse is put into the coffin and buried in the ground, or placed in a natural cave. The burial takes place either in the afternoon, between sunset and dark, or in the morning before the sun rises.

After a dead person has been buried, the people gather in his yard. They get a vessel of water, and the mambunong puts grass in it and sprinkles them, while saying the following:

The pugas corresponds to the Nabaloi okat.

The kiad is a ceremony celebrated by the Kankanay of Kapangan and Kibungan to cure sickness inflicted upon the wealthy by the souls of their dead relatives.

A carabao, a cow, or a horse may be killed when the kiad is celebrated.

The people first take a jar of tapuy to the grave of that dead relative of the sick person who is indicated by the anap as having caused the sickness. A hole is made in the grave, and the mambunong prays as follows:

[375]

The blanket is put into the grave, after which the people go to the house of the sick person. They tie the animal to be killed, and give the rope to the mambunong. He then prays as follows, while holding the rope:

The carabao is then killed and cooked. Just before the people eat, the mambunong says:

After the people have eaten, the mambunong shakes the two blankets to be used by the dancers, in order that he may shake out the spirits of the blankets for the dead relative. While doing this he says the following:

The people then spend the rest of the day dancing and drinking tapuy.

The ceremony is entirely different from the kiad of the Nabaloi. It corresponds in purpose and occasion to the Nabaloi tabwak.

Kosde, called pakde in some barrios, is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns. The purpose of the ceremony is to cause agricultural products to grow well, and it is always celebrated some time between rice planting and rice harvesting, generally soon after the planting has been finished.

The night before the ceremony begins, every fire in the barrio is extinguished, and the next morning new fire is produced by means of friction.

Each household must furnish a hog or chicken and a jar of tapuy. The mambunong holds a separate ceremony at each house, and prays to the gods and spirits asking that the yield may be sufficient for the people and that there may be enough surplus with which to celebrate many ceremonies.

After the ceremony has been held at each house, the meat and tapuy are taken to one place. The men proceed to drink the tapuy, [376]but the meat is divided among the people according to the number in each family. The part which can not be eaten is hung above the fire and dried.

This ceremony corresponds to the Nabaloi kosday; to the pakde or begnas of the Lepanto Kankanay; and, in a general way, to the honga of the Ifugao, and the chaka of the Bontoc.

The ceremony called bugid is held in the Benguet Kankanay towns when the water for irrigation is not sufficient.

A jar of tapuy and some dried meat are taken to the field for sacrifice, and the owner of the field prays to the spirits of suicides asking them not to try to drink from the irrigation ditches.

The purpose of the ceremony corresponds to the tawal ni payu of the Nabaloi, and to the bakid as celebrated in some of the Lepanto Kankanay towns.

The pungau is celebrated by the Benguet Kankanay at the beginning of rice harvest. Before any rice can be gathered, the owner of the field must procure a jar of tapuy and either a chicken or dried meat, which are taken to the field. The owner holds the chicken or dried meat in one hand and prays that the rice to be harvested may increase to an amount sufficient to last until the next harvest, and promises that a large part of it will be used for ceremonies.

After the prayer all who are to take part in the ceremony drink tapuy. No one else is allowed in the field until after the harvesting has been completed, and a piece of cloth is displayed to warn away intruders.

This ceremony corresponds to the pungau of the Nabaloi and the safosab of the Bontoc. The Lepanto Kankanay also celebrate a ceremony before beginning rice harvest, but I do not know by what name it is designated nor the manner in which it is celebrated.

Before any new rice is eaten, the ceremony called bugak is held. Some of the new rice and either dried meat or a chicken are cooked. A mambunong is not necessary, but the head of the household throws some of the cooked rice in the fire and says: [377]

He prays a similar prayer to the pots in which the cooking has been done, to the rack on which the rice was dried, and to the mortar in which it was threshed.

This ceremony corresponds to the bakak of the Nabaloi.

The ceremony called saldi is held before eating the meat of animals which have died of disease or have fallen from a cliff.

Pieces of the animals’ liver are thrown in various directions while the mambunong addresses the bilig living in the pasture lands of the animal, asking that sickness may not result from eating the meat.

After the meat has been cooked, the mambunong invites the fire and the pot to eat first, in order that the people who eat may not become sick.

This ceremony, which corresponds to the Nabaloi salchi, is celebrated in all Benguet Kankanay towns, and also in Bacun, Amburayan, and in Ampusungan and Mancayan, Lepanto.

The bilig are spirits which are friendly to the people, but cause sickness when they need blankets or food. The ceremony called bilig is performed to cure the sickness caused by these spirits.

A chicken, tapuy, rice, and blankets are obtained. The mambunong puts a basket full of blankets on his head, holds a chicken in one hand, and while squatting beside the tapuy and rice says the following:

When two or more persons living in one house become sick at the same time, the anap generally shows that the dagas, which are spirits that live in houses, have caused the sickness. When the people living [379]in a certain house have not had a cañao for a long time, the dagas which live with them become hungry and make them sick. The ceremony which must then be celebrated is called by the same name, dagas.

A chicken, rice, blankets, and tapuy are necessary. The mambunong holds the chicken in one hand, and squats near the rice, tapuy, and blankets while relating the following:

When the mambunong decides that a person has been made sick by his guardian spirit, he causes the sick person to hold a chicken in his hand and to repeat the following:

The chicken is then killed and cooked, and just before it is eaten the sick person repeats the prayer. [380]

The tanong is a ceremony celebrated to cure sickness caused by the souls of dead ancestors. A carabao, a cow, a hog, or a chicken may be sacrificed, according to the wealth of the sick person. A mambunong is not necessary, but the sick person himself prays as follows:

The promise to make additional sacrifice is rarely kept, and I have been told by those celebrating the ceremony that they had no intention of keeping it.

After the prayer has been uttered, the animal is killed. If a carabao or cow has been sacrificed, one of the men present cuts small pieces from its liver and throws them in different directions, while saying the following:

After the meat has been cooked, the sick person speaks the same prayer which he recited before the animal was killed.

Among the Kankanay of Benguet the sagausau is generally celebrated before starting on a journey, and always before starting on a journey to trade.

A chicken is first killed and its gall examined. If the gall is full and smooth the trader will have luck, but if the gall does not look right, the trip is delayed and the next day another chicken is killed. When the prospective trader finds a chicken whose gall is all right, he then proceeds to celebrate the sagausau.

In the western Benguet Kankanay towns, the person giving the sagausau prays as follows:

In Buguias, where a large number of people make their living by acting as middlemen, between the Nabaloi and Ilocano on the one hand, and the Ifugao on the other, the prayer which is spoken by the mambunong is as follows:

In the Lepanto town of Mancayan the sagausau is celebrated, but I do not know whether or not it is held in the other Lepanto towns.

The sagausau of the Nabaloi is celebrated for a different purpose and is an entirely different ceremony.

Guaday ifūgau ay way onasna. Usay būngbūngo idi ūna inīla baung, inīla ay waday mangibot si onasna. Ud isay labi nantabon ta ilauna.

Inīla nay adadū ay basang nay omali ay inbayat si si lūpateha sin alad. Inanay din lūpot nay ūsali yan kimiti. Din isali nay babayī inani di lūpot, yan sinmayag, modin ūsali nabayan adin makasayag tan din lūpot inikudna din payadna.

Inkwanīna sin ifūgau un, “Iatudmo din lūpotko, tan sakun talauak, yan kianko ay sūmayag ud kayang.” Mon din ifūgau yatna un, “Adīak iatud din lūpotmo anganas asauwam sakun.” Ud niman manasauwada, mon adīna inatud din lūpotna insisiya. Mo din lalaki inpūina di lūpot sin dalum di dakalan sin adīna inīla.

Ud niman angoi yay tolo ay tauan di manasauwanda, ut nananakda’s dūa. Idi ūsali yay agou din babayī inmui nay sansinokatan din dakdakalan, idi sinokatanan dakalan, dingtūngna din lūpotna.

Mo din ūsali nay anak matī. Din si īnada maladi ay inanilaun di ūsali yay anakna ay mabayan si nalabi, mon adin omali sin kagauan. [382]

Sin namingsan nay labi, din si īnana di anak piana nay alaun sisiya ut kayang, mon din si amana inīlana si asauwana. Idi anoka naniboda ut mantolagada un panpapitakadda din anak. Si īnana din kagadūa, ut nanbiagana; idi nanbiagana di kagadūa, binugauwan naut di ūsali yay kagadūana. Modin ūsali nay kagadūana nabūyok tan si amana adīna mabalin nay panbiagan. Idi namingsan nay labi, din si īnana nanbiagana, yan yatna un, “Sūlabitam din kagadūūm.” Ud niman sinongbalana, mon adiut napigsa tan nabayag ay nabūyok.

Nanbalin si kitkitoi yay kido, ut ūsali nay kagadūa nanbalin nay abalug ay kido.

There was a man who had sugar cane. One morning when he went to see his field, he saw that some one had stolen his sugar cane. Then one night he hid to watch.

He saw many beautiful women come and hang their clothing on the fence. He took the clothing of one and made a loud noise. The other women took their clothing and flew away, but the one remaining could not fly because her wings were fastened to her clothing.

She said to the man, “Give me my clothing, because I am a star and wish to fly away to the sky.” But the man said, “I will not give you your clothing until you marry me.” Then they married, but he did not give her clothing to her. But the man hid the clothing under the dakalan2 when she was not looking.

From that time until three years (afterwards) they were married, and they had two children. One day the woman started to change the dakalan; while changing the dakalan she found her clothing.

Then one of the children died. The mother continued to come to visit the remaining child in the night, but would not come in the daytime.

One night the mother of the child wanted to take it to the sky, but the father saw his wife. That time they quarreled and agreed to split the child in two. The mother took one half and made it alive; when the half had been made alive it called loudly for the other half. But the other half was rotten because the father was not able to make it live. Then one night the mother made it alive and said, “Answer your half.” Then it answered, but not loudly, because it was rotten.

It became the Little Thunder, and the other half became the Big Thunder. [383]

Ud agayao inmali sinan lota din Lūmawig, ut inbūina dinisay babayī. Sia adadu ditonodna ay babayī. Inapada ta bakun eda di masauwana, Dayīda ipaeda din posok sindaon di kaugunda. Din Lūmawig sinongsongna din posok, ian adina layidun.

Sīa kinwanīna sin asauwana, “Sakun mantaoliak ud tagoi; alayuk dingudwan din anakta ya makayan dingudwana.” Sīa ginudwana din anakta, ut īnana din toktokna. Din toktona mabūngut tan iwud din awakna ut nanbūgan. Din Lūmawig sinapona din awak ya dinsikina, ut sīa dinkedo.

Din gudwana ay binayan din Lūmawig adi makali, ut sīa inmali loman ut sinapona din toktok, ut masauwana din kedo ut sīa din kimat.

Long ago Lumawig came to the earth and married a girl. She had many sisters. They were jealous because he had not married them. They put garlic under their beds. Lumawig smelled the garlic and did not like it.

He said to his wife, “I shall return to the sky; I shall take half of our child and leave half.” He divided the child into halves, and took the head. The head was angry because it did not have its body, and talked loudly. Lumawig made it a body and legs, and it became the Thunder.

The half that Lumawig left could not talk, but he returned again and made (it a) head, and it married the Thunder, and it (became) the Lightning.

Waday īsa ay liang sin īsa ay bantag sinĕd nabaon, kabūnian bonngonanona di ifūgau nga oomoi sidi. Yatda un manganda mon adīda alaun din pilad. Kayipo ifūgau di amoi ud guab ay un manlakos piana amoi sin liang. Din anīto bunganasda eda.

Sin mamingsan inmoi di isay lakay ut binonngan di anīto yan inana ut din nanagananna ay pilad. Ut nanbiliū si bato, ut inmaylagui sin sookan di liang. Mapo di danom sin tupukna ut mo waday malabas inomunda. Mayigapo sin nangisaanda si pilad tinĕkdan din kabūnian di manbūmo.

[384]

There is a cave in a mountain where long ago the gods gave food to the people who stopped there. They told them to eat, but not to carry away the plates. Many people going to the seashore to trade would stop at the cave. The gods gave them food.

Once a man stopped and was fed by the gods, but took away the dishes in which he had eaten. Then he was turned to stone, and (now) stands in front of the cave. Water gushes from his mouth, and when there are (people) passing by they drink it. After the plates were taken away the gods stopped giving food.

Id nabaon ginmosad si kabūnian sinan lota, mo’n iwud di ifūgau. Sīa kinwanida, “Maptung mo waday ifūgau. Takosamopoa si lalaki īga babayī.” Eda inoma si lota ut sinmapo si dūa ay sinan ifūgau ut pimatakdugna. Dinkingpas manok asīna panglagtoan kinwanida, “Pansiakak eda ta matagoda.” Ut īsa sinan ifūgau naysiak. Sīa nanbalin si lalaki. Dinūsa dinnguna dinganangona ut naysiak abū, ut nanbalin si babayī.

Long ago the gods came to the earth, but there were no people. They said, “It is good if there are people. We will make a man and a woman.” They took some earth and made two people and stood them up. They plucked the feathers from a chicken and made it jump, saying, “We shall make them laugh so that they will be alive.” Then one of the people laughed. He became a man. The other heard the first and laughed also, and became a woman.