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Title: The Life of a Conspirator

Author: Thomas Longueville

Release date: May 4, 2012 [eBook #39612]

Language: English

Credits: E-text prepared by Robert Cicconetti, Pat McCoy, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries (http://www.archive.org/details/toronto)


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THE LIFE OF A CONSPIRATOR


[Illustration: SIR EVERARD DIGBY
_From a portrait belonging to W. R. M. Wynne, Esq. of Peniarth, Merioneth_]


THE LIFE OF A CONSPIRATOR

Being a Biography of Sir Everard Digby by One of His Descendants

by the author of
"A Life of Archbishop Laud," By a Romish Recusant, "The
Life of a Prig, by One," etc.

With Illustrations







London
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Ltd.
Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road
1895




PREFACE


The chief difficulty in writing a life of Sir Everard Digby is to steer
clear of the alternate dangers of perverting it into a mere history of
the Gunpowder Plot, on the one hand, and of failing to say enough of
that great conspiracy to illustrate his conduct, on the other. Again, in
dealing with that plot, to condemn all concerned in it may seem like
kicking a dead dog to Protestants, and to Catholics like joining in one
of the bitterest and most irritating taunts to which they have been
exposed in this country throughout the last three centuries.
Nevertheless, I am not discouraged. The Gunpowder Plot is an historical
event about which the last word has not yet been said, nor is likely to
be said for some time to come; and monographs of men who were, either
directly or indirectly, concerned in it, may not be altogether useless
to those who desire to make a study of it. However faulty the following
pages may be in fact or in inference, they will not have been written in
vain if they have the effect of eliciting from others that which all
students of historical subjects ought most to desire--the Truth.

I wish to acknowledge most valuable assistance received from the Right
Rev. Edmund Knight, formerly Bishop of Shrewsbury, as well as from the
Rev. John Hungerford Pollen, S.J., who was untiring in his replies to my
questions on some very difficult points; but it is only fair to both of
them to say that the inferences they draw from the facts, which I have
brought forward, occasionally vary from my own. My thanks are also due
to that most able, most courteous, and most patient of editors, Mr Kegan
Paul, to say nothing of his services in the very different capacity of a
publisher, to Mr Wynne of Peniarth, for permission to photograph his
portrait of Sir Everard Digby, and to Mr Walter Carlile for information
concerning Gayhurst.

The names of the authorities of which I have made most use are given in
my footnotes; but I am perhaps most indebted to one whose name does not
appear the oftenest. The back-bone of every work dealing with the times
of the Stuarts must necessarily be the magnificent history of Mr Samuel
Rawson Gardiner.




CONTENTS


CHAPTER I.
                                                                    PAGE
    The portrait of Sir Everard Digby--Genealogy--His father a
    literary man--His father's book--Was Sir Everard brought up a
    Protestant?--At the Court of Queen Elizabeth--Persecution of
    Catholics--Character of Sir Everard--Gothurst--Mary
    Mulsho--Marriage--Knighthood                                    1-14


CHAPTER II.

    Hospitality at Gothurst--Roger Lee--Sir Everard "Catholickly
    inclined"--Country visiting 300 years ago--An absent
    host--A good hostess--Wish to see a priest--Priest or
    sportsman?--Father Gerard--Reception of Lady Digby--Question
    of Underhandedness--Illness of Sir Everard--Conversion--Second
    Illness--Impulsiveness of Sir Everard                          15-32


CHAPTER III.

    The wrench of conversion--Position of converts at different
    periods--The Digbys as converts--Their chapel--Father
    Strange--Father Percy--Chapels in the days of
    persecution--Luisa de Carvajal--Oliver Manners--Pious
    dodges--Stolen waters--Persecution under Elizabeth             33-48


CHAPTER IV.

    The succession to the Crown--Accession of James--The Bye
    Plot--Guy Fawkes--Father Watson's revenge on the
    Jesuits--Question as to the faithlessness of
    James--Martyrdoms and persecutions--A Protestant Bishop upon
    them                                                           49-69

CHAPTER V.

    Catholics and the Court--Queen Anne of Denmark--Fears of the
    Catholics--Catesby--Chivalry--Tyringham--The Spanish
    Ambassador--Attitude of foreign Catholic powers--Indictments
    of Catholics--Pound's case--Bancroft--Catesby and
    Garnet--Thomas Winter--William Ellis--Lord Vaux--Elizabeth,
    Anne, and Eleanor Vaux--Calumnies                              70-96


CHAPTER VI.

    Roger Manners--A pilgrimage--Harrowden--Catesby informs Sir
    Everard of the Conspiracy--Scriptural precedents--Other
    Gunpowder Plots--Mary Queen of Scots, Bothwell and
    Darnley--Pretended Jesuit approval                            97-113


CHAPTER VII.

    A Latin Book--Immoderate friendships--Principles--Second-hand
    approval--How Catesby deceived Garnet--He deceived his
    fellow-conspirators--A liar                                  114-129


CHAPTER VIII.

    Garnet's unfortunate conversation with Sir Everard--Garnet's
    weakness--How Garnet first learned about the Plot--Secresy of
    the Confessional--Catesby and the Sacraments--Catesby a
    Catholic on Protestant principles--Could Garnet have saved
    Sir Everard?--Were the conspirators driven to
    desperation?--Did Cecil originate the Plot?                  130-148


CHAPTER IX.

    Financial aspects of the Gunpowder Plot--Sir Everard's
    relations to his wife--Little John--Secret room at
    Gothurst--Persecution of Catholics in Wales--The plan of
    Campaign--Coughton--Guy Fawkes--His visit to Gothurst        149-168


CHAPTER X.

    White Webbs--Baynham's Mission--All-Hallows at Coughton--All
    Souls at Gothurst--An unwelcome Guest--The remains of
    feudalism--Start from Gothurst--Arrival at Dunchurch--What
    was going on in London--Tresham--The hunting-party--A
    card-party--Arrival of the fugitives--The discovery in
    London--The flight                                           169-191


CHAPTER XI.

    Catesby lies to Sir Everard--Expected help from Talbot--The
    hunting-party repudiates the conspirators--The future Earl of
    Bristol--The start--Warwick--Norbrook--Alcester--Coughton--
    Huddington--Talbot refuses to join in the Insurrection--Father
    Greenway--Father Oldcorne--Whewell Grange--Shadowed--No
    Catholics will join the conspirators--Don Quixote            192-218


CHAPTER XII.

    Holbeche House--Sir Everard deserts--Sir Fulke Greville--The
    Hue-and-Cry--Hunted--In cover--Caught--Journey to
    London--Confiscation--The fate of the conspirators at
    Holbeche--The Archpriest--Denunciations--Letter of Sir
    Everard--Confession                                          219-236


CHAPTER XIII.

    Threats of torture--Search at Mrs Vaux's house--Lady Digby's
    letters to Salisbury--Sir Everard to his wife--Sir Everard
    writes to Salisbury--Death of Tresham--Poem--Examinations    237-251


CHAPTER XIV.

    Father Gerard's letter to Sir Everard--Sir Everard exonerates
    Gerard--Sir Everard's letter to his sons                     252-267


CHAPTER XV.

    The trial--Appearance of the prisoners from different points
    of view--Sir Edward Philips--Sir Edward Coke--His description
    of the punishment for High Treason--Sir Everard's
    speech--Coke's reply--Earl of Northampton--Lord
    Salisbury--Sentence                                          268-288

CHAPTER XVI.

    Waiting for death--Poem--Kind words for Sir Everard--The
    injury he did to the Catholic cause--Two happy
    days--Procession to the scaffold--Sir Everard's last
    speech--Execution--Epilogue                                  289-306




CHAPTER I.


Nothing is so fatal to the telling of an anecdote as the prelude:--"I
once heard an amusing story," &c., and it would be almost as unwise to
begin a biography by stating that its subject was a very interesting
character. On the other hand, perhaps I may frighten away readers by
telling them at starting, this simple truth, that I am about to write
the history of a young man of great promise, whose short life proved a
miserable failure, who terribly injured the cause he had most at heart,
for which he gave his life, a man of whom even his enemies said, when he
had met his sad fate:--"Poor fellow. He deserved it. But what a pity!"

If the steady and unflinching gaze of one human being upon another can
produce the hypnotic state, it may be that, in a much lesser degree,
there is some subtle influence in the eternal stare of the portrait of
an ancestor. There is no getting away from it unless you leave the room.
If you look at your food, talk to a friend, or read a book, you know and
feel that his eyes are still rivetted upon you; and if you raise your
own, again, towards his, there he is, gravely and deliberately gazing at
you, or, you are half inclined to think, _through_ you at something
beyond and behind you, until you almost wish that you could be thrown
into some sort of cataleptic condition, in which a series of scenes
could be brought before your vision from the history of the long-dead
man, whose representation seems only to exist for the purpose of staring
you out of countenance.

In a large country house, near the west coast of Wales, and celebrated
for its fine library, hangs a full-length portrait which might well
impel such a desire. It represents a tall man, with long hair and a
pointed beard, in a richly-chased doublet, a lace ruff and cuffs, very
short and fringed trunk hose, and a sword by his side. He has a high
forehead, rather raised and arched eyebrows, a long nose, hollow cheeks,
and a narrow, pointed chin. His legs are thin; his left hand is placed
upon his hip; and with his right he holds a cane, which is resting on
the ground. At the bottom of the picture is painted, in Roman
characters, "Sir Everard Digby, Knight, OB. 1606."

Few people care for genealogies unless their own names are recorded in
them. The keenest amateur herald in matters relating to his own family,
will exhibit an amazing apathy when the pedigree of another person is
offered for his inspection; the shorter, therefore, my notice of Sir
Everard Digby's descent, the better. He was descended from a
distinguished family. It had come over from Normandy with William the
Conqueror, who had granted it lands at Tilton, which certainly were in
its possession in the sixteenth century, though whether the subject of
my biography inherited them, I am not quite sure. The first Sir Everard
Digby lived in the reigns of Henry I. and Stephen.[1] This powerful
family sided with Henry VII. against Richard III.; and on one occasion,
King Henry VII.[2] "did make Knights in the field seven brothers of his
house at one time, from whom descended divers houses of that name, which
live all in good reputation in their several countries. But this Sir
Everard Digby was the heir of the eldest and chiefest house, and one of
the chiefest men in Rutlandshire, where he dwelt, as his ancestors had
done before him, though he had also much living in Leicestershire and
other shires adjoining." He was the fourteenth in direct eldest male
descent from Almar, the founder of the family in the eleventh century.
Five of his forefathers had borne the name of Everard Digby, one of whom
was killed at the battle of Towton in 1641. Sir Everard's father had
also been an Everard, and done honour to the name; but literature and
not war had been the field in which he had succeeded. He published four
books.[3] The only one of these in my possession is his _Dissuasive from
taking the Goods and Livings of the Church_. It is dedicated "To the
Right Honourable Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord High Chancellor of
England, &c."

    [1] Harleian MSS., 1364.

    [2] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, Father Gerard, p. 87.

    _N.B._--"The Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot," and "The Life of
    Father John Gerard," are both published in one volume, entitled _The
    Condition of Catholics under James I._, edited by Father John
    Morris, S.J.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1871. It will be to this
    edition that I shall refer, when I quote from either of these two
    works.

    [3] See _Bibliographia Britannica_, Vol. iii. p. 1697. The books
    were:--I. _Theoria Analytica ad Monarchiam Scientiarum demonstrans._
    II. _De Duplici Methodo, libri duo, Rami Methodum refutantes._ III.
    _De Arte Natandi; libri duo._ IV. _A Dissuasive from taking the
    Goods and Livings of the Church, &c._

The author's style may be inferred from the opening of his preface:--"If
my pen (gentle reader) had erst bin dipped in the silver streames
flowing from Parnassus Hill, or that Apollo with his sweet-sounding harp
would vouchsafe to direct the passage thereof unto the top of the high
Olympus; after so general a view of great varietie far and neere, I
might bouldly begin with that most excellent Poet Cicelides
Mus[e[ogonek]] paulo maiora canamus." I leave my readers to judge how
many modern publishers would read any further, if such a book were
offered to them in these days! Still, it is interesting as showing the
style of the times.

Father Gerard, an intimate friend of the Sir Everard Digby whose
life I am writing, mentions[4] "the piety of his parents," and that
"they were ever the most noted and known Catholics in that country"
(Rutlandshire); and Mr Gillow, in his _Bibliographical Dictionary of
English Catholics_[5], states that they "had ever been the most staunch
and noted Catholics in the county of Rutland." But here I am met with a
difficulty. Would a Catholic have written such a passage as the
following, which I take from the _Dissuasive_? It refers to that great
champion of Protestantism and Anglicanism, Queen Elizabeth.

    [4] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 88.

    [5] P. 62.

"I cannot but write truely," he says, "that which the Clergie with the
whole realme confesse plainely: That we render immortell thankes unto
Almightie God, for preserving her most Roiall Majestie so miraculouslie
unto this daie, giving her a most religious heart (the mirror of all
Christian princes) once and ever wholly consecrated to the maintaining
of his divine worship in his holy Temple. From this cleare Christall
fountaine of heavenlie vertue, manie silver streames derive their
sundrie passages so happelie into the vineyarde of the Lorde, that
neither the flaming fury of outward enimies, nor the scorching
sacrilegious zeale of domesticall dissimulation, can drie up anie one
roote planted in the same, since the peaceable reigne of her most Roial
Majestie."

The writer of the notice of Sir Everard Digby in the _Biographia
Britannica_[6] appears to have believed his father to have been a
Protestant; but on what grounds he does not state. So familiar a friend
as Father Gerard is unlikely to have been mistaken on this point.
Possibly, however, in speaking of his "parents," he may have meant his
forefathers rather than his own father and mother. This seems the more
likely because, after his father's death, when he was eleven years old,
Sir Everard was brought up a Protestant. In those times wards were
often, if not usually, educated as Protestants, even if their fathers
had been Catholics; but if Sir Everard's mother had been remarkable for
her "piety" as a Catholic, and one of the "noted and known Catholics" in
her county, we might expect to find some record of her having
endeavoured to induce her son to return to the faith of his father, as
she lived until after his death. The article in the _Biographia_ states
that Sir Everard was "educated with great care, but under the tuition of
some Popish priests": Father Gerard, on the contrary, says that he "was
not brought up Catholicly in his youth, but at the University by his
guardians, as other young gentlemen used to be"; and in his own
_Life_,[7] he speaks of him as a Protestant after his marriage. Lingard
also says[8] that "at an early age he was left by his father a ward of
the crown, and had in consequence been educated in the Protestant
faith." I can see no reason for doubting that this was the case.

    [6] Vol. iii. p. 1697.

    [7] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. clii.

    [8] _History of England_, Vol. vii. chap. i.

At a very early age, Everard Digby was taken to the Court of Queen
Elizabeth, where he became "a pensioner,"[9] or some sort of equivalent
to what is now termed a Queen's page. He must have arrived at the Court
about the time that Essex was in the zenith of his career; he may have
witnessed his disgrace and Elizabeth's misery and vacillation with
regard to his trial and punishment. He would be in the midst of the
troubles at the Court, produced by the rivalry between Sir Walter
Raleigh and Sir Charles Blount; he would see his relative, Cecil,
rapidly coming into power; he could scarcely fail to hear the many
speculations as to the successor of his royal mistress.

    [9] S. P. James I., Gun. P. Book, Part II. No. 135, Exam, of Sir E.
    Digby--"He confesseth that he was a pencon to Quene Elizabeth about
    six yeres, and tooke the othe belonging to the place of a pencioner
    and no other."

He may have accompanied her[10] "hunting and disporting" "every other
day," and seen her "set upon jollity"; he may have enjoyed the[11]
"frolyke" in "courte, much dauncing in the privi chamber of countrey
daunces befor the Q. M."; very likely he may have been in attendance
upon the Queen when she walked on[12] "Richmond Greene," "with greater
shewes of ability, than" could "well stand with her years." During the
six years that he was at Court, he probably came in for a period of
brilliancy and a period of depression, although there is nothing to show
for certain whether he had retired before the time thus described in an
old letter[13]:--"Thother of the counsayle or nobilitye estrainge
themselves from court by all occasions, so as, besides the master of the
horse, vice-chamberlain, and comptroller, few of account appeare there."
If Lingard is right, however,[14] he gave up his appointment at Court
the year before Elizabeth's death, and thus luckily escaped the time
when, as he describes her, she was[15] "reduced to a skeleton. Her food
was nothing but manchet bread and succory pottage. Her taste for dress
was gone. She had not changed her clothes for many days. Nothing could
please her; she was the torment of the ladies who waited on her person.
She stamped with her feet, and swore violently at the objects of her
anger."

    [10] Lord Henry Howard to Worcester.

    [11] Letter of Lord Worcester, Lodge III. p. 148.

    [12] MS. Letter. See Lingard, Vol. vi. chap. ix.

    [13] MS. Letter. See Lingard, Vol. vi. chap. ix.

    [14] History, Vol. vii. chap. i.

    [15] _Ib._, Vol. vi. chap. ix.

One thing that may have had a subsequent influence upon Digby, while he
was at the Court of Elizabeth, was the violence shown towards Catholics.
In the course of the fourteen years that followed the defeat of the
Spanish Armada before the death of the Queen,[16] "the Catholics groaned
under the presence of incessant persecution. Sixty-one clergymen,
forty-seven laymen, and two gentlemen, suffered capital punishment for
some or other of the spiritual felonies and treasons which had been
lately created." Although he had been brought up a Protestant, "this
gentleman," says Gerard,[17] "was always Catholicly affected," and the
severe measures dealt out to Catholics whilst he was at Court may have
disgusted him and induced him to leave it.

    [16] Lingard, Vol. vi. chap. iii.

    [17] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 88.

I have shown how Father Gerard states[18] that Sir Everard Digby was
educated "at the University by his guardians, as other young gentlemen
used to be." It is to be wished that he had informed us at what
University and at what College; when he went there and when he left; as
his attendance at Court, together with a very important event, to be
noticed presently, which took place, or is said to have taken place,
when he was fifteen, make it difficult to allot a vacant time for his
University career.

    [18] _Ib._

The young man,--he did not live to be twenty-five,--whose portrait we
have been looking at, is described in the _Biographia Britannica_[19] as
having been "remarkably handsome," "extremely modest and affable," and
"justly reputed one of the finest gentlemen in England." His great
personal friend, the already-quoted Father Gerard,[20] says that he was
"as complete a man in all things that deserved estimation, or might win
him affection, as one should see in a kingdom. He was of stature about
two yards high," "of countenance" "comely and manlike." "He was skilful
in all things that belonged to a gentleman, very cunning at his weapon,
much practised and expert in riding of great horses, of which he kept
divers in his stable with a skilful rider for them. For other sports of
hunting or hawking, which gentlemen in England so much use and delight
in, he had the best of both kinds in the country round about." "For all
manner of games which are also usual for gentlemen in foul weather, when
they are forced to keep house, he was not only able therein to keep
company with the best, but was so cunning in them all, that those who
knew him well, had rather take his part than be against him." "He was a
good musician, and kept divers good musicians in his house; and himself
also could play well of divers instruments. But those who were well
acquainted with him"--and no one knew him better than Father Gerard
himself--"do affirm that in gifts of mind he excelled much more than in
his natural parts; although in those also it were hard to find so many
in one man in such a measure. But of wisdom he had an extraordinary
talent, such a judicial wit and so well able to discern and discourse of
any matter, as truly I have heard many say they have not seen the like
of a young man, and that his carriage and manner of discourse were more
like to a grave Councillor of State than to a gallant of the Court as he
was, and a man of about twenty-six years old (which I think was his age,
or thereabouts)." In this Father Gerard was mistaken. Sir Everard Digby
did not live to be twenty-six, or even twenty-five. Gerard
continues:--"And though his behaviour were courteous to all, and
offensive to none, yet was he a man of great courage and of noted
valour."

    [19] Vol. iii. p. 180.

    [20] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 88.

[Illustration: GOTHURST

The home of Sir Everard Digby; now called Gayhurst

 _Dawsons Ph. Sc._]

We began by examining a portrait: let us now take a look at an old
country-house. Turning our backs on Wales, a country which has little to
do with my subject, we will imagine ourselves in Buckinghamshire, about
half way between the towns of Buckingham and Bedford, and about three
miles from Newport Pagnell, a little way from the high road leading in a
north-westerly direction. There stands the now old, but at the time of
which I am writing, the comparatively new house, known then as Gothurst.

Perhaps one of the chief attractions in Elizabethan architecture is
that, by combining certain features of both classical and gothic
architecture, it is a result, as well as an example, of that spirit of
compromise so dear to the English nation. If somewhat less picturesque,
and less rich and varied in colour, than the half-timbered houses of
Elizabethan architecture, the stone buildings of the same style are more
massive and stately in their appearance, and the newly-hewn stone of
Gothurst[21] presented a remarkably fine front, with its pillared porch,
its lengthy series of mullioned windows, and its solid wings at either
side. It was built upon rising ground, which declined gradually to the
rich, if occasionally marshy, meadows bordering on the river Ouse.[22]
It was a large house, although, like many others built in the same
style, the rooms were rather low in proportion to their size.[23] The
approach was through a massive gateway,[24] from which an avenue of
yews--which had existed in the time of the older house that formerly
stood on the same site--led up to the square space in front of the door.
Near the gateway was the old church, which was then in a very
indifferent state of repair,[25] and below this were three pieces of
water. Beyond them ran the river Ouse, and on the opposite side stood
the old tower and church of Tyringham. If the house was new, it was very
far from being the pretentious erection of a newly-landed proprietor.
Yet the estate on which it stood had more than once been connected with
a new name, owing to failures in the male line of its owners and the
marriages of its heiresses, since it had been held by a De Nouers, under
the Earl of Kent, half-brother to William the Conqueror. It had
passed[26] by marriage to the De Nevylls in 1408; it had passed in the
same way to the Mulshos in the reign of Henry VIII., and I am about to
show that, at the end of the sixteenth century, it passed again into
another family through the wedding of its heiress.

    [21] "Antiently Gaythurst," says Pennant in his _Journey_. It is now
    called Gayhurst.

    [22] See Pennant's _Journey from Chester to London_, p. 437, _seq._
    Also Lipscomb's _History and Antiquities of Bucks_, Vol. iv. 158,
    _seq._

    [23] The house is still standing, and is the residence of Mr
    Carlile. The further side was enlarged, either in the eighteenth or
    very early in the nineteenth century, in the style of Queen Anne;
    but this in no way spoils the effect of the remarkably fine old
    Elizabethan front.

    [24] This has disappeared.

    [25] Poem on _Everard Digby_, written by the present owner of
    Gothurst, and privately printed.

    [26] See Pennant's _Journey_, p. 438.

Mary Mulsho, the sole heiress of Gothurst, was a girl of considerable
character, grace, and gravity of mind, and she was well suited to become
the bride of the young courtier, musician, and sportsman excelling "in
gifts of mind," described at the beginning of this chapter. It can have
been no marriage for the sake of money or lands; for Everard Digby was
already a rich man, possessed of several estates, and he had had a long
minority; moreover, there is plenty of evidence to show that they were
devotedly attached to one another.

The exact date of their marriage I am unable to give. Jardine says[27]
that Sir Everard "was born in 1581," and that "in the year 1596 he
married"; and, if this was so, he can have been only fifteen on his
marriage. Certainly he was very young at the time, and Jardine may be
right; for, at the age of twenty-four, he said that a certain event,
which is known to have taken place some time after their marriage, had
happened seven or eight years earlier than the time at which he was
speaking.[28] I have made inquiries in local registers and at the
Herald's College, without obtaining any further light upon the question
of the exact date of his wedding. One thing is certain, that his eldest
son, Kenelm, was born in the year 1603. In that same year Everard Digby
was knighted by the new king, James I. He may have been young to receive
that dignity; but, as a contemporary writer[29] puts it, "at this time
the honour of knighthood, which antiquity preserved sacred, as the
cheapest and readiest jewel to preserve virtue with, was promiscuously
laid on any head belonging to the yeomandry (made addle through pride
and contempt of their ancestors' pedigree), that had but a court-friend,
or money to purchase the favour of the meanest able to bring him into an
outward room, when the king, the fountain of honour, came down, and was
uninterrupted by other business; in which case it was then usual for the
chamberlain or some other lord to do it." It is said that, during the
first three months of the reign of James I., the honour of knighthood
was conferred upon seven hundred individuals.[30]

    [27] _Criminal Trials_, Vol. ii. p. 30.

    [28] S. P. Dom. James I., Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No 135, B.

    [29] Osborne's _Traditional Memorials_, p. 468. I quote from a
    footnote on page 147 of the _Somers Tracts_, Vol. ii.

    [30] See Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

We find Sir Everard and Lady Digby, at this period of our story,
possessed of everything likely to insure happiness--mutual affection,
youth, intelligence, ability, popularity, high position, favour at
Court, abundance of wealth, and a son and heir. How far this brilliant
promise of happiness was fulfilled will be seen by and bye.




CHAPTER II.


Young as he was, Sir Everard Digby's acquaintance was large and varied,
and Gothurst was a very hospitable house. Its host's tastes enabled him
thoroughly to enjoy the society of his ordinary country neighbours,
whose thoughts chiefly lay in the direction of sports and agriculture;
but he still more delighted in conversing with literary and
contemplative men, and when his guests combined all these qualities, he
was happiest. One such, who frequently stayed at Gothurst, is thus
quaintly described by Father Gerard.[31] Roger Lee "was a gentleman of
high family, and of so noble a character and such winning manners that
he was a universal favourite, especially with the nobility, in whose
company he constantly was, being greatly given to hunting, hawking, and
all other noble sports. He was, indeed, excellent at everything, &c." In
short, he appears to have been exactly the kind of man to make a
congenial companion for Sir Everard.[32]

    [31] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. cxxxvi.

    [32] I write of Sir Everard and Lady Digby; but it is improbable
    that he had received knighthood at the period treated of in this
    chapter.

So intimate was he at Gothurst, even during the life of Lady Digby's
father, who had died at the time of which I am about to write, that, on
his visits there, he frequently took with him a friend, who, like
himself, was an intelligent, highly-educated, and agreeable man, of good
family, fond of hawking, hunting, and other sports, and an excellent
card-player.

Both Lee and his companion were Catholics, and, as I explained in the
last chapter, Sir Everard Digby, although brought up a Protestant, was
"Catholickly inclined, and entertained no prejudice whatever against
those of the ancient faith"; indeed, in one of his conversations with
Lee he went so far as to ask him whether he thought his friend would be
a good match for his own sister, observing that he would have no
objection to her marrying a Catholic; "for he looked on Catholics as
good and honourable men." Considering the pains, penalties, and
disabilities to which recusants, as they were called, were then exposed,
this meant very much more than a similar remark would mean in our times.
And not only was he unprejudiced, for he took a keen interest in the
religion of Catholics, and the three men talked frequently on that
subject, the speakers being usually Lee and Digby, the friend putting in
a word occasionally, but for the most part preferring to stand by as a
listener.

None of Lady Digby's family were Catholics;[33] her father had been an
ardent Protestant, and possibly, as is not uncommonly the case, the long
conversations about Catholicism would have more interest to one who had
been brought up in an extreme Protestant atmosphere, than to those who
had been accustomed to mix among people of both religions. At any rate,
it is pretty evident that the young wife often sat by while her husband
and his guests talked theology, and that she had gradually begun to form
her own ideas upon the subject.

    [33] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. cl.

In considering life at a hospitable country house, nearly three hundred
years ago, it is well to try to realise the difference between the
conditions under which guests can now be obtained and those then
existing. Visitors, and letters to invite them, are now conveyed by
railway, and our postal arrangements are admirable; then, the public
posts were very slow and irregular, many of the roads were what we
should call mere cart-tracks, and it took weeks to perform journeys
which can now be accomplished in twenty-four hours.

Our present system of filling our country houses just when we please,
and then taking a quiet time alone, or visiting at other country houses,
or betaking ourselves to some place for amusement, was impossible early
in the seventeenth century; at that period, the only chance of seeing
friends, except those living close at hand, was to receive them whenever
they found it convenient to come, and to make country houses, as it
were, hotels for such acquaintances who chanced to be passing near them
on their journeys. People who were on visiting terms not uncommonly rode
or drove up to each other's houses, without special invitation; and,
even when invited, if the distance were great, owing to the condition of
the roads and the frequent breakdowns in the lumbersome vehicles, it
rarely could be foreseen when a destination would be reached. Yet a
welcome was generally pretty certain, for, before the days of
newspapers, to say nothing of circulating libraries, hosts and hostesses
were not hypercritical of the guests who might come to relieve their
dulness, and the vestiges still remaining of the feudal hospitality of
the baron's great halls made them somewhat liberal and unfastidious as
to the social standing of those whom they received; nor was it very rare
for unknown travellers, who asked leave to take a short rest at a
strange house, to meet with a cordial welcome and liberal entertainment.

There was nothing out of the common, therefore, in guests so well known
at Gothurst as Roger Lee and his favourite companion riding up to that
house unexpected, yet certain of being gladly received; but, on a
certain occasion, they were both disappointed on reaching its arched and
pillared doorway, at being told that their host had gone to London. The
kind and graceful reception given by their hostess, however, did much to
make up for his absence.

The long, if rather low rooms, with their wide, mullioned windows, the
good supply, for those times, of books, and the picturesque grounds,
with the river flowing through them, made Gothurst a charming house to
stay at, and Sir Everard's man-cook[34] no doubt made the creature
comforts all that could be desired. For those who cared for sport, there
was plenty of agreeable occupation, for there were hawks and hounds and
well-filled stables. The young hostess, who had been brought up among
men who spent their lives in country amusements, could converse about
horses, dogs, and hunting if required; most probably, too, she often
carried a hawk on her wrist; and, as she shared her husband's tastes for
literature and serious reflection, she could suit herself to almost any
company.

    [34] Even his under-cook was a man. Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p.
    266.

Her two guests were prepared to talk about any topic that might seem
most pleasing to their hostess, and it was soon clear that she wished to
renew the conversations about religion which she had listened to with so
much attention when her friends had been last in her house in the
company of her husband. They were no less ready to discuss the same
subject with her, and the more she listened to them, the more she
questioned them, and the more she thought over their replies to her
difficulties, doubts, and objections, the more inclination did she feel
towards the creed they professed. She was well aware that her husband,
at the very least, had a high respect for it; that he already admitted
the truth of a great part of it, and that, in discussing it with Lee and
his friend, he had propounded arguments against it rather as those of
others than as his own; and when, after considerable solitary reflection
while her visitors were out of doors, she felt very nearly assured that
the Almighty could not approve of people professing a variety of creeds;
that of several religions, all teaching different doctrines, only one
could be right; that if God had revealed a right religion, he must have
ordained some one body of men to teach it, and that there was only one
body which seemed to have any claim to such tremendous authority, and
that the Roman Catholic Church. These thoughts made her earnestly wish
to talk the matter over with one of its priests, and consult him on the
question of her own position in respect to so all-important a subject.

To meet with a priest was not easy in those times. Such priests as there
were in England rarely, if ever, declared themselves, except to
Catholics or would-be Catholics; for to make such a declaration, in this
country, amounted to self-accusation of the crime of High Treason. Her
two guests were Catholics, and would undoubtedly know several priests,
and where they could be found; but to reveal their names or their
whereabouts would be dangerous, both to those priests and to themselves,
and Lady Digby felt some hesitation in interrogating them on such
points. At last, rather than place one of her husband's favourite
companions in a position which might be unwelcome or even compromising,
she determined to consult, not Roger Lee, but the friend he had brought
with him. When she had delicately and nervously told him of her wish to
see a priest, she was far from reassured by observing that he was with
difficulty repressing a smile.[35] Could it be that he thought her a
silly woman, hurriedly contemplating a change of religion on too scanty
consideration? Or was the finding of a priest so difficult a thing just
then as to make a wish to attempt it absurd? His expression, however,
soon changed, and he told her, gravely enough, that he thought her
desire might very possibly be fulfilled; at any rate, he promised to
speak to Roger Lee about it. "In the meantime," he added, "I can teach
you the way to examine your conscience, as I myself was taught to do it
by an experienced priest." She was inclined to smile, in her turn, at
such an offer from a mere sportsman; so, thanking him, she allowed the
subject to drop.

    [35] _Life of Gerard_, p. cli.

He had not left her very long before Roger Lee entered the room, and, as
he immediately told her that he had heard of her wish to have some
conversation with a priest, it was clear that his friend had lost no
time in informing him of it. Her surprise may be imagined when Lee
proceeded to tell her that his companion was himself a priest!

At first she refused to believe it.[36] "How is it possible he can be a
priest?" she asked, "has he not lived rather as a courtier? Has he not
played cards with my husband, and played well too, which is impossible
for those not accustomed to the game? Has he not gone out hunting, and
frequently in my hearing spoken of the hunt, and of hawks in proper
terms, without tripping, which no one could but one who has been trained
to it?"

    [36] _Life of Father John Gerard_; p. cli.

She gave many other reasons for disbelieving that he could be a cleric;
and, finally, only accepted the fact on Roger Lee's reiterated and
solemn assurances.

"I pray you," she then said, "not to be angry with me, if I ask further
whether any other Catholic knows him to be a priest but you. Does ...
know him?"

"Yes," replied Lee, "and goes to confession to him."

Then she asked the same question concerning several other Catholics
living in the county, or the adjoining counties--among others, a lady
who lived about ten miles from Gothurst.

"Why," said Lee, "she not only knows him as a priest, but has given
herself, and all her household, and all that she has, to be directed by
him, and takes no other guide but him."

At this, she admitted that she was thoroughly satisfied. Whereupon Lee
remarked of his friend--

"You will find him, however, quite a different man when he has put off
his present character."

"This," wrote the priest himself, who was Father John Gerard, second son
of[37] Sir Thomas Gerard,[38] a Lancashire Knight, and an ancestor of
the present Lord Gerard. "This she acknowledged the next day, when she
saw me in my soutane and other priestly garments, such as she had never
before seen. She made a most careful confession, and came to have so
great an opinion of my poor powers, that she gave herself entirely to my
direction, meditated great things, which, indeed, she carried out, and
carries out still."

    [37] This Sir T. Gerard was committed to the Tower on an accusation
    "of a design to deliver Mary Queen of Scots out of her
    confinement."--_Burke's Peerage_, 1886, p. 576.

    [38] _Life of Gerard_, p. clii.

I can fancy certain people, on reading all this, saying, "How very
underhand!" I would ask them to bear in mind that for Father Gerard to
have acted otherwise, and to have gone about in "priestly garments,"
under his own name, would have been the same thing as to have gone to
the common hangman and to have asked him to be so obliging as to put the
noose round his neck, and then to cut him down as quickly as possible in
order that he might relish to the full the ghastly operation of
disembowelling and quartering. To this it may be replied that to conceal
his identity might be all very well, but that it was quite another thing
to stay at the house of a friend under that concealment, and, in the
character of a layman and a guest, to decoy his host's wife from her
husband's religion, in that host's and husband's absence, thus betraying
his friendship and violating his hospitality.

My counter-reply would be, that his host had frequently discussed
religious questions with both himself and Lee, and had shown, at least,
a very friendly feeling towards Catholics in general and their religion;
that, as has already been proved, he had in so many words declared
himself free from any objection to the marriage of his own sister with a
Catholic; nay, that he wished to see her[39] "married well, and to a
Catholic, for he looked on Catholics as honourable men;" and that Lady
Digby had determined to become a Catholic after due consideration and
without any unfair external influence. As to his revealing his priestly
character to her and exercising his priestly functions on her behalf, it
must be observed that she had expressed a particular wish to see and to
converse with a priest, without any such action on her part having been
suggested to her by either Gerard or Lee, and that, if Gerard had
continued to conceal his own priesthood, she would have simply been put
to the trouble, and possibly the dangers, of searching for some other
priest. If it be further objected that he ought at least to have waited
until her husband's return, I must so far repeat myself as to point out
that a man who had stated that he would have no objection whatever to
his sister's being married to a Catholic, might be fairly assumed to
have no objection to finding himself also married to a Catholic. Again,
since Lady Digby was convinced that her soul would only be safe when in
the fold of the Church, it would be natural that she should not like to
admit of any delay in her reception into it. This being the case, the
guests had their duties to their hostess, as well as to their host. It
is unnecessary to enter here into the question whether wives should
inform their husbands, and grown-up sons and daughters their parents,
before joining the Roman Catholic Church; I may, however, be allowed to
say that I believe it to be the usual opinion of priests, as well as
laymen, as it certainly is of myself, that in most cases, although
possibly not absolutely in every case, their doing so is not only
desirable, but a duty, provided no hindrance to the following of the
dictates of their consciences will result from so doing. Where it would
have such an effect, our Lord's teaching is plain and unmistakeable--"He
that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me."

    [39] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. cli.

Some Protestants are under the impression that a conversion like Lady
Digby's, in which she consulted, and was received into the Church by, a
"priest in disguise" is "just the sort of thing that Roman Catholics
like." There could be no greater mistake! It is just what they do not
like. The secrecy of priests in the reign of James I. was rendered
necessary by persecution: so was that of the laity in housing and
entertaining them: so also were the precautions to conceal the fact that
mass was said in private houses, and that rooms were used as chapels.

Now I would not pretend for a moment that such a condition of things was
wholesome for either priests, Jesuits, laymen, or laywomen. There are
occasions on which secrecy may be a dire necessity, but it is, at best,
a necessary evil, and its atmosphere is unnatural, cramping, dangerous,
and demoralising, although the persecution producing it may lead to
virtue, heroism, and even martyrdom. The persecutions of the early
Christians by the Romans gave the Church hundreds of saints and martyrs;
yet surely those persecutions did not directly tend to the welfare of
Christianity; and I suppose that the authorities of the established
Church in this country would scarcely consider that Anglicanism would be
in a more wholesome condition if every diocese and cure were to be
occupied by a bishop or priest of the Church of Rome under the authority
of the Pope, although the privations of the dispossessed Anglican
clergy, and the inconveniences of the Anglican laity, might be the means
of bringing about many individual instances of laudable self-denial,
personal piety, and religious zeal. On the same principle, I think that
a Catholic student, with an elementary knowledge of the subject, when
approaching the history of his co-religionists in England during the
reign of James I., would have good grounds for expecting that, while
many cases of valiant martyrdom and suffering for the faith would
embellish the pages he was about to read, those pages would also reveal
that the impossibility of priests and religious living a clerical life,
and the necessity of their joining day by day in the pursuits and
amusements of laymen--laymen, often, of gaiety and fashion, if nothing
more--had led to serious irregularities in discipline; that the frequent
intervals without mass, or any other religious service or priestly
assistance, had had the effect of rendering the laity deficient in the
virtues which religious exercises and sacraments are supposed to
inculcate; that the constant and inevitable practice of secrecy and
concealment had induced a habit of mind savouring of prevarication, if
not of deception, and that in the embarrassing circumstances and among
the harassing surroundings of their lives, clergy as well as laity had
occasionally acted with neither tact nor discretion. No one is more
alive to the sufferings or the injustices endured by English Catholics
in the early part of the seventeenth century, or more admires the
courage and patience shown by many, if not most, of those who bore them,
than myself; and it is only in fairness to those sufferers, and with a
desire to look at their actions honestly, and, as much as may be,
impartially, that I approach the subject in this spirit. I have laid the
more emphasis on the dangers of secrecy, be it ever so unavoidable or
enforced, because of their bearing upon a matter which will necessarily
figure largely in the forthcoming pages.

Lady Digby had no sooner been received into the Church than she became
exceedingly anxious for the conversion of her husband, but news now
arrived which made her anxious about him on another account. A messenger
brought the tidings that Sir Everard was very seriously ill in London,
and Lady Digby at once determined to start on the journey of some
forty-five or fifty miles in order to nurse him. Her guests volunteered
to go to him also, and they were able to accomplish the distance, over
the bad roads of that period, much more rapidly than she was.

I will let Father Gerard give an account of his own proceedings with
Digby for himself.[40] "I spoke to him of the uncertainty of life, and
the certainty of misery, not only in this life, but especially in the
next, unless we provided against it; and I showed him that we have here
no abiding city, but must look for one to come. As affliction often
brings sense, so it happened in this case, for we found little
difficulty in gaining his goodwill.

    [40] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. cliii.

"He prepared himself well for confession after being taught the way; and
when he learnt that I was a priest, he felt no such difficulty in
believing as his wife had done, because he had known similar cases, but
he rather rejoiced at having found a confessor who had experience among
persons of his rank of life, and with whom he could deal at all times
without danger of its being known that he was dealing with a priest.
After his reconciliation he began on his part to be anxious about his
wife, and wished to consult with us how best to bring her to the
Catholic religion. We both smiled at this, but said nothing at the time,
determining to wait till his wife came up to town, that we might witness
how each loving soul would strive to win the other."

When Digby had recovered and had returned to Gothurst with his wife,
they both paid a visit to Father Gerard at the country house, some
distance from their own home, at which he lived as chaplain. This was
probably Mrs Vaux's house at Stoke Pogis, of which we shall have
something to say a little later. While there, he was taken ill even more
seriously than before. His life became in danger, and the best doctors
in Oxford were sent for to his assistance. They despaired of curing him,
and "he began to prepare himself earnestly for a good death." His poor
young wife, being told that her husband could not recover, began "to
think of a more perfect way of life," in case she should be left a
widow. It may be thought that she might at least have waited to do this
until after the death of her husband, but it is possible, and even
probable, although not mentioned by Father Gerard, that Sir Everard
himself desired her to consider what manner of life she would lead when
he should be gone. She would be a very young widow with a large
property, and Sir Everard would doubtless feel anxious as to what would
become of her.[41] "For some days," says Father Gerard, "she gave
herself to learn the method of meditation, and to find out God's will
with regard to her future life, how she might best direct it to his
glory. This was her resolution, but God had otherwise arranged, and for
that time happily."

    [41] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. cliii.

Gerard himself was, humanly speaking, the means of prolonging Digby's
life, for, in spite of the verdict of the great physicians from Oxford,
that nothing could save him, Father Gerard refused to give up all hope,
and persuaded him to send for a certain doctor of his own acquaintance
from Cambridge. "By this doctor, then, he was cured beyond all
expectation, and so completely restored to health that there was not a
more robust or stalwart man in a thousand."

Not very long after he had become a Catholic, Digby was roughly reminded
of the illegality of his position, by a rumour that his friend, Father
Gerard, who had gone to a house to visit, as a priest, a person who was
dying, was either on the point of being, or was actually, in the hands
of pursuivants. This news distressed him terribly. He immediately told
his wife that, if Father Gerard were arrested, he intended to take a
sufficient number of friends and servants to rescue him, and to watch
the roads by which he would probably be taken to London; and that "he
would accomplish" his "release one way or another, even though he should
spend his whole fortune in the venture." The danger of such an attempt
at that period was obvious. Certainly his desire to set free Father
Gerard was most praiseworthy, but whether, had he attempted it in the
way he proposed, he would have benefitted or injured the Catholic cause
in England, may be considered at least doubtful. A rescue by an armed
force would have meant a free fight, probably accompanied by some
bloodshed, with this result, that, if successful, the perpetrators would
most likely have been discovered, and sooner or later very severely
dealt with as aggressors against the officers of the law in the
execution of their duty, and that, if unsuccessful, the greater
proportion of the rescuing party would have met their deaths either on
the field at the time, or on the gallows afterwards. To attempt force
against the whole armed power of the Crown seemed a very Quixotic
undertaking, and the idea of dispersing the whole of his wealth, whether
in the shape of armed force or other channels, in a chimerical effort to
set free his friend, however generous in intent, scarcely recommends
itself as the best method of using it for the good of the cause he had
so much at heart. This incident shows Digby's hastiness and
impetuosity. Fortunately, the report of Father Gerard's arrest turned
out to be false; so, for the moment, any excited and unwise action on
Sir Everard's part was avoided.




CHAPTER III.


A change of religion causes, to most of those who make it, a very
forcible wrench. It may be, probably it usually is, accompanied by great
happiness and a sensation of intense relief; no regrets whatever may be
felt that the former faith, with its ministers, ceremonies, and churches
have been renounced for ever; on the contrary, the convert may be
delighted to be rid of them, and in turning his back upon the religion
of his childhood, he may feel that he is dismissing a false teacher who
has deceived him, rather than that he is bidding farewell to a guide who
has conducted him, however unintentionally, unwittingly, or unwillingly,
to the gate of safety. Yet granting, and most emphatically granting, all
this, we should not forget that there is another view of his position.
Let his rejoicing be ever so great at entering that portal and leaving
the land of darkness for the regions of light, be the welcome he
receives from his future co-religionists as warm as it may, and be his
confidence as great as is conceivable, the convert is none the less
forsaking a well-known country for one that is new to him, he is
leaving old friends to enter among strangers, and he is exchanging
long-formed habits for practices which it will take him some time to
understand, to acquire, and to familiarize.

A convert, again, is not invariably free from dangers. Let us take the
case of Sir Everard Digby. A man with his position, popularity, wealth,
intellect, and influence, was a convert of considerable importance from
a human point of view, and he must have known it. If he lost money and
friends by his conversion, much and many remained to him, and among the
comparatively small number of Catholics he might become a more leading
man than as a unit in the vast crowd professing his former faith; and
although, on the whole, the step which he had taken was calculated to be
much against his advancement in life, there are certain attractions in
being the principal or one of the principal men of influence in a
considerable minority. I am not for a moment questioning Digby's motives
in becoming a Catholic; I believe they were quite unexceptionable; all
that I am at the moment aiming at is to induce the reader to keep before
his mind that the position of an influential English convert, at the
beginning of the seventeenth century, like most other positions, had its
own special temptations and dangers, and my reasons for this aim will
soon become obvious.

In comparing the situation of a convert to Catholicism in the latter
days of Elizabeth or the early days of James I., with one in the reign
of Victoria, we are met on the threshold with the fact that terrible
bodily pains, and even death itself, threatened the former, while the
latter is exposed to no danger of either for his religion. In the matter
of legal fines and forfeitures, again, the persecution of the first was
enormous, whereas the second suffers none. But of these pains and
penalties I shall treat presently. Just in passing I may remark that
many a convert now living has reason for doubting whether any of his
forerunners in the times of Elizabeth or James I. suffered more
pecuniary loss than he. One parent or uncle, by altering a will, can
cause a Romish recusant more loss than a whole army of pursuivants.

Looking at the positions of converts at the two periods from a social
point of view, we find very different conditions. Instead of being
regarded, as he is now, in the light of a fool who, in an age of light,
reason, and emancipation from error, has wilfully retrograded into the
grossest of all forms of superstition, the convert, in the reigns of
Elizabeth and James, was known to be returning to the faith professed by
his fathers, one, two, or, at most, three generations before him. It was
not then considered a case of "turning Roman Catholic," but of returning
to the old religion, and even by people who cared little, if at all,
about such matters, he was rather respected than otherwise.

Now it is different. During the two last generations, so many
conversions have apparently been the result of what is known as the
Oxford Movement, or of Ritualism, that converts are much associated in
men's minds with ex-clergymen, or with clerical families; and to tell
the truth, at least a considerable minority of Anglicans of good
position, while they tolerate, invite to dinner, and patronise their
parsons, in their inmost hearts look down upon and rather dislike the
clergy and the clergy-begotten.

At present, again, a prejudice is felt in England against an old
Catholic, _prima facie_, on the ground that he is probably either an
Irishman, of Irish extraction, or of an ancient Catholic English family
rendered effete by idleness, owing to religious disabilities, or by a
long succession of intermarriages. It would be easy to prove that these
prejudices, if not altogether without foundation in fact, are immensely
and unwarrantably exaggerated, but my object, at present, is merely to
state that they exist. Three hundred years ago, whatever may have been
the prejudices against Catholics, old or new, they cannot have arisen on
such grounds as these, and if Protestants attributed the tenacity of the
former and the determined return of the latter to their ancient faith
rather to pride than to piety, there is no doubt which motive would be
most respected in the fashionable world.

The conduct of the Digbys, immediately after their conversion, was most
exemplary. They threw themselves heart and soul into their religion,
and Father Gerard, who had received them into the Church, writes[42] of
Sir Everard in the highest terms, saying:--"He was so studious a
follower of virtue, after he became a Catholic, that he gave great
comfort to those that had the guiding of his soul (as I have heard them
seriously affirm more than once or twice), he used his prayers daily
both mental and vocal, and daily and diligent examination of his
conscience: the sacraments he frequented devoutly every week, &c."
"Briefly I have heard it reported of this knight, by those that knew him
well and that were often in his company, that they did note in him a
special care of avoiding all occasions of sin and of furthering acts of
virtue in what he could."

    [42] _A Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 89.

He read a good deal in order to be able to enter into controversy with
Protestants, and he was the means of bringing several into the
Church--"some of great account and place." As to his conversation, "not
only in this highest kind, wherein he took very great joy and comfort,
but also in ordinary talk, when he had observed that the speech did tend
to any evil, as detraction or other kind of evil words which sometimes
will happen in company, his custom was presently to take some occasion
to alter the talk, and cunningly to bring in some other good matter or
profitable subject to talk of. And this, when the matter was not very
grossly evil, or spoken to the dishonour of God or disgrace of his
servants; for then, his zeal and courage were such that he could not
bear it, but would publicly and stoutly contradict it, whereof I could
give divers instances worth relating, but am loth to hold the reader
longer." Finally, in speaking of those "that knew him" and those "that
loved him," Father Gerard says, "truly it was hard to do the one and not
the other."

Like most Catholics living in the country, and inhabiting houses of any
size, the Digbys made a chapel in their home, "a chapel with a
sacristy," says Father Gerard,[43] "furnishing it with costly and
beautiful vestments;" and they "obtained a Priest of the Society" (of
Jesus) "for their chaplain, who remained with them to Sir Everard's
death." Of this priest, Gerard says[44] that he was a man "who for
virtue and learning hath not many his betters in England." This was
probably Father Strange,[45] who usually passed under the _alias_ of
Hungerford. He was the owner of a property, some of which, in
Gloucestershire, he sold,[46] and "£2000 thereof is in the Jesuites'
bank" said a witness against him. He was imprisoned, after Sir Everard
Digby's death, for five or six years.[47] In an underground dungeon in
the Tower[48] "he was so severely tortured upon the rack that he dragged
on the rest of his life for thirty-three years in the extremest
debility, with severe pains in the loins and head." Once when he was in
agony upon the rack, a Protestant minister began to argue with him about
religion; whereupon, turning to the rack-master, Father Strange[49]
"asked him to hoist the minister upon a similar rack, and in like
fetters and tortures, otherwise, said he, we shall be fighting upon
unequal terms; for the custom everywhere prevails amongst scholars that
the condition of the disputants be equal."

    [43] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. clv.

    [44] _A Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 89.

    [45] _Father H. Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, by Father Pollen, p.
    15.

    [46] _Records of the English Province._ S.J. Series, ix. x. xi., p.
    3.

    [47] _Ib._, p. 5, and Stoneyhurst MSS.

    [48] _Ib._, p. 3.

    [49] _Ib._, p. 4.

Another Jesuit Father, at one time private chaplain to Sir Everard
Digby, was Father John Percy,[50] who afterwards, under the _alias_ of
Fisher, held the famous controversy with Archbishop Laud in the presence
of the king and the Countess of Buckingham, to whom he acted as chaplain
for ten years. He also had been fearfully tortured in prison, in the
reign of Elizabeth; and if he recounted his experiences on the rack to
Sir Everard Digby, the hot blood of the latter would be stirred up
against the Protestant Governments that could perpetrate or tolerate
such iniquities.

    [50] _Records_, S.J. Series, i., p. 527.

In trying to picture to himself the "chapel with a sacristy" made by the
Digbys at Gothurst, a romantic reader may imagine an ecclesiastical
gem, in the form of a richly-decorated chamber filled with sacred
pictures, figures of saints, crucifixes, candles, and miniature shrines.
Before taking the trouble of raising any such representation before the
mind, it would be well to remember that, in the times of which we are
treating, that was the most perfect and the best arranged chapel in
which the altar, cross, chalice, vestments, &c., could be concealed at
the shortest possible notice, and the chamber itself most quickly made
to look like an ordinary room. The altar was on such occasions a small
slab of stone, a few inches in length and breadth, and considerably less
than an inch in thickness. It was generally laid upon the projecting
shelf of a piece of furniture, which, when closed, had the appearance of
a cabinet. Some few remains of altars and other pieces of "massing
stuff," as Protestants called it, of that date still remain, as also do
many simple specimens used in France during the Revolution of last
century, which have much in common with them. To demonstrate the small
space in which the ecclesiastical contents of a private chapel could be
hidden away in times of persecution, I may say that, even now, for
priests who have the privilege of saying mass elsewhere than in churches
or regular chapels--for instance, in private rooms, on board ship,[51]
or in the ward of a hospital--altar, chalice, paten, cruets,
altar-cloths, lavabo, alb, amice, girdle, candlesticks, crucifix,
wafer-boxes, wine-flask, Missal, Missal-stand, bell, holy-oil stocks,
pyx, and a set of red and white vestments (reversible)--in fact,
everything necessary for saying mass, as well as for administering
extreme unction to the sick, can be carried in a case 18 inches in
length, 12 inches in width, and 8 inches in depth. Occasionally, as we
are told of the Digbys, rich people may have had some handsome
vestments; but a private chapel early in the sixteenth century must have
been a very different thing from what we associate with the term in our
own times, and however well furnished it may have been as a room, it
must have been almost devoid of "ecclesiastical luxury."

    [51] In his _Mores Catholici_ (Cincinnati, 1841, Vol. II. p. 364),
    Kenelm H. Digby says that "Portable altars were in use long before
    the eleventh century. St Wulfran, Bishop of Sens, passing the sea in
    a ship, is said to have celebrated the sacred mysteries upon a
    portable altar."

Here and there were exceptions, in which Catholics were very bold, but
they always got into trouble. For instance, when Luisa de Carvajal came
to England, she was received at a country house--possibly Scotney
Castle, on the borders of Kent and Sussex--the chapel of which[52] "was
adorned with pictures and images, and enriched with many relics. Several
masses were said in it every day, and accompanied by beautiful vocal and
instrumental music." It was "adorned not only with all the requisites,
but all the luxuries, so to speak, of Catholic worship;" and Luisa could
walk "on a spring morning in a pleached alley, saying her beads, within
hearing of the harmonious sounds of holy music floating in the balmy
air." What was the consequence? "The beautiful dream was rudely
dispelled. One night, after she had been at this place about a month, a
secret warning was given to the master of this hospitable mansion, that
he had been denounced as a harbourer of priests, and that the
pursuivants would invade his house on the morrow. On the receipt of this
information, measures were immediately taken to hide all traces of
Catholic worship, and a general dispersion took place." I only give this
as a typical case to show how necessary it then was to make chapels and
Catholic worship as secret as possible.

    [52] _The Life of Luisa de Carvajal_, by Lady G. Fullerton, p. 154,
    _seq._

Sir Everard Digby was anxious that others, as well as himself, should
join the body which he believed to be the one, true, and only Church of
God, and of this I have nothing to say except in praise. An anecdote of
his efforts in this direction, however, is interesting as showing, not
only the necessities of the times, but also something of the character
and disposition of the man. In studying a man's life, there may be a
danger of building too much upon his actions, as if they proved his
inclinations, when they were in reality only the result of exceptional
circumstances, and I have no wish to force the inferences, which I
myself draw from the following facts, upon the opinions of other
people; I merely submit them for what they are worth.

Father Gerard says[53] that Sir Everard "had a friend for whom he felt a
peculiar affection," namely, Oliver Manners, the fourth son of John,
fourth Earl of Rutland, and said by Father J. Morris[54] to have been
knighted by King James I. "on his coming from Scotland," on April 22nd,
1603, but by Burke,[55] "at Belvoir Castle, 23rd April 1608." He was
very anxious that this friend should be converted to the Catholic faith,
and that, to this end, he should make the acquaintance of Father Gerard;
"but because he held an office in the Court, requiring his daily
attendance about the King's person, so that he could not be absent for
long together," this "desire was long delayed." At last Sir Everard met
Manners in London at a time when he knew that Father Gerard was there
also, "and he took an opportunity of asking him to come at a certain
time to play at cards, for these are the books gentlemen in London study
both night and day." Instead of inviting a card-party, Digby invited no
one except Father Gerard, and when Manners arrived, he found Gerard and
Digby "sitting and conversing very seriously." The latter asked him "to
sit down a little until the rest should arrive." After a short silence
Sir Everard said:--

    [53] _Life of Father John Gerard_, p. clxvi. _seq._

    [54] _Ib._, footnote to p. cciii.

    [55] _Peerage_, 1886, p. 1173.

"We two were engaged in a very serious conversation, in fact, concerning
religion. You know that I am friendly to Catholics and to the Catholic
faith; I was, nevertheless, disputing with this gentleman, who is a
friend of mine, against the Catholic faith, in order to see what defence
he could make, for he is an earnest Catholic, as I do not hesitate to
tell you." At this he turned to Father Gerard and begged him not to be
angry with him for betraying the fact of his being a Romish recusant to
a stranger; then he said to Manners, "And I must say he so well defended
the Catholic faith that I could not answer him, and I am glad you have
come to help me."

Manners "was young and confident, and trusting his own great abilities,
expected to carry everything before him, so good was his cause and so
lightly did he esteem" his opponent, "as he afterwards confessed." After
an hour's sharp argument and retort on either side, Father Gerard began
to explain the Catholic faith more fully, and to confirm it with texts
of Scripture, and passages from the Fathers.

Manners listened in silence, and "before he left he was fully resolved
to become a Catholic, and took with him a book to assist him in
preparing for a good confession, which he made before a week had
passed." He became an excellent and exemplary Christian, and his life
would make an interesting and edifying volume.

All honour to Sir Everard Digby for having been the human medium of
bringing about this most happy and blessed conversion! It might have
been difficult to accomplish it by any other method. In those days of
persecution, stratagem was absolutely necessary to Catholics for their
safety sake, even in everyday life, and still more so in evangelism. As
to the particular stratagem used by Digby in this instance, I do not go
so far as to say that it was blame-worthy; I have often read of it
without mentally criticising it; I have even regarded it with some
degree of admiration; but, now that I am attempting a study of Sir
Everard Digby's character, and seeking for symptoms of it in every
detail that I can discover of his words and actions, I ask myself
whether, in all its innocence, his conduct on this occasion did not
exhibit traces of a natural inclination to plot and intrigue. Could he
have induced Manners to come to his rooms by no other attraction than a
game of cards, which he had no intention of playing? Was it necessary on
his arrival there to ask him to await that of guests who were not
coming, and had never been invited? Was he obliged, in the presence of
so intimate a friend, to pretend to be only well-disposed towards
Catholics instead of owning himself to be one of them? Need he have put
himself to the trouble of apologising to Father Gerard for revealing
that he was a Catholic? In religious, as in all other matters, there are
cases in which artifice may be harmless or desirable, or even a duty,
but a thoroughly straightforward man will shrink from the "pious dodge"
as much as the kind-hearted surgeon will shrink from the use of the
knife or the cautery.

Necessary as they may have been, nay, necessary as they undoubtedly
were, the planning, and disguising, and hiding, and intriguing used as
means for bringing about the conversions of Lady Digby, Sir Everard
Digby, and Oliver Manners, though innocent in themselves, placed those
concerned in them in that atmosphere of romance, adventure, excitement,
and even sentiment, which I have before described, and it is obvious
that such an atmosphere is not without its peculiar perils.

It is certainly very comfortable to be able to preach undisturbed, to
convert heretics openly, and to worship in the churches of the King and
the Government; yet even in religion, to some slight degree, the words
of a certain very wise man may occasionally be true, that[56] "stolen
waters are sweeter, and hidden bread is more pleasant." Nothing is more
excellent than missionary work; but it is a fact that proselytism, when
conducted under difficulties and dangers, whether it be under the
standard of truth or under the standard of error, is not without some of
the elements of sport; at any rate, if it be true, as enthusiasts have
been heard to assert, that even the hunted fox is a partaker in the
pleasures of the chase, the Jesuits had every opportunity of enjoying
them during the reigns of Elizabeth and James I.

    [56] Proverbs ix. 17.

Besides a consideration of the personal characteristics of Sir Everard
Digby, and the position of converts to Catholicism in his times, it will
be necessary to take a wider view of the political, social, and
religious events of his period. Otherwise we should be unable to form
anything like a fair judgment either of his own conduct, or of the
treatment which he received from others.

The oppression and persecution of Catholics by Queen Elizabeth and her
ministers was extreme. It was made death to be a priest, death to
receive absolution from a priest, death to harbour a priest, death even
to give food or help of any sort to a priest, and death to persuade
anyone to become a Catholic. Very many priests and many laymen were
martyred, more were tortured, yet more suffered severe temporal losses.
And, what was most cruel of all, while Statutes were passed with a view
to making life unendurable for Catholics in England itself, English
Catholics were forbidden to go, or to send their children, beyond the
seas without special leave.

The actual date of the Digbys' reception into the Catholic Church is a
matter of some doubt. It probably took place before the death of
Elizabeth. That was a time when English Catholics were considering their
future with the greatest anxiety. Politics entered largely into the
question, and where politics include, as they did then, at any rate, in
many men's minds, some doubts as to the succession to the crown,
intrigue and conspiracy were pretty certain to be practised.




CHAPTER IV.


The responsibility of the intrigues in respect to the claims to the
English throne, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, rests to
some extent upon Queen Elizabeth herself. As Mr Gardiner puts it:--[57]
"She was determined that in her lifetime no one should be able to call
himself her heir." It was generally understood that James would succeed
to the throne; but, so long as there was the slightest uncertainty on
the question, it was but natural that the Catholics should be anxious
that a monarch should be crowned who would favour, or at least tolerate
them, and that they should make inquiries, and converse eagerly, about
every possible claimant to the throne. Fears of foreign invasion and
domestic plotting were seriously entertained in England during the
latter days of Elizabeth, as well as immediately after her death.
"Wealthy men had brought in their plate and treasure from the country,
and had put them in places of safety. Ships of war had been stationed in
the Straits of Dover to guard against a foreign invasion, and some of
the principal recusants had, as a matter of precaution, been committed
to safe custody."[58]

    [57] _History of England_, from the Accession of James I. to the
    outbreak of the Civil War, 1603-1642, Vol. i. p. 79.

    [58] Gardiner's _History of England_, Vol. i. p. 85.

When James VI. of Scotland, the son of the Catholic Mary Queen of Scots,
ascended the throne, rendered vacant by the death of Elizabeth, as James
I. of England, no voice was raised in favour of any other claimant,
and[59] "the Catholics, flattered by the reports of their agents, hailed
with joy the succession of a prince who was said to have promised the
toleration of their worship, in return for the attachment which they had
so often displayed for the house of Stuart." King James owed toleration,
says Lingard, "to their sufferings in the cause of his unfortunate
mother;" and "he had bound himself to it, by promises to their envoys,
and to the princes of their communion."

    [59] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

The opinion that the new king would upset and even reverse the
anti-Catholic legislation of Elizabeth was not confined to the Catholic
body: many Protestants had taken alarm on this very score, as may be
inferred from a contemporary tract, entitled[60]_Advertisements of a
loyal subject to his gracious Sovereign, drawn from the Observation of
the People's Speeches_, in which the following passage occurs:--"The
plebes, I wotte not what they call them, but some there bee who most
unnaturally and unreverentlie, by most egregious lies, wound the honour
of our deceased soveraigne, not onlie touching her government and good
fame, but her person with sundry untruthes," and after going on in this
strain for some lines it adds:--"Suerlie these slanders be the doings of
the papists, ayming thereby at the deformation of the gospell." [61] On
the other hand, there were both Catholics and Puritans who were
distrustful of James. Sir Everard cannot have been long a Catholic, when
a dangerous conspiracy was on foot. Sir Griffin Markham, a Catholic, and
George Brooke, a Protestant, and a brother of Lord Cobham's, hatched the
well-known plot which was denominated "the Bye," and, among many others
who joined it, were two priests, Watson and Clarke, both of whom were
eventually executed on that account. Its object appears to have been to
seize the king's person, and wring from him guarantees of toleration for
both Puritans and Catholics. Father Gerard acquired some knowledge of
this conspiracy, as also did Father Garnet, the Provincial of the
Jesuits, and Blackwell, the Archpriest; and they insisted upon the
information being laid instantly before the Government. Before they had
time to carry out their intention, however, it had already been
communicated, and the complete failure of the attempt is notorious. The
result was to injure the causes of both the Catholics and the Puritans,
and James never afterwards trusted the professions of either.

    [60] Somers Tracts, Vol. ii. p. 147. From the Cotton Library,
    Faustina, c. 11, 12, fol. 61.

    [61] "James was an alien." "Supposing that on such principles King
    James was rejected, who would come next? The Lady Arabella Stuart,
    descended from Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. in the same manner
    as King James, save that her father was a second son, and King
    James's father was the eldest. But she had the fact of her birth and
    domiciliation within the kingdom of England as a counter-poise to
    her father's want of primogeniture." "Without openly professing
    Roman Catholicism, she was thought to be inclined that way, and to
    be certainly willing to make favourable terms with the Roman
    Catholics." Introduction by J. Bruce to _Correspondence of King
    James VI. of Scotland with Cecil and others_.

So far as the Catholics were concerned, the "Bye" conspiracy
unfortunately revealed another; for Father Watson, in a written
confession which he made in prison, brought accusations of disloyalty
against the Jesuits. It was quite true that, two years earlier, Catesby,
Tresham, and Winter--all friends of Sir Everard Digby's--had endeavoured
to induce Philip of Spain to invade England, and had asked Father Garnet
to give them his sanction in so doing; but Garnet had "misliked it," and
had told them that it would be as much "disliked at Rome."[62]

    [62] Dodds' _Church History of England_, Vol. iv. p. 8. Tierney's
    Notes.

Winter had arranged that if Queen Elizabeth should die before the
invasion, the news should be at once sent to the Spanish court. For this
purpose, a Yorkshire gentleman, named Christopher Wright, and one Guy,
or Guido, Faukes, or Fawkes, "a soldier of fortune," of whom we shall
have more to say by-and-bye, were sent to the Court of Spain in
1603. Although Father Garnet disapproved of the plan, he had given
Wright a letter of introduction to a Jesuit at the Spanish Court.
Neither Wright nor Fawkes were able to rouse King Philip, who said that
he had no quarrel with his English brother, and that he had just
appointed an ambassador to the Court of St James's to arrange the terms
of a lasting peace with the English nation. Knowing something of this,
Father Watson used it as an instrument of revenge against the Jesuits,
who, he knew, had intended to warn King James against his own attempt to
entrap him.[63] "It is well known to all the world," he wrote, "how the
Jesuits and Spanish faction had continually, by word, writing, and
action, sought his majesty's destruction, with the setting up of another
prince and sovereign over us; yea, and although it should be revealed
what practises they had, even in this interim betwixt the proclaiming
and crowning of his majesty." And then he enumerated some of these
"practises," among others, "levying 40,000 men to be in a readiness for
the Spaniard or Archduke; by buying up all the great horses, as Gerard
doth; by sending down powder and shot into Staffordshire and other
places, with warning unto Catholics to be in a readiness; by collection
of money under divers pretences, to the value of a million;" "by
affirming that none might yield to live under an heretic (as they
continually termed his majesty);" "and by open speech that the king and
all his royal issue must be cut off and put to death." In making these
bitter and, for the most part, untrue accusations against the Jesuits,
he complained that he was "accounted for no better than an infidel,
apostate, or atheist, by the jesuitical faction," and that he was never
likely "to receive any favour" from his majesty "so long as any Jesuit
or Spaniard" remained "alive within this land."

    [63] Dodds' _Church History of England_, Appendix i. p. xxxv.

Undoubtedly, during the cruel persecutions of Elizabeth, Jesuits, as
well as secular priests, and Catholic laymen too, for that matter, had
hoped that her successor on the English throne might be of their own
religion; they had good cause for doing so; the Pope himself had urged
the enthronement of a Catholic monarch for their country, and in
fairness, it must be admitted that not a few Englishmen, who considered
themselves royalist above all others, had at one time refused to regard
Elizabeth herself as the legitimate possessor of the British crown; but,
when James had been established upon the throne, with the exception of a
few discontents, such as the conspirators in the "Bye" plot and the
diminutive Spanish party, the English Catholics, both lay and clerical,
acknowledged him as their rightful king. Pope Clement VIII.[64]
"commanded the missionaries" in England "to confine themselves to their
spiritual duties, and to discourage, by all means in their power, every
attempt to disturb the tranquillity of the realm;" he also ordered "the
nuncio at Paris to assure James of the abhorrence with which he viewed
all acts of disloyalty," and he despatched "a secret messenger to the
English Court with an offer to withdraw from the kingdom any missionary
who might be an object of suspicion to the Council."

    [64] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

Unfortunately, the discovery of the two conspiracies above mentioned, in
which Catholics were implicated, weighed more with James than any
assurances of goodwill from the Pope or his emissaries. Had not Watson
given King's evidence? Had not foreign invasion been implored by
Catholics? Had they not intended "the Lady Arabella" as a substitute for
his own Royal Majesty upon the throne? And had they not treasonably
united with their extreme opposites, the Puritans, in a design to
capture his precious person, with a view to squeezing concessions out of
him, if not to putting him to death? To some extent he did indeed
endeavour to conciliate the higher classes among his Catholic subjects,
by inviting them to court, by conferring upon them the honour--such as
it was--of knighthood, as in the case of Sir Everard Digby, and by
promising to protect them from the penalties of recusancy, so long as by
their loyalty and peaceable behaviour they should show themselves worthy
of his favour and his confidence, but he absolutely and abruptly
refused all requests for toleration of their religious worship, and more
than once, he even committed to the Tower Catholics who had the
presumption to ask for it.

The times were most trying to a recent convert like Sir Everard Digby. I
will again quote Lingard[65] to show how faithless was James to the
promises he had made of relief to his Catholic subjects:--"The
oppressive and sanguinary code framed in the reign of Elizabeth was
re-enacted to its full extent; it was even improved with additional
severities."

    [65] Vol. vii. chap. i.

And then, after describing the severe penalties inflicted upon those who
sent children "beyond the seas, to the intent that" they "should reside
or be educated in a Catholic college or seminary," as well as upon "the
owners or masters of ships who" conveyed them, and adding that "every
individual who had already resided or studied, or should hereafter
reside or study in any such college or seminary, was rendered incapable
of inheriting or purchasing or enjoying lands, annuities, chattels,
debts, or sums of money within the realm, unless at his return to
England, he should conform to the Established Church, he
says:--"Moreover, as missionaries sometimes eluded detection under the
disguise of tutors in gentlemen's houses, it was provided that no man
should teach even the rudiments of grammar without a license of the
diocesan, under the penalty of forty shillings per day, to be levied on
the tutor himself, and the same sum on his employer."

And again, when James had been a year on the throne, the execution of
the penal laws enabled the king "... to derive considerable profit,"
says Lingard.[66] "The legal fine of £20 per lunar month was again
demanded; and not only for the time to come, but for the whole period of
the suspension; a demand which, by crowding thirteen separate payments
into one of £260, exhausted the whole annual income of men in
respectable but moderate circumstances. Nor was this all. By law, the
least default in these payments subjected the recusant to the forfeiture
of all his goods and chattels, and of two-thirds of his lands,
tenements, hereditaments, farms, and leases. The execution of this
severe punishment was intrusted to the judges at the assizes, the
magistrates at the sessions, and the commissioners for causes
ecclesiastical at their meetings. By them warrants of distress were
issued to constables and pursuivants; all the cattle on the lands of the
delinquent, his household furniture, and his wearing apparel, were
seized and sold; and if, on some pretext or other, he was not thrown
into prison, he found himself and family left without a change of
apparel or a bed to lie upon, unless he had been enabled by the charity
of his friends to redeem them after the sale, or to purchase with
bribes the forbearance of the officers. Within six months the payment
was again demanded, and the same pauperizing process repeated."

    [66] Vol. vii. chap. i.

It may be only fair to say, however, that Mr Gardiner thinks Lingard was
guilty of exaggeration on one point; for he says[67] "the £20 men were
never called upon for arrears, and, as far as I have been able to trace
the names, the forfeitures of goods and chattels were only demanded from
those from whom no lands had been seized."

    [67] _History of England_, 1603-42, Vol. i. p. 329, footnote.

A letter in Father Garnet's handwriting to Father Persons on these
topics should have a special interest for us, as it was pretty certainly
written at Gothurst, where he seems to have been staying at the time it
is dated, October 4 and 21, 1605. It says[68]:--"The courses taken are
more severe than in Bess's time.... If any recusant buy his goods again,
they inquire diligently if the money be his own: otherwise they would
have that too. In fine, if these courses hold, every man must be fain to
redeem, once in six months, the very bed he lieth on: and hereof, of
twice redeeming, besides other precedents, I find one here in Nicolas,
his lodging," _i.e._, in the house of Sir Everard Digby. "The judges now
openly protest that the king will have blood, and hath taken blood in
Yorkshire; and that the king hath hitherto stroked papists, but now will
strike:--and this is without any desert of Catholics. The execution of
two in the north is certain:"--three persons, Welbourn and Fulthering at
York, and Brown at Ripon, had in fact been executed in Yorkshire that
year for recusancy.[69] Father Garnet continues:--"and whereas it was
done upon cold blood, that is, with so great stay after their
condemnation, it argueth a deliberate resolution of what we may expect:
so that you may see there is no hope that Paul," _i.e._ Pope Paul V.,
"can do anything; and whatsoever men give out there, of easy proceedings
with Catholics, is mere fabulous. And yet, notwithstanding, I am assured
that the best sort of Catholics will bear all their losses with
patience: but how these tyrannical proceedings of such base officers may
drive particular men to desperate attempts, that I cannot answer
for;--the king's wisdom will foresee."

    [68] I quote from _Dodd and Tierney_, Vol. iv., Appendix xvi., p.
    ciii.

    [69] Challoner, ii. 12, 13.

Mr Gardiner, in noticing the fines levied on recusants, mentions[70] one
point in connection with them which would be peculiarly vexatious to a
man of Sir Everard Digby's temperament and position. "The Catholics must
have been especially aggrieved by the knowledge that much of the money
thus raised went into the pockets of courtiers. For instance, the
profits of the lands of two recusants were granted to a foot-man, and
this was by no means an isolated case."

    [70] _History of England_, 1603-42, Vol i. p. 230.

Sir Everard Digby's great friend, Father Gerard, also testifies at
great length to the persecutions under Elizabeth and James.[71] Father
Southwell was put "nine times most cruelly upon the torture," and the
law against the Catholics "put to cruel death many and worthy persons,"
and "many persons of great families and estimation were at several times
put to death under pretence of treason, which also was their cloak to
cover their cruelties against such priests and religious as were sent
into England by authority from His Holiness to teach and preach the
faith of Christ, and to minister his sacraments."

    [71] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 16. _seq._

Again, "their torturing of men when they were taken to make them confess
their acquaintance and relievers, was more terrible than death by much,
&c." "Besides the spoiling and robbing laymen of their livings and
goods, with which they should maintain their families, is to many more
grievous than death would be, when those that have lived in good estate
and countenance in their country shall see before them their whole life
to be led in misery, and not only themselves, but their wives and
children to go a-begging." "And to these the continual and cruel
searches, which I have found to be more terrible than taking itself. The
insolencies and abuses offered in them, and in the seizures of goods,
the continual awe and fear that men are kept in by the daily expectance
of these things, while every malicious man (of which heresy can want no
plenty) is made an officer in these affairs, and every officer a king
as it were, to command and insult upon Catholics at their pleasure." It
may be readily imagined how the writer of all this would discuss this
bad state of affairs with Sir Everard at Gothurst.

I have no wish to exaggerate the sufferings endured by Catholics during
the reigns of Elizabeth and the early Stuarts. I willingly admit that in
many cases the legal penalties were not enforced against them, nay, I
would go further and frankly remind my Catholic readers--Protestants may
possibly not require to have their memories thus stimulated--that half a
century had not elapsed since Protestants were burned at the stake in
Smithfield for their religion by Catholics. Besides all this, it is
certain that toleration, as we understand it, is a comparatively modern
invention, and that if Mary Queen of Scots had ascended the English
throne, or if it had fallen into the hands of Spain, Protestants in this
country might not have had a very comfortable time of it, especially in
the process of disgorging property taken from the Church, and that,
under certain circumstances, some of them might even have suffered death
for their faith; but, while readily making this admission, I doubt
whether any Catholic government ever attempted to oblige a people to
relinquish a religion, which it had professed for many centuries, with
the persistency and cruelty which the governments of Elizabeth and James
I. exercised in endeavouring to oblige every British subject to reject
the religion of his forefathers. Instances are not wanting of Catholics
dealing out stern measures towards those who introduced a new religion
into a country; this, on the contrary, was a case of punishing those who
refused to adopt a new religion.

Nor was this the only ground on which the persecutions by James appeared
unfair, tyrannical, and odious to Catholics. During the reign of
Elizabeth they had endured their sufferings as the penalties of a
religion contradicting that of their monarch. Perhaps they did not
altogether blame her so much for her persecutions, as for persecuting
the right religion in mistake for the wrong; and, after all, they knew
she had been persuaded by her Council that, for purposes of State, it
was necessary to break off relations with the Apostolic See, and to
maintain the newly-fangled Anglican faith; they knew that the refusal of
Rome to acknowledge her legitimacy, threatened the very foundations of
her throne, and consequently made every Catholic seem a traitor in her
eyes; they knew, too, that the Holy See had favoured Mary Queen of
Scots, whom she had regarded as her most dangerous rival. Under these
circumstances, therefore, while they found their troubles and trials
excessively bitter, they may not have been very profoundly astonished at
them. But when James, after a brief respite, continued and even
increased the persecutions of the previous reign, they looked at the
matter in quite a different light. In the first place, they expected
that the Protestant son of so Catholic a mother, who had suffered
imprisonment and death because she was a Catholic, could scarcely become
the friend and accomplice of those who had betrayed and martyred his
mother. I am not trenching on the question of the martyrdom of Mary
Queen of Scots; I am merely writing of the feeling respecting her death,
prevalent at that time among members of her own religion in this
country. Secondly, unlike Elizabeth, James had no cause for fearing the
Holy See; it never questioned his legitimacy; it had assisted him when
King of Scotland; its adherents in England had almost universally hailed
his accession to the crown with loyalty and rejoicing; and, as I have
already shown, the Pope had sent messages to him, offering to assist in
assuring the allegiance of the Catholics by removing any priests who
might be obnoxious to him.

Even Goodman, the Protestant Bishop of Gloucester, wrote[72]:--"After
Sixtus Quintus succeeded Clement Octavus, a man, according to his name,
who was much given to mercy and compassion. Now to him King James did
make suit to favour his title to the crown of England, which as King
James doth relate in his book, _Triplici nodo triplex cuneus_, the Pope
did promise to do." James said that he would show favour to
Catholics[73] "were it not that the English would take it ill, and it
would much hinder him in his succession; and withall, that his own
subjects in Scotland were so violent against Catholics, that he, being
poor, durst not offend them. Whereupon the Pope replied, that if it were
for want of means, he would exhaust all the treasures of the church and
sell the plate to supply him." And again, says Goodman of the English
Catholics and King James[74]:--"And certainly they had very great
promises from him." Nevertheless,[75] "he did resolve to run a course
against the papists," and "at his discourses at table usually he did
express much hatred to them."

    [72] _The Court of King James I._, Vol. i. p. 82 _seq._

    [73] _Ib._, p. 83.

    [74] _The Court of King James I._, Vol. i. p. 86.

    [75] _Ib._ p. 87.

Father Gerard writes that[76] there were "particular embassagies and
letters from His Majesty unto other Princes, giving hope at least of
toleration to Catholics in England, of which letters divers were
translated this year into French and came so into England, as divers
affirmed that had seen them." He was also "well assured that immediately
upon Queen Elizabeth's sickness and death, divers Catholics of note and
fame, Priests also, did ride post into Scotland, as well to carry the
assurance of dutiful affection from all Catholics unto His Majesty as
also to obtain his gracious favour for them and his royal word for
confirmation of the same. At that time, and to those persons, it is
certain he did promise that Catholics should not only be quiet from any
molestations, but should also enjoy such liberty in their houses
privately as themselves would desire, and have both Priests and
Sacraments with full toleration and desired quiet. Both the Priests that
did kneel before him when he gave this promise (binding it with the word
of a Prince, which he said was never yet broken), did protest so much
unto divers from whom I have it. And divers others, persons of great
worth, have assured me the same upon the like promise received from His
Majesty, both for the common state of Catholics and their own
particular."

    [76] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 24.

It is dangerous to make too much of evidence against which there may be
the shadow of a suspicion. Father Gerard's personal testimony can be
accepted without the smallest hesitation; but that of Father Watson, who
was probably one of the priests he mentioned who "did kneel before"
James when he made the solemn promise which Father Gerard heard of at
second hand, should be received with more caution. Lord Northampton's
statement in his speech at Sir Everard Digby's trial should certainly
obtain very careful consideration. "No man," said he,[77] "can speak
more soundly to the point than myself; for being sent into the prison by
the King to charge him with this false alarm" (_i.e._, the report that
James had promised toleration to Catholics), "only two days before his
death, and upon his soul to press him in the presence of God, and as he
would answer it at another bar, to confess directly whether at either
or both these times he had access unto his Majesty at Edinburgh, his
Majesty did give him any promise, hope, or comfort of encouragement to
Catholics concerning toleration; he did there protest upon his soul that
he could never win one inch of ground or draw the smallest comfort from
the King in those degrees, nor further than that he would have them
apprehend, that as he was a stranger to this state, so, till he
understood in all points how those matters stood, he would not promise
favour any way; but did protest that all the crowns and kingdoms in this
world should not induce him to change any jot of his profession, which
was the pasture of his soul and earnest of his eternal inheritance. He
did confess that in very deed, to keep up the hearts of Catholics in
love and duty to the King, he had imparted the King's words to many, in
a better tune and a higher kind of descant than his book of plainsong
did direct, because he knew that others, like sly bargemen, looked that
way when their stroke was bent another way. For this he craved pardon of
the King in humble manner, and for his main treasons, of a higher nature
than these figures of hypocrisy, and seemed penitent, as well for the
horror of his crime as for the falsehood of his whisperings."

    [77] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, Vol. ii. p. 177.

Probably Northampton may have exaggerated, possibly he may have lied, in
making this statement; but there is this to be remembered, that owing to
his false testimony against the Jesuits, already recorded in this
chapter, Father Watson must be regarded as a somewhat discredited
witness, and it will not do for us Catholics to accept his verbal
evidence against King James, and then to turn round and repudiate the
evidence against the Jesuits in his own handwriting,[78] without some
very strong reason for so doing. A reason of a certain strength does
indeed exist; for Watson's evidence against James was given freely and
uninterestedly; whereas his evidence against the Jesuits may very
probably have been offered in the hope that it might be accepted as the
price of pardon, or at least of some mitigation of the awful sufferings
included in the form of death to which he had been sentenced.

    [78] Quoted above. I copied from Dodd; but the original may be found
    in the S.P. Dom., James I., Vol. iii. n. 16.

Even if we altogether discard Watson's evidence of James's promises,
enough remains to satisfy my own mind that the new king had given the
Catholics more or less hope of toleration; and, if I am too easily
satisfied on this point, there can be no sort of question that Sir
Everard Digby, who was often with Father Gerard, and that many other
English Catholics had been assured, rightly or wrongly, and believed,
wrongly or rightly, that King James had solemnly promised to give them
immunity from persecution, if not freedom of worship, and that he had
basely and treacherously broken his faith with them and sold them for
the price of popularity among his far more numerous Protestant subjects:
who, then, can blame them for considering themselves to have been most
unjustly, perfidiously, and infamously treated by that monarch?

It may be worth while to quote here again from Goodman, the Protestant
Bishop of Gloucester, respecting the persecutions of the Catholics in
the reign of James.[79] "Now that they saw the times settled, having no
hope of better days, but expecting that the uttermost rigour of the law
should be executed, they became desperate; finding that by the laws of
the kingdom their own lives were not secured, and for the coming over of
a priest into England it was no less than high treason. A gentlewoman
was hanged only for relieving and harbouring a priest; a citizen was
hanged only for being reconciled to the Church of Rome: besides, the
penal laws were such and so executed that they should not subsist:--what
was usually sold in shops and openly bought, this the pursuivant would
take away from them as being popish and superstitious. One knight did
affirm that in one term he gave twenty nobles in rewards to the
doorkeeper of the attorney-general; another did affirm, that his third
part which remained to him of his estate did hardly serve for his
expense in law to defend him from other oppressions, besides their
children to be taken from home to be brought up in another religion. So
they did every way conclude that their estate was desperate, etc." If
objection should be taken to Goodman as a witness on the Protestant
side, on the ground that he eventually became a Catholic, I would reply
that, at the time he wrote what I have quoted, he was, as the editor of
his _Court of James the First_ says,[80] "an earnest and zealous
supporter of the Church," of England, and of James I., Goodman himself
writes[81] in that very book:--"Truly I did never know any man of so
great an apprehension, of so great love and affection--a man so truly
just, so free from all cruelty and pride, such a lover of the church,
and one that had done so much good for the church." Such an admirer of
King James might certainly be trusted not to say a word that he could
honestly avoid about the ill-treatment endured by any class of his
subjects during his reign.

    [79] _The Court of King James I._, Vol. i. pp. 100-1.

    [80] Introduction, p. viii.

    [81] Vol. i. p. 91.




CHAPTER V.


Considering that the king had been led to distrust the Catholics through
the two lately discovered plots in which some of their number had taken
part, the best policy for those who remained loyal, and these were by
far the majority, would have been to have taken every opportunity of
displaying their faithfulness to their sovereign, and, for those whose
position so entitled them, to present themselves as often as they
conveniently could at his Court, even if their welcome was somewhat
cold. Digby chose to follow an exactly opposite course. He went to Court
on James's accession and received knighthood, and then he returned to
the country, only visiting London occasionally, and then not going to
Court. Like his fellow-Catholics, he at first entertained hopes that the
new king was about to exhibit toleration, and as much as any of them was
he disappointed and embittered as time speedily began to prove the
contrary. One cause of Sir Everard Digby's disgust at the aspect of
affairs, early in James the First's reign, may have been that, as a
courtier, he had expected much from the Queen's being a Catholic,[82]
and that not only did no apparent good come of it, but her example gave
the greatest discouragement, as well as grave scandal, to such of her
subjects as professed her own religion. Indeed, all that can safely be
said of her Catholicism, is that she was[83] "a Catholic, so far, at
least, as her pleasure-loving nature allowed her to be of any religion
at all." Nevertheless, "she took great delight in consecrated,"--or, as
Catholics would say, blessed or sacred--"objects." She had allowed
herself to be crowned by[84] "a Protestant Archbishop; but when the time
arrived for the reception of the Communion, she remained immovable on
her seat, leaving the King to partake alone." "Enthusiastic Catholics
complained that she had no heart for anything but festivities and
amusements, and during the rest of her life she attended the services of
the church sufficiently to enable the Government to allege that she was
merely an enemy of Puritanical strictness." On one occasion, the
king,[85] "with some difficulty," had actually "induced her to receive
the Communion with him at Salisbury, but she had been much vexed with
herself since, and had refused to do it again. On Christmas Day she had
accompanied him to Church, but since then he found it impossible to
induce her to be present at a Protestant service. At one time Sir
Anthony Standen, a Catholic, was employed by James on a mission to some
of the Italian States, and he brought home with him some objects of
devotion, as a present from the Pope to the Queen of England. These
delighted her; yet, when the king heard of them, they were returned to
the Pope through the Nuncio in Paris."

    [82] In his _History of the Catholic Church in Scotland_, translated
    by Father H. Blair, Canon Bellesheim says (Vol. iii. p. 347) that
    she was probably received into the Church in 1600. But Father Forbes
    Leith, in his _Narrative_ (pp. 272 _seq_.) gives an authority
    stating it to have taken place in 1598.

    See also a very interesting article on "Anne of Denmark," by the
    Rev. J. Stevenson, in _The Month_, Vol. 16 (xxxv.) pp. 256-265.

    [83] _History of England_, from 1603-42. By S. R. Gardiner, Vol. i.
    p. 142. Also Degli Effetti to Del Bufalo, June 13/23, 16/26; Persons
    to Aldobrandino, September 18/28, _Roman Transcripts_, R.O.

    [84] _History of England_, Gardiner, Vol. i, p. 116. Also Degli
    Effetti to Del Bufalo, Aug. 11, 1/11, _Roman Transcripts_, R.O.

    [85] _History of England_, Gardiner, Vol. i. p. 142.

Now to any good Catholic, especially to an exceedingly zealous convert
in his first fervour, like Sir Everard Digby, a Protestant king might be
tolerable, provided he treated his Catholic subjects properly; but a
court presided over by a queen, herself a convert, who was a most
indifferent Catholic, if not an apostate,[86] would be odious in the
extreme. It was difficult enough, in any case, to make many simple
Catholics understand that there was anything very wrong in avoiding
persecution by putting in an occasional appearance at the Protestant
churches, without joining in the service, if they heard mass when they
could, and went regularly to confession and communion; but the
difficulty was immensely increased when they heard that the greatest
lady in the land, who was herself a Catholic, did that very thing.
Again, the country-gentlemen of high estate, Sir Everard Digby among
them, suffered fines and penalties for their faith; yet here was the
Catholic queen herself, contently living in the greatest luxury, and
yielding on the most important points of her religion, in order to
obtain it.[87] No wonder, therefore, that Sir Everard Digby absented
himself from Court, however impolitic it may have been in him to do so.

    [86] In her _Queens of England_, Miss Strickland gives her authority
    for the statement that Queen Ann died "in edifying communion with
    the Church of England."

    [87] Her practical concealment of her religion may have been chiefly
    on her husband's account. Father Abercromby, S.J., who received her
    into the Church, wrote that James I. said to her:--"Rogo te, mea
    uxor, si non potes sine hujusmodi (sacerdote) vivere, utaris quam
    poteris, secretissime, alias periclitabitur corona nostra."
    Bellesheim's Hist., p. 453.

In his country home, at Gothurst, he brooded, with much impatience, over
the wrongs of his co-religionists, nor can it have been a pleasant
reflection that at any moment his beautiful house might be broken into
by pursuivants, who would hunt every recess and cupboard in it, in
search of a priest, or of what Anglicans then denominated
"massing-stuff." Should they suspect that the most richly carved pieces
of oak-work concealed a hiding-place, the "officers of justice" would
ruthlessly shatter them to pieces with axe or crowbar; his wife's
private rooms would not be safe from the intrusion of the pursuivants,
or the bevy of rough followers who might accompany them; and, if his
house were filled with guests, even were they Protestants, it would none
the less necessarily be given up to the intruders for so long a time as
they might choose to remain. The invasion would be as likely to be made
by night as by day; no notice would be given of its approach, and, as
its result, not only might the domestic chaplain be carried off a
prisoner, with his face to a horse's tail and his legs tied together
beneath its girths, but Sir Everard himself would be liable to be taken
away in the same humiliating position, on a charge of High Treason.

The fine which Catholics had to pay must have been sufficiently annoying
even to a rich man like Sir Everard Digby, and this annoyance would be
greatly increased by the knowledge that to poorer men it meant ruin, as
well as by the remarks of his less wealthy Catholic friends that "after
all, to him it was a mere nothing."

The present was bad enough, and worse things were expected in the
future. Most of us know the fears with which we hear that a Prime
Minister of opposite politics to our own is going to bring in a bill, in
the coming session, directed against our personal interests; even the
coming budget of a Chancellor of the Exchequer on our own side of the
House, in a very bad year, is anticipated with serious misgivings.
Imagine, therefore, the terrors of the Catholics whose lives would
already have been rendered unendurable, had the laws existing against
them been put into full force, when they not only observed a rapidly
increasing zeal among magistrates and judges in their proceedings
against Romish recusants, but heard, on what appeared to be excellent
authority, that additional, and most cruel, legislation against them was
to be enacted in the Parliament shortly to be opened.

One of the most remarkable features in Sir Everard Digby's character was
his extreme susceptibility to the influence of others; and, for this
reason, what may seem, at first sight, an undue proportion of a volume
devoted to his biography, must necessarily be allotted to a description
of the friends, and more especially one particular friend, under whose
influence he fell; and, if my readers should sometimes imagine that I
have forgotten Sir Everard Digby altogether, or if they should feel
inclined to accuse me of writing Catesby's life rather than Digby's, I
can assure them that I am guiltless on both counts. For the moment,
however, I must beg them to prepare themselves for an immediate and long
digression, or rather an apparent digression, and warn them that it will
be followed by many others.

To an impetuous man, zealous to the last degree, but not according to
knowledge, few things are more dangerous than an intimate friend of
similar views and temperament. Exactly such a friend had Sir Everard
Digby. Here is a description of him by one who knew him well.[88] He
"grew to such a composition of manners and carriage, to such a care of
his speech (that it might never be hurtful to others, but taking all
occasions of doing good), to such a zealous course of life, both for the
cause in general, and for every particular person whom he could help in
God's service, as that he grew to be very much respected by most of the
better and graver sort of Catholics, and of Priests, and Religious also,
whom he did much satisfy in the care of his conscience; so that it might
plainly appear he had the fear of God joined with an earnest desire to
serve Him. And so no marvel though many Priests did know him and were
often in his company. He was, moreover, very wise and of great judgment,
though his utterance was not so good. Besides, he was so liberal and apt
to help all sorts, as it got him much love. He was of person above two
yards high, and, though slender, yet as well proportioned to his height
as any man one should see. His age (I take it) at his death was about
thirty-five, or thereabouts. And to do him right, if he had not fallen
into"--one particular and exceedingly "foul action and followed his own
judgment in it (to the hurt and scandal of many), asking no advice but
of his own reasons deceived and blinded under the shadow of zeal; if, I
say, it had not been for this, he had truly been a man worthy to be
highly esteemed and prized in any commonwealth."

    [88] Father Gerard's _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 56, 57.

Be his attractions and virtues what they might, this man, Robert
Catesby, had not anything like such an unblemished past as his friend,
Sir Everard Digby. He was of an old Warwickshire and Northamptonshire
family--he was the lineal descendant of William Catesby, who was
attainted and executed for high treason after the battle of Bosworth
Field.[89] Robert Catesby's father, who had been an ardent Catholic, had
suffered considerable losses in his estate, and been imprisoned on
account of his religion; but Robert himself, on his father's death,
apostatized, became exceedingly dissolute, and still further
impoverished the family property by his extravagance. Goodman, Bishop of
Gloucester, says of him:[90] "For Catesby, it is very well known that he
was a very cunning, subtle man, exceedingly entangled in debts, and
scarce able to subsist."

    [89] Dugdale's _Warwickshire_, p. 506. Jardine's _Criminal Trials_,
    Vol. ii. p. 26.

    [90] _Court of King James I._, Vol. i p. 103.

Some three or four years before Sir Everard Digby's conversion, Catesby
had returned to the faith of his fathers. Whatever may have been the
love of his God manifested by the reformed reprobate, his hatred of his
queen, and afterwards of his king, was unmeasured. I have no desire to
say anything in disparagement of Catesby's religious fervour; but,
considering that he had once abjured the Catholic faith, it may be no
harm to remark that some people seem to like to profess the religion
hated most by their enemies, and to exhibit zeal for it in proportion to
that shown by their enemies against it. With several of his friends,
Catesby joined the ill-fated conspiracy of the Earl of Essex, in the
course of which he was wounded, taken prisoner, and finally ransomed for
£3000 in all. When fighting for Essex, he greatly distinguished himself
as a swordsman. Later, as I have already said, he was implicated in the
intrigue that sent Christopher Wright and Guy Fawkes to Madrid in the
hope of inducing Philip of Spain to depose James I. A modern Jesuit,
Father J. Hungerford Pollen, has well said of him:[91] "The owner of
large estates in the counties of Northampton, Warwick, and Oxford,
honourably married, with issue to perpetuate the ancient family of which
he was the only representative--such is not the sort of man we should
have thought likely to engage in a desperate adventure, and this
presumption might be further strengthened by the consideration of his
moral qualities. He was brave and accomplished, attractive to that
degree which makes even sober men risk life and fortune to follow where
he should lead, honest of purpose and truthful, and, above all,
exceedingly zealous for religion. These qualities should have, and
would have, insured him from the frightful error into which he fell, had
they not run to excess in more than one direction. Full of the chivalry
that characterised the Elizabethan period, he was also infected with its
worldliness, a failing which ill accorded with the patience every
Catholic had to practice, and, moreover, his force of character carried
him into obstinate adherence to his own views and plans. This it was
that worked such ruin upon himself and all those who came in contact
with him. Happy times may lead such men so to direct their energies,
that the evil side of their character is never displayed, but times of
great temptation often bring out the latent flaw in unexpected ways."

    [91] _Father H. Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 1 and 2.

This is admirably put, except, perhaps, on one single point; and it is
one of such importance that I will pause to consider it, especially as
it applies to Sir Everard Digby, almost, if not quite, as much as to
Catesby. In the reign of Elizabeth, it was not chivalry but the decay
and abolition of chivalry and the chivalrous spirit which occasionally
led to deeds which a knight-errant would have despised. As Sir Walter
Scott says:--[92] "the habit of constant and honourable opposition,
unembittered by rancour or personal hatred, gave the fairest opportunity
for the exercise of the virtues required from him whom Chaucer terms a
very perfect gentleman." Again he says:--"We have seen that the abstract
principles of chivalry were, in the highest degree, virtuous and noble,
nay, that they failed by carrying to an absurd, exaggerated, and
impracticable point, the honourable duties which they inculcated."
Chivalry, therefore, acted as a wholesome check upon the barbarity, the
licentiousness, and the semi-civilisation of the middle ages, and when
it was abolished, the knights and nobles, in spite of all the glamour of
refinement and education in the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary,
and Elizabeth, still retained enough of the savage brutality of their
forefathers to be occasionally very dangerous, when the discipline of
chivalry had been withdrawn. "It is needless," says Sir Walter Scott,
"by multiplying examples, to illustrate the bloodthirsty and treacherous
maxims and practices, which, during the sixteenth century, succeeded to
the punctilious generosity exacted by the rules of chivalry. It is
enough to call to the reader's recollection the bloody secret of the
massacre of St Bartholomew, which was kept by such a number of the
Catholic noblemen for two years,[93] at the expense of false treaties,
promises, and perjuries, and the execution which followed on naked,
unarmed, and unsuspecting men, in which so many gallants lent their
willing swords." Now I am not going to enter here upon the question of
Sir Walter Scott's historical accuracy, or its contrary, on this
horrible massacre; but might he not have extended his period "of
treacherous maxims and practices," which "succeeded to the punctilious
generosity exacted by the rules of chivalry," a few years later, and
included, with the Massacre of St Bartholomew, the Gunpowder Plot?
Catesby was quite a man of the type contemplated by Sir Walter Scott,
gallant, charming, zealous, brave to a degree, and even pious, yet with
something of the wild, lawless, and bloodthirsty spirit of the but
partially-tamed savage, which every now and then asserted itself, until
an even later period, unless it was kept under control by some such laws
as those of chivalry. It was not, therefore, chivalry, but the _want_ of
chivalry, which led to the spirit, habits, and actions of Catesby and
the other conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot.

    [92] _Essay on Chivalry._

    [93] Where Sir Walter obtained his authority for this statement I do
    not know.

I hope this digression--a digression from a digression--may be pardoned.
It is high time that I returned to Robert Catesby in his relations to
Sir Everard Digby.

It was likely enough that Sir Everard Digby should become intimate with
a zealous Catholic landowner in the neighbouring counties of
Northamptonshire, and Warwickshire, especially as Catesby's mother's
house, at Ashby St Legers, was little more than twenty miles from
Gothurst; but probably the reason of his seeing so much of him was that
Catesby's first cousin, Tyringham of Tyringham, lived only
three-quarters of a mile from Gothurst, the two estates adjoining each
other, either house lying within a short distance of the high road, on
opposite sides of it.

Once on intimate terms, Sir Everard and Catesby were constantly
together. In speaking of his master, Sir Everard's page, William Ellis,
said in his examination[94]:--"both at London and in the countrie Mr
Robert Catesby hath kept him companie."

    [94] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.

In this not altogether desirable "companie," Sir Everard Digby spent
much time "in cogitation deep" upon the treatment of his
fellow-religionists and countrymen. Both men were exasperated by the
persecution which was going on around them, by the fickleness of their
king, and by the dangers to which they, their wives, their families--for
Sir Everard, as well as Catesby, had a child now--and their estates were
exposed. Perhaps most irritating of all, to country-gentlemen of high
position, was the then prevalent custom of sub-letting, or farming, the
fines and penalties levyable upon Catholics to men who squeezed every
farthing out of them that was possible. To be persecuted and fined by an
authorized public official was bad enough; but to be pestered and
tormented by a pettifogging private person who had purchased the right
of doing so, as a speculation, must have been almost unendurable. The
subject, however, which Digby and Catesby discussed most would probably
be the severe anti-Catholic legislation which was apprehended from the
new parliament. In this, said Catesby, the great danger lay. His
surmises as to the form it might take would give him and his friend, Sir
Everard, ample scope for contemplation, speculation, and conversation.
The words of Scripture, "Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof," do
not appear to have occurred to their memories.

In periods of trouble and danger, as indeed in all others, men of
different dispositions and temperaments take different views and
different lines of conduct; there are optimists and pessimists, men who
counsel endurance, men who advocate active resistance, men who advise
waiting a little to see what may turn up, and men who urge that not a
moment is to be lost. And so it was among the persecuted Catholics
during the early years of the reign of James I. At the very time that
men like Digby and Catesby were in the deepest depression of hopeless
anxiety, the Spanish Ambassador was congratulating himself because he
fancied he saw symptoms of the king's inclination to become[95] a
convert to the Catholic Church. On the other hand, among those who took
the most gloomy view of the prospect, there were very distinct phases of
thought and action. "England will witness with us," says Father
Gerard,[96] "that the greatest part by much did follow the example and
exhortation of the Religious and Priests that were their guides, moving
them and leading them by their own practice to make their refuge unto
God in so great extremities.... This we found to be believed practically
by most, and followed as faithfully, preparing themselves by more often
frequentation of the Sacraments, by more fervent prayer, and by perfect
resignation of their will to God, against the cloud that was like to
cover them, and the shower that might be expected would pour down upon
them after the Parliament, unto which all the chief Puritans of the land
were called, and only they or their friends selected out of every shire
to be the framers of the laws, which thereby we might easily know were
chiefly intended and prepared against us."

    [95] _Roman Transcripts_, Sep. 24th, 1604, P.R.O., _Father H. Garnet
    and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 4.

    [96] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 49.

But he says all were not quite so perfect, and of these imperfect there
were two leading divisions. The first[97] "fainted in courage, and, as
St Cyprian noteth of his times, did offer themselves unto the
persecutors before they felt the chief force of the blow that was to be
expected." Sir Everard Digby was not one of these. The second division
were, as Father Gerard might most veraciously say, "much different from
these, and ran headlong into a contrary error. For being resolved never
to yield or forsake their faith, they had not patience and longanimity
to expect the Providence of God, etc." It is to be feared that he may
have noticed this want of patience and longanimity in Sir Everard Digby
and his companions. "They would not endure to see their brethren so
trodden upon by every Puritan," he goes on to say of this class, "so
made a prey to every needy follower of the Court, or servant to a
Councillor, so presented and pursued by every churchwarden and minister,
so hauled to every sessions when the Justices list to meet, so wronged
on every side by the process of excommunication or outlawry, and forced
to seek for their own by law, and then also to be denied by law, because
they were Papists; finally both themselves and all others to be
denounced traitors and designed to the slaughter. These things they
would not endure now to begin afresh after so long endurance, and
therefore began amongst themselves to consult what remedy they might
apply to all these evils," &c., "so that it seems they did not so much
respect what the remedy were, or how it might be procured, as that it
might be sure and speedy--to wit, to take effect before the end of the
Parliament from whence they seemed to expect their greatest harm."

    [97] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 50.

Those who followed the latter course may have included some who were in
other respects good Christians; whether they showed the spirit of
Martyrs and Confessors is another question.

Few things discouraged the English Catholics more than the goodwill and
peaceful disposition shown to the new king by foreign Catholic kings and
princes, notwithstanding that one final effort was made on their behalf
by Spain, just as the treaty was being concluded with England for peace
and the renewal of commercial intercourse. Velasco, the constable of
Castile, who negotiated that treaty on behalf of Spain, was visited by
Winter, at Catesby's suggestion, and urged to assist the English
Catholics. Although he promised to speak on their behalf, he made it
clear that his country would make no sacrifice to obtain toleration for
them.[98] So far as he had promised, he kept his word. He told James
that whatever indulgence he might show to them would be regarded by
Philip as a personal act of friendship towards himself, and that they
were prepared to make a voluntary offering annually in the place of the
fines at that time imposed upon them by law; and he laid before him
statistics of the distress to which very many respectable English
families had been reduced by clinging to the faith of their forefathers.

    [98] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

James's reply was very decided. On any diplomatic question relating to
the interests of England and Spain he would be ready and glad to confer
with the Spanish representative, but the government of his own subjects
was a domestic matter upon which he could not consent to enter with a
foreigner. Besides this, he informed Velasco that, even were he himself
inclined to better the condition of the Catholics, his doing so would
offend his Protestant subjects to such an extent as to endanger his
throne.

It would almost seem as if Velasco's endeavours on behalf of the
Catholics had a contrary effect to that which had been intended; for,
instead of granting them the smallest relief, James issued a
proclamation, ordering the judges and magistrates to enforce the penal
laws, and to adopt measures calculated to insure the detection of
Catholic recusants. Before the judges started on their circuits, he
called them together and charged them "to be diligent and severe against
recusants."[99] Accordingly, in the year 1604, about 1000 recusants were
indicted in Yorkshire, 600 in Lancashire, and in the counties of Oxford,
Berks, Gloucester, Monmouth, Hereford, Salop, Stafford, and in Wigorn,
1865.[100] Of Buckinghamshire, Sir Everard Digby's county, I can find no
return. In all, the number of Catholic recusants convicted in the years
1604-5 amounted to 5500. In July, a priest named Sugar was executed at
Warwick, simply and only because he was a priest, and a layman, named
Grissold, for "accompanying and assisting" him.[101] In the Star
Chamber, a man named Pound accused Sergeant Phillips of injustice in
condemning a neighbour of his to death, for no other crime except that
he had entertained a Jesuit. Not only did the lords of the Star Chamber
confirm and approve of this sentence of Sergeant Phillips, but they
condemned Pound himself to lose one ear in London and one "in the
country where he dwelleth," and to be fined £1000, unless he would
impeach those who advised him to make the suit. Fortunately this
tremendous sentence was commuted, at the intercession of the French and
Venetian Ambassadors, to standing for a whole day in the pillory.[102]

    [99] Tierney's Notes to Dodd, Vol. iv. p. 42.

    [100] Dodd and Tierney, Vol. iv., Appendix xiv., pp. xciv., xcv.

    [101] _Ib._, Vol. iv. pp. 40, 41.

    [102] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

Bancroft had just ascended the archiepiscopal throne of Canterbury, full
of zeal against the Papists. He urged his suffragan bishops to select
the more wealthy and earnest among the Catholics, and, after first
trying "sweet" and "kind means," to excommunicate them if they should
refuse to conform. Forty days after their excommunication, the Bishops
were to certify their names in Chancery, and then to sue out a writ _de
excommunicato capiendo_, an instrument which subjected the delinquents
to outlawry, forfeiture, and imprisonment, and deprived them of the
right of recovering debts, of suing for damages, of effecting legal
sales or purchases, and of conveying their properties either by will or
otherwise.[103] Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, writes[104]:--"The
Spiritual Court did not cease to molest them, to excommunicate them,
then to imprison them; and thereby they were utterly unable to sue for
their own." Nor were the rumours of an approaching increase of
severities, to be enacted in the ensuing parliament, mere exaggerated
fancies. The denunciations of the Chancellor in the Star Chamber, and of
Archbishop Bancroft at St Paul's Cross, confirmed the reports that
sterner legislation against recusants was impending in the coming
session. On the other hand, it is just possible that these official
threats may have been uttered only to terrify the Catholics into
submission, and with no very serious expectation of their fulfilment.

    [103] Tierney's Notes to Dodd, Vol. iv. pp. 41, 42.

    [104] _Court of King James I._, Vol. i. p. 101.

During those distressing times, Catesby's friends, among whom not the
least was Sir Everard Digby, observed a change in his manner. He looked
anxious and careworn; he was moody and abstracted at one moment,
unusually loquacious and excitable at another. His mysterious absences
from home were another source of uneasiness to those most intimate with
him; so, too, were his large purchases of horses, arms, and gunpowder,
which also attracted the attention of people who were not his friends;
but he took great trouble to inform everybody that he was about to raise
300 horse, to join the English regiment which the Spanish Ambassador had
prevailed upon King James to allow to be levied in England for the
assistance of the Archduke in Flanders.[105]

    [105] Jardine's _Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 60-1.

Nevertheless, his friends were not satisfied. If he were really going to
join the army in the Low Countries, why these long delays?

Great as was their intimacy, Catesby was in the condition just described
for many months without confiding the real reason of his activity to Sir
Everard Digby; although it is probable that he warned him to be prepared
for any emergency which might arise for the use of men, arms, and
horses. Both Digby and Catesby were heartily tired of a state of passive
endurance; the tyranny which was crushing the Catholics was daily
increasing, and Sir Everard might very naturally suppose that while
Catesby had no definite plan for resisting it, he wished to be ready in
case foreign powers might come to their assistance, or the whole body of
English Catholics, goaded to desperation, might rise in rebellion
against their oppressors. Freely as he might appear to talk to Digby,
and satisfied as the latter may have felt that he had the confidence of
his friend, Catesby in reality feared to intrust a great secret, which
was absorbing his attention, to the brave but straightforward master of
Gothurst.

Another of Catesby's friends was less easy about him than Sir Everard
Digby. Father Garnet, the Provincial of the Jesuits, suspected that some
mischief was brewing, and seized an opportunity, when sitting at
Catesby's own table, of inculcating the duty of patient submission to
persecution. His host, who was his personal friend as well as a great
respecter of his wisdom as a priest, showed considerable irritation.
Instead of treating the Provincial of the Jesuits with his usual
reverence and courtesy, he flushed up and angrily exclaimed[106]:--"It
is to you, and such as you, that we owe our present calamities. This
doctrine of non-resistance makes us slaves. No authority of priest or
pontiff can deprive man of his right to repel injustice."

    [106] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

Another friend and frequent guest of young Sir Everard's, after he
became a Catholic, should be noticed. A younger son of a Worcestershire
family, Thomas Winter had attractions for Digby, in his profound zeal
for the Catholic Church, his scholarship, his knowledge of foreign
languages, his powers of conversation, and his military experiences, as
he had served in Flanders, France, and, says Father Gerard, "I think,
against the Turk." Unlike Catesby, he was "of mean stature, but strong
and comely," and of "fine carriage." He was very popular in society, and
"an inseparable friend to Mr Robert Catesby." In age he was about ten
years older than Sir Everard. Whatever his zeal may have been for the
Catholic Church, he did not always live in the odour of sanctity, and on
one occasion he incurred the grave displeasure of Father Garnet by
conveying a challenge to a duel from John Wright, one of the earliest
conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot, to an adversary who had offended
him. The combatants met, and Winter, as Wright's second, measured the
swords of both duellists to ascertain whether they were of equal length;
but the actual encounter was somehow prevented at the last moment.[107]
Father Garnet says that he had a "hard conceit of him."

    [107] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n. 41. Garnet's statement.

In dealing with the subject of Digby's friends, certainly his page,
William Ellis, ought not to be forgotten. I have been unable to discover
any details of his birth, except that he was heir to £80 a year--a much
larger income, of course, in those days than in these--"if his father
did him right." He entered Sir Everard's service at the age of
seventeen, about May 1604.[108] How faithful he was to his master will
appear by-and-bye.

    [108] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Book, Part I., n. 108.

Among Sir Everard's younger friends was Lord Vaux of Harrowden, a cousin
of Catesby's. One reason of the intimacy is thus described by Father
Gerard.[109] "Sir Everard had many serious occasions to come to my Lord
Vaux's; and then in particular, as I have learned since, being come from
his [Digby's] ancient house and chief living, which lay in Rutlandshire,
from whence he could not go unto the house where his wife and family lay
[Gothurst], but he must pass the door of Lord Vaux, his house, which
also made him there an ordinary guest." To harbour priests, and to
defend the Catholic cause was no new thing in the family of Vaux, for,
some twenty or thirty years earlier, Lord Vaux's grandfather had been
imprisoned and fined for sheltering Father Campian in his house.[110]
His grandmother had been a daughter of John Tresham of Rushton, and of
his cousin, Francis Tresham, we shall hear something presently. His
mother and his aunts, Anne and Elizabeth, were most pious Catholics, but
the religious atmosphere in which he was brought up does not seem to
have led him to perfection; for, although as a young man he suffered
imprisonment for his faith,[111] he afterwards had two sons, who bore
the name of Vaux, by Lady Banbury during her husband's lifetime;[112]
and, although he married her after Lord Banbury's death, she never had
another child. Worse still, he left Harrowden and the other family
estates to his illegitimate children, instead of to his brother, who
succeeded him in the title, although his wife, on her side, claimed for
her son that, as he was born during her first husband's lifetime, he had
a legal right to the title of Banbury. Accordingly, this son changed his
surname to Knollys, and once actually sat, as Lord Banbury, in the House
of Lords. As is well known, his descendants went on claiming and
disputing the title until the year 1813, when their right to it was
finally disallowed.

    [109] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 138.

    [110] _Records S.J._, Series i. p. 329.

    [111] _Life of Father Gerard_, p. clxxxv.

    [112] _Burke's Peerage_, 1872.

But what specially concerns my story is that Sir Everard Digby was
endeavouring to bring about a marriage for this (then) very young Lord
Vaux, with the "Lord Chamberlain his daughter,"[113] as Father Gerard
writes; and, in a footnote, is added "Earl of Suffolk. Erased in Orig."
If this footnote is right, Sir Everard was probably trying to make a
match for the youth with the very girl whom he eventually married, as
Lady Banbury had been Elizabeth Howard, the eldest daughter of Lord
Suffolk. Suffolk was Lord Chamberlain,[114] and curiously enough (when
we consider that he seems to have had negotiations with Sir Everard
Digby with respect to a match between his daughter and Lord Vaux), in
his capacity of Lord Chamberlain, he suspected and led to the discovery
of the gunpowder laid in the cellar beneath the Houses of
Parliament.[115]

    [113] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 137.

    [114] Gardiner. _History of England_, Vol. x. p. 364.

    [115] Gardiner's _History of England_, Vol. i. p. 249.

Sir Everard visited a good deal at the house of Lord Vaux's mother, Mrs
Elizabeth Vaux. This was a house in Buckinghamshire at Stoke Poges, that
had been built by Sir Christopher Hatton,[116] the Lord Chancellor, who
had died childless. It was let for a term of years to Mrs Vaux, and she
not only established Father Gerard in it as her chaplain, but had
hiding-places and other arrangements made, so that he could receive
priests and Catholic laymen, as he might think well, for the good of the
cause of religion. Here Sir Everard was probably thrown a good deal with
Catesby and Tresham, as they were both related to his young host. Lord
Vaux's two aunts, Miss Anne Vaux and Eleanor, the wife of Edward
Brooksby, lived with him and his mother, and Miss Anne was one of those
who had serious misgivings as to the mysterious conduct of her cousin,
Robert Catesby.[117] "Seeing at Winter's and Grant's"--Grant was a
popular Warwickshire squire, a Catholic, and celebrated for his
undaunted courage--"their fine horses in the stable, she told Mr Garnet
that she feared these wild heads had something in hand, and prayed him
to talk to Mr Catesby and to hinder anything that possibly he might, for
if they should attempt any foolish thing, it would redound to his
discredit. Whereupon he said he would talk to Mr Catesby."

    [116] It was to this Sir Christopher Hatton, that Sir Everard's
    father had dedicated his book _A Dissuasive from taking away the
    Livings of the Church_.

    [117] _Father H. Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, Pollen, p. 20.
    P.R.O., March 11.

Another account of what was probably the same interview was given by
Father Garnet himself, in his examination of March 12th, 1605. [118] "He
sayth that Mrs Vaux came to him, eyther to Harrowden or to Sir Everard
Digby's at Gothurst, and tould this exam{t}. that she feared that some
trouble or disorder was towards [them], that some of the gentlewomen
had demanded of her where they should bestow themselves until the
burst[119] was past in the beginning of the Parliament. And this exam{t}.
asking her who tould her so, she said that she durst not tell who tould
her so: she was [choked] with sorrow."

    [118] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n 40. See _Records S.J._, Vol.
    iv. p. 157.

    [119] This could not mean the projected "burst" of gunpowder, of
    which she could have known nothing, but an attempt of some sort,
    about that time, to obtain relief for the Catholics by force of
    arms, which she appears to have expected, or rather, to have feared.

An attempt was made, later, to represent the name of Vaux to be the same
as that of Fawkes:--[120] "Mrs Anne Vaux, or Fawkes, probably a relative
of the conspirator;" for which there seems to be no foundation, and
certainly there is none for the base imputation, in the same paragraph,
of immorality between Anne Vaux and Father Garnet. Even the Protestant
historian, Jardine, repudiates this calumny at considerable length.[121]

    [120] _Somers Tracts_, Vol. ii. p. 108, footnote.

    [121] _Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 176-8.




CHAPTER VI.


In the summer of the year 1605, Sir Everard Digby spent a week in
London, and stayed at the lodgings in the Savoy of his friend Roger
Manners,[122] the eldest brother of Sir Oliver Manners, whose conversion
to the Catholic faith has been already noticed. This Roger Manners
married the daughter and heir of the famous Sir Philip Sydney, and
eventually succeeded his father, as fifth Earl of Rutland. Although Sir
Everard stayed with Roger Manners, he "commonlie dieted at the Mearmaid
in Bred Streete."[123] He spent much of his time with the excellent Sir
Oliver Manners, which was all very well; but, unfortunately, Robert
Catesby also "kept him companie" a great deal; without, however, letting
him know what was chiefly occupying him in London just at that time.
Thomas Winter also came to see Sir Everard whilst he was in London, and
his friendship with men who were conspiring to an evil end was
endangering Digby without his knowing it. At that time he had no idea
that any plot was in existence, although he was doubtless aware that
many Catholics were considering what steps could be taken to relieve
their condition; and the fact of his staying with Roger Manners proves
that he had not come to London with any design of conferring with
restless Catholics in a secret or underhand fashion.

    [122] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I, No. 108.

    [123] _Ib._

After his visit to London, Sir Everard seems to have returned to
Gothurst and to have continued his usual innocent country life, with its
duties and pleasures. A letter among the Hatfield MS., written to him on
the eleventh of June--his eldest boy's birthday by the way[124]--treats
of otter-hunting, and it is likely enough that Sir Everard practised
this sport in the Ouse as well as in the other rivers and brooks of
Buckinghamshire.

    [124] So it is usually believed, and so wrote Ben Jonson--"Upon his
    birthday, the eleventh of June";--so, too, Richard Farrar--"Born on
    the day he died, the eleventh of June." But some authorities give a
    different date, and the question has been fiercely disputed.

About the end of August, or perhaps early in September, 1605, a large
party met at Gothurst, as guests of Sir Everard and Lady Digby, but with
an ulterior purpose. To pray for the much-oppressed cause of the
Catholic religion in England, for their suffering fellow-religionists,
and for themselves, they had agreed to make a pilgrimage together to the
famous shrine of St Winefride at Holywell, in Flintshire,[125] which
would entail a journey of a hundred and fifty miles.[126] Sir Everard
does not appear to have accompanied it; but, among those assembled at
Gothurst who were to go on the pilgrimage were his young wife, Miss Anne
Vaux, Brooksby and his wife, Thomas Digby, Sir Everard's brother, who
had evidently followed his example and become a Catholic, Sir Francis
Lacon and his daughter, Father Garnet, the Provincial of the Jesuits, a
lay-brother named Nicholas Owen, who usually accompanied him, and Father
Strange, Sir Everard's chaplain, making, with their servants and others,
a party of pilgrims numbering little short of thirty. Later on, Father
Darcy and Father Fisher also joined them.[127]

    [125] _Father H. Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, by J. H. Pollen, S.
    J., p. 15.

    [126] A party, including ladies, would not be likely to travel
    faster than thirty miles a day over the bad roads, therefore it
    would take more than four times as long to go, then, from Gothurst
    to Holywell, as it would now take to go from Gothurst to the famous
    shrine at Lourdes, in the Pyrenees.

    [127] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 270.

If, as it seems, Sir Everard did not go with the pilgrimage, the reason
may have been that he was engaged in endeavouring to negotiate the
proposed marriage between young Lord Vaux and a daughter of the Earl of
Suffolk, although it seemed early to do so, as the boy was then only
about fourteen.

"Riding westward,[128] the party of pilgrims would stop for the night at
some Catholic friend's house, and in the morning the two priests would
say Mass. Even at Shrewsbury, when they had to put up at an inn, and at
'a castle in a holt at Denbighshire,' the daily Masses were said without
interruption, and even the servants were present. At St Winefride's
Well, too, though the inn must have been small for so large a number,
the Holy Sacrifice was again offered, and then the ladies went barefoot
to the Well.[129] At Holywell they stopped but one night. Returning next
day, they slept at a farmhouse seven miles from Shrewsbury, and after
that they were again in the circle of their friends."[130]

    [128] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, Pollen, p. 18.

    [129] Jardine, in his _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_ (p. 180),
    says that the ladies walked barefoot from Holt, that is to say, a
    distance of about twenty miles.

    [130] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 18, 19.

About the end of September (1605) Sir Everard Digby went to stay at
Harrowden with young Lord Vaux. While he was there, his host's mother,
her sister-in-law, Anne Vaux, and Father Garnet came thither on their
return from the pilgrimage. His friend Catesby also arrived from a visit
to Lord Mordaunt[131] at Turville. Anne Vaux, who, as I have said, had
been uneasy about Catesby's proceedings, was in a hurry for his
departure to Flanders, where he was to command an English regiment.
Father Garnet wrote a letter of introduction for him to a Jesuit priest
in that country, and Catesby himself showed this letter to his nervous
cousin, assuring her that he was so anxious to start that he would
spend £500 in obtaining a license[132] to go abroad with his men and
horses, about which, he pretended, there was some difficulty.

    [131] Henry, fourth Baron Mordaunt, was suspected of being concerned
    in the Gunpowder Plot. He was committed to the Tower, and fined by
    the Star Chamber. See Burke's _Dormant and Extinct Peerages_, p.
    380.

    [132] _Father Garnet and the G. P._, Pollen, p. 21.

After a few days' visit at Harrowden, the family seat of the Vaux's,
which was then in a rather dilapidated condition,[133] Sir Everard Digby
invited Catesby, Mrs Vaux, and Father Garnet to stay with him at
Gothurst; and he started with Catesby to ride home, leaving his other
guests to follow them. The distance between Harrowden and Gothurst was
something like fifteen miles, and Digby and his friend became very
confidential in the course of it.

    [133] _Life of Father Gerard_, p. cxxxv.

Perhaps there are few occasions on which it is easier to converse freely
than a long ride with a single companion; in most cases, no one can
possibly be within earshot, therefore the voice need not be unnaturally
lowered; the speakers are not confronting each other, and this prevents
any nervous dread lest the mention of subjects on which either feels
strongly should raise a tell-tale blush or a quiver of a lip or eyelid;
and, if the topic should become embarrassing, the surroundings of those
on horseback enable them to change it more easily, and with less
apparent effort or intention, than under almost any other conditions.
Lastly, the fresh country air, as it is inhaled in the easy exercise of
riding, clears the brain and invigorates the energies, and when is it
fresher or pleasanter than on a fine day at the end of September, such
as we can imagine Sir Everard Digby and Robert Catesby to have enjoyed
on their ride from Harrowden to Gothurst? Both of them, as we read, were
fine men, fine horsemen on fine horses, and old friends; and they must
have made a handsome and well-assorted pair, as they went their way
along the roads, through the woods, and over the commons of
Northamptonshire and Buckinghamshire.

Early in their ride, when they were well clear of the outskirts of the
little market town of Wellingborough,[134] beside the famous Red Well of
which, some twenty years later, Charles I. and his Queen were to dwell
in tents, in order to drink its medicinal waters, Catesby told his
companion that he had a communication of the greatest importance to make
to him; that he was only at liberty to convey it upon an oath of
secresy; and that from all others intrusted with the subject of this
communication, the oath had not been accepted unless sealed and
confirmed by Holy Communion--which alone would demonstrate its sacred
and religious nature--but that, in the case of so honourable a man as
Digby, a simple oath would suffice. This was paying a very flattering
compliment, and, when Catesby drew a small poignard, handed it to him,
and asked him to swear secresy upon it,[135] Sir Everard, thinking that
the matter would concern some "stirres in Wales" on behalf of the
persecuted Catholics, of which Catesby had talked at Gothurst during the
summer, took the oath without much hesitation, and returned the little
weapon.

    [134] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Bk., Part 2, No. 135.

    [135] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Bk., Part 2, No. 135.

Then Catesby began a long, earnest, and serious discourse. There can be
little doubt that he would first dwell upon the desperate condition of
their co-religionists in Great Britain, the hopelessness of redress or
any improvement in their state, and the likelihood of their persecution
becoming still more intolerable under the incoming parliament. At last,
he told his patient and sympathetic listener that the time had come for
action. They could expect no help from the king, no help from the
parliament, no help from foreign Catholic princes or powers, no help
from a general, an ordinary, and a legitimate rising among their
Catholic fellow-countrymen; there was nothing for it, therefore, but to
help themselves. It was plain enough where, and from whom, their
greatest danger lay. The few must be sacrificed to save the many. He had
been reading his Bible[136]--the very Protestants who so cruelly
oppressed them would commend that--and there he found instances in which
the deliberate assassination of tyrants appeared to be not only
tolerated but commended.

    [136] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

I cannot guarantee that Catesby said exactly all these things to Digby;
I merely enumerate the arguments which he is stated, on good authority,
to have used in persuading those who joined in his plot; and it is well
known that he found no other of his adherents so difficult to convince
as Sir Everard; therefore it is most unlikely that he omitted one of his
pleas in this case.

Between the Catholics and the Protestants, Catesby considered that there
was a regular warfare; no war could be conducted without bloodshed, and
in war all was fair. It might even be maintained that the righteous
Catholics were in the position of executioners, who should carry out the
extreme sentence of death upon the iniquitous and murderous villains
who, under the names of princes and rulers, were persecuting and slaying
God's innocent people. Who were these princes and rulers? King James and
his parliament. They richly deserved to die the death, and unless they
were destroyed they would work even greater evils. Let the sword of
justice fall upon them.

Were the Catholics to rise and invade the houses of parliament with
drawn sabres? No. Such a thing would be impossible. Resort must be had
to stratagem, a method to which holy men had often resorted in ancient
times, as might be read in the sacred pages of the Old Testament. But,
unlike the warriors of Israel, the modern Christian soldier fought less
with the sword than with that much more powerful medium known as
gunpowder. It had already been the principal agent of destruction in
many great battles; let it be used in the strife between the oppressed
English Catholics and the king with his parliament.

Before entering into details of the proposed attack, it would be well to
consider that the end aimed at was not any private revenge or personal
emolument.[137] The sole object was to suppress a most unjust and
barbarous persecution by the only expedient which offered the least
prospect of success. There could be no doubt as to its being lawful,
since God had given to every man the right of repelling force by force.
If Digby should consider the scheme cruel, let him contrast it with the
cruelties exercised during so many years against the English Catholics;
let him calculate the number of innocent martyrs who had been butchered
by the public executioner, or had died from ill-treatment or torture in
prisons; let him estimate the thousands who had been reduced by the
penal laws against recusants, from wealth or competence, to poverty or
beggary; and then let him judge whether the sudden destruction of the
rulers who had been guilty of such fearful persecutions, and avowedly
intended persecutions yet more atrocious, could be condemned on the
charge of cruelty. Nay, more; unless a decisive blow were delivered
very shortly, something like a massacre of Catholics might be expected,
and,[138] "Mr Catesby tould him that the papistes throate should have
been cutte."

    [137] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

    [138] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xviii. n. 24.

Catesby would then tell his friend and companion, as they rode through
the peaceful Midland scenery, with its horse-chestnuts and its beeches
in their rich autumn colouring, on that September afternoon, how he must
be a man, and nerve himself to hear the means which it was proposed to
employ for carrying out the judgment of God upon their wicked
oppressors.[139] Every Catholic peer was to be warned, or enticed from
the House of Lords on a certain day, and then, by the sudden explosion
of a large quantity of gunpowder, previously placed beneath the Houses
of Parliament, the king and his councillors, his Lords and his Commons,
were to be prevented from doing any further mischief in this world. As
soon as the execution was over, the Catholics would[140] "seize upon the
person of the young prince, if he were not in the Parliament House,
which they much desired. But if he were," in which case, of course, he
would be dead, "then upon the young Duke Charles, who then should be the
next heir, and him they would erect, and with him and by his authority,
the Catholic religion. If that did also fail them, then had they a
resolution to take the Lady Elizabeth, who was in the keeping of the
Lord Harrington in Warwickshire; and so by one means or other, they
would be certain to settle in the crown one of the true heirs of the
same." How loyal they were!

    [139] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi., No. 94, 20 Nov. 1605, B, C,
    and D.

    [140] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 85.

On first hearing of this inhuman, detestable, and diabolical scheme, Sir
Everard was overcome with horror, as well he might be, and it was with
the greatest difficulty that Catesby induced him to consider it any
further.[141] If Sir Everard had been a man of firm will and
determination of character, he would have obeyed his conscience and
resolutely followed his own good instincts; but instead of doing so, he
was weak enough to listen with attention and interest to the arguments
of Catesby. To a man of a religious mind like Sir Everard Digby, those
of a Scriptural character would be some of the most persuasive, and his
companion would hardly fail to point out the wholesale massacres and
cruelties apparently sanctioned in the Old Testament.

    [141] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

If he so pleased, he could quote plenty of biblical precedents for
slaying and maiming, on a far larger scale than was proposed in the
Gunpowder Plot, which would be a mere trifle in comparison with some of
the following butcheries:--"They warred against the Midianites," "and
they slew all the males. And they slew the kings of Midian."[142] "They
slew of them in Bezek ten thousand men." "And they slew of Moab at that
time ten thousand men, all lusty, and all men of valour; and there
escaped not a man."[143] "David slew of the Syrians two and twenty
thousand."[144] "The other Jews," "slew of their foes seventy and five
thousand."[145] "Pekah the son of Remaliah slew in Juda an hundred and
twenty thousand in one day, which were all valiant men, because they had
forsaken the Lord God of their fathers,"[146] just as King James and the
English Government had forsaken Him, in Catesby's and Sir Everard's
opinions.

    [142] Numbers xxxi. 7, 8. For the benefit of my Protestant readers,
    I quote my Scripture from the Anglican version, to show them that
    there is nothing "apocryphal" in it.

    [143] Judges iii. 29.

    [144] 2 Samuel viii. 5.

    [145] Esther viii. 16.

    [146] 2 Chron. xxviii. 6.

If it were objected that all these fell in battle, and that it was quite
a different thing to murder people by stealth in cold blood, could not
Catesby have replied that "Jael Heber's wife took a nail of the tent,
and took an hammer in her hand, and went softly unto him [Sisera], and
smote the nail into his temple, and fastened it into the ground: for he
was fast asleep and weary. So he died."[147] Jael Heber's wife was
acting as hostess to a friend who had come into her tent for shelter and
protection, and had fallen asleep. Yet Deborah and Barak sang in honour
of this performance:--[148] "Blessed above women shall Jael the wife of
Heber the Kenite be, blessed shall she be above women in the tent. He
asked water, and she gave him milk; she brought forth butter in a
lordly dish. She put her hand to the nail, and her right hand to the
workman's hammer; and with the hammer she smote Sisera, she smote off
his head, when she had pierced and stricken through his temples. At her
feet he bowed, he fell, he lay down: at her feet he bowed, he fell:
where he bowed, there he fell down dead." "So let all thine enemies
perish, O Lord."[149] Might not, and ought not, the English Catholics to
sing much such a song in honour of Catesby, Digby, and their
fellow-conspirators, when the king and the Parliament should be blown
up, and fall, and lie down, at their feet, where they should fall down
dead? Was there not something biblical and appropriate, again, in
destroying the enemies of the Lord with fire? "Behold, they shall be as
stubble; the fire shall burn them."[150] "Thou shalt be fuel for the
fire; thy blood shall be in the midst of the land."[151] And had not the
very gentlest of men, even the God-man, said, "I am come to send fire on
the earth?" Surely, too, if Holy Writ did not specially mention
gunpowder, it constantly threatened one of its ingredients, namely
brimstone, to the wicked!

    [147] Judges iv. 21.

    [148] Judges v. 24 _seq._

    [149] Judges v. 31.

    [150] Isaiah xlvii. 14.

    [151] Ezekiel xxi. 32.

Under the old dispensation, it was considered a religious duty to fall
upon the enemies of the Lord and slay them; under the new, it would be
as religious a duty to get under them and slay them. This was merely a
detail, a simple reversal of the process, conducing to exactly the same
results, and quite as Scriptural in its character.

A massacre by means of an explosion of gunpowder was neither a novel nor
an exclusively Catholic notion. Persons observed, "There be recounted in
histories many attempts of the same kynds, and some also by Protestants
in our days: as that of them who at Antwerp placed a whole barke of
powder in the great street of that citty, where the prince of Parma with
his nobility was to passe: and that of him in the Hague that would have
blown up the whole councel of Holland upon private revenge."[152]

    [152] _Lingard_, Vol. vii. chap, i., footnote.

Within the last half century, had not great earls and statesmen, in
Scotland, conspired together to blow up with gunpowder the Queen's own
husband, as he lay ill in bed, in his house; had not four men been
destroyed by this means,[153] and had not the principal conspirator
"declared," with how much truth or falsehood it is not necessary to
pause here to inquire,[154] "that the Queen"--the very pious
martyr-queen, Mary, herself,--"was a consenting party to the deed,"[155]
and had not that very pious queen married that very conspirator after he
had brought about the murder of her first husband?

    [153] _Ib._, Vol. vi. chap. ii.

    [154] Recent historical research tends to absolve Mary Queen of
    Scots from all imputation of complicity in this horrible crime.

    [155] Bellesheim's Hist. Cath. Ch. of Scot., trans. H. Blair, Vol.
    iii. p. 112.

It would be scarcely too much to say that, early in the seventeenth
century, the ethics of explosives were not properly understood. Catesby
might argue that gunpowder was a destructive agent, the primary and
natural use of which was to kill directly, and that its indirect use, by
exploding it in a tube, thereby propelling a missile, was a secondary,
less natural, and possibly less legitimate use. And, if it were objected
that to employ it in either way would be right in war, but wrong in
peace, he could bring forward the exceedingly dangerous theory (which
has been made use of by Irish-American dynamitards in the nineteenth
century), that oppressed people, who do not acknowledge the authority of
those who rule over them, may consider themselves at war with those
authorities, a theory which Catesby's Jesuit friends would have
negatived instantly, if he had asked their opinion about it.

Any attempt to prove the iniquity of Catesby's conspiracy is so
unnecessary that I will not waste time in offering one. I have only to
endeavour to imagine the condition of mind in which he and his friends
were able to look upon it with approval, and the arguments they may have
used in its favour.

Next to passages and precedents from Scripture in support of his
diabolical scheme, Catesby would be well aware that its approval by
authorities of the Church, and especially by Fathers of the Society of
Jesus, would have most influence with his friend Sir Everard. To the
surprise of the latter, he informed him that he had laid the matter
before the Provincial of the Society, and had obtained his consent to
the scheme.

He admitted that the Jesuits were not fully aware of all the
particulars; it was not intended to put them to the dangers of
responsibility for the deed itself, or anything connected with it;
already their very priesthood was high treason, and the last thing that
Catesby and his friends desired was to add to their perils; but their
approval of the design in general was of such importance that neither
Catesby himself, nor any of those admitted into the secret, would have
acted without it, and this Catesby declared he had obtained.

Upon a zealous convert, like Sir Everard Digby, such an assurance would
exercise a great influence. Nor was it only of sacerdotal approval that
Catesby boasted; he was able to add that he had obtained the consent, as
well as the assistance, of John Wright, a Catholic layman and a
Yorkshire squire; of Sir Everard's own friend, Thomas Winter; of his
eldest brother, Robert Winter,[156] "an earnest Catholic," at whose
house the pilgrims to St Winefride's Well had stayed for a night on
their way thither; of Ambrose Rookwood, a Catholic,[157] "ever very
devout," who had actually been one of the pilgrims; of John Grant,[158]
"a zealous Roman Catholic," who, like his brother-in-law, Robert
Winter, had entertained the St Winifride's pilgrims for a night in his
walled and moated house, and of Thomas Percy, a relative of the Earl of
Northumberland's, and a very recent and earnest convert to the Church.

    [156] _Narrative_, G. P., Gerard, p. 71.

    [157] _Ib._, p. 85.

    [158] Jardine's _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 52.




CHAPTER VII.


Believing that his principal friends, and the priests for whom he felt
the greatest veneration, had either joined in or expressed their
approval of the scheme, Sir Everard began to be half inclined to consent
to it. Was there to be a great enterprise, entailing personal activity
and danger for the good of the Catholic cause, and was he to shrink from
taking part in it? Was he alone, among the most zealous Catholic laymen
of England, to show the white feather in a time of peril? Could he call
himself a man if he trembled at the very thought of bloodshed? Yet, in
truth, the idea of the cold-blooded massacre which was proposed appalled
him; fair fighting he would rather rejoice in, but wholesale
assassination was to the last degree repulsive to his nature. Hesitating
and miserable, he reached Gothurst with his guest without giving any
definite answer to the question whether he would join in the conspiracy.

When they were in the house, Catesby showed him a book justifying
proceedings which he claimed to be similar to the proposed plot. "I
saw," he wrote afterwards to his wife,[159] "I saw the principal point
of the case, judged by a Latin book of M. D., my brother's
father-in-law." What book it may have been we have no means of knowing;
but we do know that the perils of comparing parallel cases are
notorious: and, unfortunately, the production of this book had the
effect of turning the scale, and inducing Digby to join in the infamous
plot.

    [159] "Letters of Sir Everard Digby" in _Gunpowder Treason_, p. 177.

Necessary as it is for a biographer of Sir Everard Digby carefully to
consider all the arguments that are likely to have influenced him in
consenting to the Gunpowder Plot, it is all-important to keep before the
mind the cause which, on his own admission,[160] was the first and most
potent of his assent to the conspiracy. This was[161] "the friendship
and love he bare to Catesby, which prevailed so much, and was so
powerful with him, as that for his sake he was ever contented and ready
to hazard himself and his estate."

    [160] Speech at his trial.

    [161] _Gunpowder Treason_, by Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln, p. 55.

Sir Everard was a man of what may be termed violent friendship. We have
already seen his almost immoderate attachment to Father Gerard. It was
an excellent thing that he should have such a man for a firm friend; but
his feeling towards him was something much more than that. Father Gerard
was "his brother." The Jesuits make a rule of avoiding what they term
"particular friendships," and the great aggression of affection would
certainly not come from Father Gerard's side. And now we find him loving
Catesby to such an extent as to be "ready to hazard himself and his
estate" "for his sake."

There is such a thing as an undue admiration for "the man who thinks as
I do." It proceeds from a combination of pride and weakness. The man in
question is the embodiment of "my" principles, and therefore to be
worshipped, and, holding "my" principles, his decisions, which are
presumably formed upon those principles, must be right, and "my"
adoption of them will save me the trouble of forming any for myself.
Such is the line of argument which men of Sir Everard Digby's type
mentally follow. When, again, some difficulty presents itself,
concerning which they have never thought at all, they argue to
themselves after this fashion. "My friend agrees with me about A, B, and
C, topics on which we are both well informed; therefore I may safely
follow his advice about D, a subject of which I at present know nothing,
but about which, when I have studied it, I may logically assume that I
shall agree with him."

Few men act on principle at first hand. To a vast majority, it is too
invisible, intangible, difficult to define, and difficult to realise, to
serve as either a guide or a support. Yet some of those who are least
able, coolly, logically, and consistently to understand and adhere to a
principle in the abstract, are the most enthusiastic in advocating, the
most vigorous in defending, and the most extravagant in extending to the
most extreme limits, its reflection, or supposed reflection, in the
person and behaviour of a friend; and they are apt, in their devotion to
the friend, to forget the principle. It was thus in the case of Sir
Everard Digby and Robert Catesby. In his friendship with Catesby, Sir
Everard was eager to be one of the most pronounced champions of the
Catholic religion, yet when Catesby acted in direct opposition to the
fundamental principles of that religion, Sir Everard clung to the
visible friend to the neglect of the invisible principle, which,
theoretically, he held to be more precious than life itself.

When one idea takes too forcible possession of the mind, although the
objections to it may collectively be overpowering, if taken one by one,
it is easy to dispose of them, and then to blind the eyes, to stifle the
conscience, and to imagine a glamour of righteousness, unselfishness,
and heroism, in iniquity, self-pleasing, and even cruelty. Digby
experienced this fatal facility. He did not at once consent to Catesby's
request without the least pretence of considering its merits; but he
combatted the objections to it one by one, and thus easily defeated
them. He endeavoured to regard the matter from Catesby's point of view,
and he found the process simple, if not agreeable.

And here let me say that I wish I could honestly represent Sir Everard
as having consented hurriedly to the plot in a hot-headed love of
adventure. The evidence, unfortunately, all points the other way. He was
persuaded with great difficulty by Catesby. He disliked the look of the
whole thing, and he finally consented to it after cool and deliberate
reflection. I admit that he was impulsive; I do not deny that, in this
instance, he may have acted on sudden impulse at particular stages of
his lengthened agony of doubt and indecision, or that, after being too
slow in obeying his first impulse to refuse to hear another word about
the atrocious project, he may have yielded too hurriedly to his later
impulse to throw in his lot with the friend whom he trusted; but I
cannot excuse him on the ground that his adhesion to the conspiracy was
the result of a momentary convulsion of enthusiastic folly.

He objected; he feared the destruction of Catholic peers; he talked over
the pretended opinions of the Jesuit Fathers; he read a so-called
authority in a book shown to him by Catesby; he calculated the chances
of success and failure; he thought over the question of men, money,
arms, and horses; and then, with false conclusions, on false premises,
in a sort of spasm of wrongheadedness, he, who had been depending
excessively on clerical direction--even Jesuits admit that there is such
a thing as being over-directed--suddenly acted, upon a question
involving an enormous issue, without any advice whatever except that of
the man who was tempting him to what, he must have seen, had, _prima
facie_, the colour of a most odious crime. I am not forgetting that
Catesby vaunted Jesuit approval; but what good Catholic would take
clerical advice upon an intricate point at second hand from another
layman? Or, to put it in another form, what prudent man would commit
himself to a lawsuit simply because a friend told him that his lawyer
recommended him to sue an adversary under very similar circumstances?
Digby had good reason for knowing that the Jesuit Father, whose opinion
he most valued--Father Gerard--would strongly object to what was
proposed; but he fancied that he himself knew better what was for the
good of the Church; so, after meekly wavering in a state of great
uncertainty, like the weak man that he was, he suddenly yielded and
agreed to partake in what he persuaded himself to be a pious act on
behalf of his religion, but was in reality a piece of unprecedented
pious folly; and few things are more certain than that, be his personal
virtues ever so exalted, and his intentions ever so pure, the pious fool
can do, and often does, more to injure the cause of religion than even
the scientific fool to injure that of science, which is saying much.

It is now my duty to explain how grossly Sir Everard was deceived by
Catesby, when he was assured that any Jesuit Fathers had approved of the
conspiracy "in general, though they knew not the particulars." What I
am about to write may appear a long digression; but it should be
remembered that it was chiefly upon Catesby's assurance of the approval
of the Fathers of the Society of Jesus that Sir Everard consented to
join in the conspiracy; therefore the amount of consent actually
obtained from them, if any, is of the utmost importance to my story.

Here is Father Gerard's account of the so-called approval of the plot,
which Catesby had extracted from Father Garnet, and on the strength of
which he persuaded Sir Everard Digby and others to join in it.[162]
"Having a great opinion both of the learning and virtue of the Fathers
of the Society, Mr Catesby desired to get, by cunning means, the
judgment of their Superior, so as he should never perceive to what end
the question were asked." This makes Father Gerard's opinion of
Catesby's shameful dishonesty in the affair unmistakably clear.
"Therefore," he continues, "coming to Father Garnet, after much ordinary
talk, and some time passed over after his arrival" (at a house in Essex,
in June 1605, that is to say, about three months before he revealed the
plot to Sir Everard) "one time he took occasion (upon some speech
proposed about the wars in the Low Countries or such like)"--observe the
fraud of this! Catesby was to have command of a regiment in the "Low
Countries," so he clearly intended to lead Father Garnet to suppose
that he was contemplating a position in which he might very probably
find himself when _there_--"to ask how far it might be lawful for the
party that hath the just quarrel to proceed in sacking or destroying a
town of the enemy's, or fortress, when it is holden against them by
strong hands. The Father answered that, in a just war, it was lawful for
those that had right to wage battle against the enemies of the
commonwealth, to authorise their captains or soldiers, as their
officers, to annoy or destroy any town that is unjustly holden against
them, and that such is the common doctrine of all Divines: in respect
that every commonwealth must, by the Law of Nature, be sufficient for
itself, and therefore as well able to repel injuries as to provide
necessaries; and that, as a private person may _vim vi repellere_, so
may the commonwealth do the like with so much more right, as the whole
is of more importance than a part; which, if it were not true, it should
follow that Nature had provided better for beasts than for men,
furnishing them with natural weapons as well to offend as to defend
themselves, which we see also they have a natural instinct to use, when
the offence of the invader is necessary for their own defence. And
therefore that it is not fit to think that God, Who, by natural reason,
doth provide in a more universal and more noble manner for men than by
natural instinct for beasts, hath left any particular person, and much
less a commonwealth, without sufficient means to defend and conserve
itself; and therefore not without power to provide and use likely means
to repel present injuries, and to repress known and hurtful enemies. And
that, in all these, the head of the commonwealth may judge what is
expedient and needful for the body thereof." Much of all this was
useless to Catesby's purpose; but he waited patiently, and when Father
Garnet had finished speaking, he answered, "that all this seemed to be
plain in common reason, and the same also practised by all well-governed
commonwealths that ever have been, were they never so pious or devout.
But, said he, some put the greatest difficulty in the sackage of towns
and overthrowing or drowning up (_sic_) of forts, which, in the Low
Countries"--the Low Countries again! mark his deceitfulness--"and in all
wars is endeavoured, when the fort cannot otherwise be surprised, and
the same of great importance to be taken. How, then, those who have
right to make the war may justify that destruction of the town or fort,
wherein there be many innocents and young children, and some perhaps
unchristened, which must needs perish withal? Unto this the Father
answered, that indeed therein was the greatest difficulty; and that it
was a thing could never be lawful in itself, to kill an innocent, for
that the reason ceaseth in them for which the pain of death may be
inflicted by authority, seeing the cause why a malefactor and enemy to
the commonwealth may be put to death is in respect of the common good,
which is to be preferred before his private (for otherwise, considering
the thing only in itself, it were not lawful to put any man to death);
and so because the malefactor doth _in re gravi_ hinder the common good,
therefore by the authority of the magistrate that impediment may be
removed. But now, as for the innocent and good, their life is a help and
furtherance to the common good, and therefore in no sort it can be
lawful to kill or destroy an innocent."

    [162] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 65 _seq._

Determined as Catesby was to twist Father Garnet's words into "a
parallel case," he wanted something more tangible than this to work
upon. Accordingly he said:--"That is done ordinarily in the destruction
of the forts I spake of." "It is true, said the Father, it is there
permitted, because it cannot be avoided; but is done as _per accidens_,
and not as a thing intended by or for itself, and so it is not unlawful.
As if we were shot into the arm with a poisoned bullet, so that we could
not escape with life unless we cut off our arm; then _per accidens_ we
cut off our hand and fingers also which were sound, and yet being, at
that time of danger, inseparably joined to the arm, lawful to be cut
off, which it were not lawful otherwise to do without mortal sin. And
such was the case of the town of Gabaa, and the other towns of the tribe
of Benjamin, wherein many were destroyed that had not offended. With
which Mr Catesby, seeming fully satisfied, brake presently into other
talk, the Father at that time little imagining at what he aimed, though
afterwards, when the matter was known, he told some friends what had
passed between Mr Catesby and him about this matter, and that he little
suspected then he would so have applied the general doctrine of Divines
to the practice of a private and so perilous a case, without expressing
all particulars, which course may give occasion of great errors, as we
see it did in this."

If Sir Everard Digby had heard the conversation on which the vaunted
"consent" of the Jesuits had been founded, there can be little doubt
that he would have refused to have anything to do with the conspiracy on
such grounds. Father Gerard probably heard the account of the interview,
after the failure of the plot, from Father Garnet himself.

Father Garnet's own much shorter account of the conversation may be
given here.[163] Mr Catesby "asked me whether, in case it were lawful to
kill a person or persons, it were necessary to regard the innocents,
which were present, lest they also should perish withal. I answered that
in all just wars it is practised and held lawful to beat down houses and
walls and castles, notwithstanding innocents were in danger, so that
such battering were necessary for the obtaining of victory, and that the
multitude of innocents, or the harm which might ensue by their death,
were not such that it might countervail the gain and commodity of the
victory. And in truth I never imagined anything of the King's Majesty,
nor of any particular, and thought it, as it were, an idle question,
till I saw him, when we had done, make solemn protestation that he would
never be known to have asked me any such question as long as he lived."

    [163] Hatfield MS., 110, 30. Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot,
    p. 7.

That Father Garnet believed Catesby to have deceived him and to have
told untruths about him is evident from one of his letters written in
orange juice in the Tower. He says[164] "Master Catesby did me much
wrong, and hath confessed that he tould them that he said he asked me a
question in Q. Eliz. time of the powder action, and that it was
unlawfull. All which is most untrew. He did it to draw in others." Again
he writes[165] "I doubt not Mr Catesby hath fained many such things for
to induce others," Sir Everard Digby, of course, among the rest.

    [164] _Records, S. J._, Vol. iv., p. 108.

    [165] _History of the Gunpowder Plot_, Jardine, Appendix, p. 329.

Some of the modern admirers of Father Garnet have maintained that the
worse Catesby, the worse Garnet; the better Catesby, the better Garnet.
Without suggesting the exact converse, I would venture to point out the
danger to Garnet's memory in anything that might tend to show some sort
of co-partnership in spirit and intention between himself and Catesby.
All the facts lead me to a very different conclusion, and one which is
much more to the interest of Garnet's memory, namely, that Catesby
deceived him from first to last, and that he was, in fact, the innocent
dupe of Catesby. To begin with, Catesby, when, during the first half
year of James's reign, Garnet desired him not to join in "some stirring,
seeing the King kept not his promise," deceived Garnet by assuring him
"he would not."[166] He deceived him in 1604, when, on Garnet's urging
him not to take up arms, etc., against the king,[167] "he promised to
surcease." He deceived him when he put a case before him on the question
of slaying "innocents together with nocents," as if it concerned his
projected campaign in Flanders, when it really concerned the Gunpowder
Plot. He deceived him at the[168] "house in Essex," when he "assured"
him "that all his plans were unexceptionable." He deceived him when
he[169] "promised" "to do nothing before the Pope was informed by"
"messenger." He deceived him at White Webbs, when he told him that what
he had in hand was quite "lawfull." He deceived him at Harrowden when he
said that he was going to start for the war in the Low Countries as soon
as he possibly could.

    [166] Examination, March 13. _Records, S. J._, Vol. III., p. 157.

    [167] _Ib._

    [168] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, Pollen, p. 8.

    [169] _Ib._, p. 10.

In other places I either have shown, or will show, that he deceived all
his fellow-conspirators, that he induced them to join in the plot on
false pretences, and that he told the lie direct to Sir Everard Digby
at Dunchurch. Undoubtedly he had a charming manner, he was an agreeable
and well-informed companion; there is much in his history that is
interesting, much that is romantic, much that excites pity, but let not
any modern Catholics imagine that by attempting to minimise his
misdoings they will do any credit to the cause of the Church; for the
man began as a libertine, and, after a period of spasmodic piety, ended
as a liar. Catesby was one of those people who are fond of asking for
priestly advice, obey it only if it coincides with their own wishes, and
have no scruple whatever in misquoting it to their friends. This race is
not extinct, nor is it limited to the male sex. Sometimes the
performance is varied: instead of misquoting the advice of the priest,
these candid penitents misstate the case on which they ask the priest to
form an opinion.

Such people are exceedingly dangerous, and do immense mischief to the
cause of the Catholic Church. When we consider the evil that may be
wrought by one inaccurate and not over-scrupulous woman of this sort,
who says to her friends:--"Oh, you may be quite easy in your mind. I
asked Father Dash, and he told me there was no harm whatever in it," of
some action which that Father would have condemned in the most
unqualified terms, what limit can be put to the disaster that a man like
Catesby might bring upon a credulous friend such as Sir Everard Digby?

It is unfortunate that there should be men of the Digby class as well as
the Catesby! A priestly judgment has to be given in a court in which the
inquirer is witness for both plaintiff and defendant, as well as
advocate for both plaintiff and defendant. The friend, therefore, of the
inquirer, who is asked to accept the decision which he brings from that
spiritual court, ought not to do so unless he feels assured either that
he would lay his case with absolute impartiality before that tribunal,
or that the judge would discredit his evidence if given with partiality.
Now, knowing Catesby very intimately, had Sir Everard Digby good reasons
for believing that he could be trusted as an absolutely impartial
witness and an absolutely impartial advocate on both sides? or else that
the priest consulted would certainly detect any flaw in the evidence of
a man so notorious for his plausibility and his powers of persuasion? If
not, and he was determined only to join in the enterprise on the
condition that it had priestly consent, he was bound either to go and
ask it for himself, or, if his oath of secrecy prevented this, to refuse
to have anything further to do with the conspiracy. So far as I have
been able to ascertain of the previous history of Robert Catesby, he was
one of the very last men from whom I should have felt inclined to take
spiritual advice or spiritual consent at second hand; and, on this
point, I find it difficult to exculpate Sir Everard Digby, although the
difficulty is somewhat qualified by an unhappy remark made to Sir
Everard by Father Garnet, to be noticed presently.

But first let us notice an incident which, in the case of two men
professing to be practical Catholics, is nothing short of astounding! As
a modern Jesuit, the present editor of _The Month_, the chief Jesuit
journal in this country, points out,[170] Catesby "peremptorily demanded
of" his associates in the conspiracy, of whom Sir Everard Digby was one,
"a promise that they would not mention the project even in confession,
lest their ghostly fathers should discountenance and hinder it."
Considering that that project, even when regarded in the most favourable
light, was one likely to entail very intricate questions of conscience
in the course of its preparation and its fulfilment, it is inconceivable
how men called, or calling themselves, good Catholics could either make
such a demand or consent to it.

    [170] _The Month_, No. 369, p. 353-4.




CHAPTER VIII.


In the last chapter we saw how Catesby, by means of his infamous
perversion of Father Garnet's words, induced several of his friends,
among others, and last of all, Sir Everard Digby, to join in his
conspiracy; but even with his extraordinary powers of personal influence
and persuasion, his unscrupulousness, and his intimate friendship with
Sir Everard, it is just possible that he might have failed in enlisting
him as a conspirator, had it not been for a most unfortunate, and
apparently unguarded, remark made by Father Garnet.

Garnet had been at his wits' end to put a stop to the dangerous
inclination to civil rebellion which he had observed among certain of
the English Catholics; and, in his despair, he had written to Father
Claudius Aquaviva, the General of the Society of Jesus:[171]--"If the
affair of the toleration go not well, Catholics[172] will no more be
quiet. What shall we do? Jesuits cannot hinder it. Let the Pope forbid
all Catholics to stir."

    [171] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, pp. 72-3.

    [172] "Wherein he meant belike Mr Catesby and some such whom he most
    feared," says Father Gerard; _ib._

The date of this letter was August 29, 1604,[173] that is to say, more
than a year before Sir Everard Digby had ever heard of the Plot. Now,
will it be believed that when he was asked by Sir Everard Digby what the
meaning of "the Pope's Brief was"[174] [which "Brief" it may have been
matters little to my purpose; Lingard[175] thought it referred to that
of July 19, 1603], Father Garnet was weak enough--can I use a milder
term?--to reply "that they were not (meaning Priests) to undertake or
procure stirrs: _but yet they would not hinder any, neither was it the
Pope's mind they should, that should be undertaken for Catholick good_."
And this after all his anxiety that the Pope should be induced to
"forbid all Catholics to stir!" I say "after," for if the conversation
had taken place very much earlier, what reason would Sir Everard have
had for saying:--"This answer, with Mr Catesby's proceedings with him
and me gave me absolute belief that the matter in general was approved,
though every particular was not known." If the point be pressed that it
_may_ have been earlier, I would reply, be it so; for in the very
initiatory stages of the Plot, Father Garnet learned that some scheme
was in hand, although he knew nothing of its details, and even then he
was most anxious to prevent any "stirr." Let me quote Father
Pollen.[176] "About midsummer 1604, some steps in the Plot having been
already taken, Catesby intimated that they had something in hand, but
entered into no particulars. Father Garnet dissuaded him. Catesby
answered, 'Why were we commanded before to keep out one that was not a
Catholic, and now may not exclude him?' And this he thought an
'invincible argument,' and 'was so resolved in conscience that it was
lawful to take arms for religion, that no man could dissuade it, but by
the Pope's prohibition. Whereupon I [_i.e._, Garnet] urged that the Pope
himself had given other orders, &c.'" Yet Garnet told Sir Everard Digby
that priests "would not hinder any" "stirs" "that should be undertaken
for the Catholick good," "neither was it the Pope's mind that they
should."

    [173] _Father Garnet and the G. P._, p. 4.

    [174] _Papers and Letters of Sir Everard Digby._ Paper 9.

    [175] Hist. Eng., Vol. viii Note H. H. H. 9.

    [176] Father Garnet and the G. P., p. 4.

A friend of my own, who is a great admirer of Father Garnet, as well as
a deeply read student of his times, disagrees with me in my view of
Father Garnet's speech to Sir Everard about the "stirrs." He
writes:--"It seems to me you make too much of _one word_, and not enough
of the _known tenour_ of his instructions." Well, in the first place,
this one word is the chief thing that I have to deal with, in respect to
Father Garnet. I am not writing a life of Garnet, but of Sir Everard
Digby; and as Sir Everard stated that on that one word, to a great
extent, depended his belief that the plot was approved of by the
Jesuits, and consequently his consent to join in that plot, it is
scarcely possible for me to "make too much of it." Moreover, I expressly
pointed out that it was contrary to "the known tenour of his
instructions," and I emphasised the fact that it was a direct
contradiction to those instructions, as well as to his wishes, and that
it was given in a moment of good-natured weakness; but I venture to
suggest that that weakness, instead of being contrary to what we know of
his character, was in remarkable accordance with it.

I will admit that I long hesitated to use the word "weakness" in
connection with Father Garnet; but he himself practically owned that he
was not always free from it.

"I acknowledge," he wrote,[177] before his death, "that I was bound to
reveal all knowledge that I had of this or any other treason out of the
sacrament of confession. And whereas, partly upon hope of prevention,
partly for that I would not betray my friend, I did not reveal the
general knowledge of Mr Catesby's intention, which I had by him, I do
acknowledge myself highly guilty to have offended God, the King's
Majesty and Estate, and humbly ask of all forgiveness, exhorting all
Catholics that they no way follow my example." To Father Greenway,
again, he wrote:--[178] "Indeed, I might have revealed a general
knowledge I had of Mr Catesby out of confession, but hoping of the
Pope's prevention, and being loth to hurt my friend, I acknowledge to
have so far forth offended God and the king."

    [177] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xx. n. 12.

    [178] Hatfield MS., 115 fol. 154.

With all humility, I beg to submit that a feeble, unguarded, nervous and
indulgent speech such as that about the "stirrs," attributed by Sir
Everard Digby to Father Garnet, is not very inconsistent with that good
Father's conduct, as described by himself in the above manuscripts.

The question whether Father Garnet did, or did not, die a martyr,
however interesting, is altogether apart from my subject; a life of Sir
Everard Digby is in no way affected by that controversy; nor am I taking
upon myself the offices of Devil's Advocate in Garnet's case, when I
endeavour to do justice to that of Sir Everard.

I fully admit that _if_ Father Garnet was weak, his weakness was owing
to an excess of kindheartedness and a loyalty to his friends that
bordered on extravagance. I am well aware that it is easy to be "wise
after the event," and that that sort of wisdom is too cheap to justify
confident or summary sentences on those whose surroundings in their own
times were so complicated as to make it impossible to put ourselves
exactly in their places. Again, it may be that Sir Everard misheard or
misunderstood Garnet, that his memory failed him, or even that he lied.
Yet, again, it is possible that Digby's letter may have been incorrectly
transcribed, though I can see no reason for thinking this at all likely
to be the case.

There is, however, another side to the question. The mischief which may
be wrought by a holy, amiable, but weak man, especially one whose dread
of giving pain to others, or putting them into bad faith, or making them
give up all religion by saying more than they can bear, when it is his
duty to speak plainly, fully, and decidedly, is almost unlimited; and if
we are to hesitate to form opinions of the actions and characters of
those who have lived in the past, for the reasons given above, we must
relinquish historical studies once and for ever. Lastly, we ought not to
extol one character at the expense of another. Father Garnet's weak
speech, if weak it was, to some extent excuses, or rather somewhat
lessens, the guilt of Sir Everard Digby. We must try to put ourselves in
Digby's place as well as in Garnet's; nor do I see that Sir Everard's
evidence need be discredited. It was not extorted under examination; on
the contrary, it was deliberately written to his wife, and whatever his
faults may have been, deceit and dishonesty do not appear to have been
among them.

But let me say one word now as to the difficulties in which Father
Garnet was placed. Familiar as we are with the means through which he
came to know of the plot, I will take the liberty of reminding my
readers of them.[179] Suspecting that Catesby was scheming some
mischief, he had taxed him with it, and told him that, being against the
Pope's will, it would not prosper. Catesby had replied that, if the Pope
knew what he intended to do, he would not hinder it. Then Father Garnet
urged him to let the Pope know all about the whole affair. Catesby said
he would not do so for the world, lest it should be discovered; but he
offered to impart his project to Father Garnet. This Father Garnet
refused to hear. Catesby, with all his double-dealing, seems to have
become filled with remorse and anxiety, for he revealed the plot to
Father Greenway in confession, giving him leave to reveal it in his turn
to Father Garnet, in the same manner and under the same seal.

    [179] _Father H. Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, Pollen, pp. 10, 11.

It is difficult for Protestants to realise the secresy of the
confessional. Not only can the confessor say nothing of what he has
heard in it to anyone else, but he may not even speak of it to the
penitent himself, unless the penitent specially requests him to do so,
except in confession; nor can he in any way act towards him, or
concerning him, on the strength of it. On the other hand, the penitent,
although sometimes bound in honour and honesty not to reveal what the
priest may say to him confidentially, as man to man, is theologically
free to repeat anything that the priest may have said to him in the
confessional to the whole world if he so wills; he can also, if he
pleases, set the priest at liberty to speak either to himself about it,
outside the confessional, or to any other particular person or persons
whom he may choose to name, or to everybody, if he likes; but, unless
so liberated, if the confessor hears that his penitent is publicly or
privately giving a wrong version of the advice given him in confession,
he cannot set himself right by giving the true one.

Father Greenway, horrified at the disclosure, availed himself of
Catesby's permission to confide it to Father Garnet in confession. The
latter[180] "was amazed," and "said it was a most horrible thing, the
like of which was never heard of, for many reasons unlawful, &c.," and
he proceeded to reprimand Father Greenway very severely for even giving
ear to the matter.[181] By this, Endæmon the Jesuit, who tells the
story, probably means "for discussing" the matter, and not refusing to
listen to any defence of it. A priest can hardly be blamed for "hearing"
anything in confession; yet this is what Endæmon says. Therefore it
would appear that, whether Father Garnet acted imprudently or not,
Father Greenway certainly did so--at any rate, in Father Garnet's
opinion.[182]

    [180] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, pp. 11, 12.

    [181] See Endæmon Johannes, S.J., _Apologia pro Henrico Garneto_, p.
    259.

    [182] The following is the description of Father Greenway given in
    the Proclamation for his apprehension. "Of a reasonable stature,
    black hair, a brown beard cut close on the cheeks and left broad on
    the chin, somewhat long-visaged, lean in the face but of a good red
    complexion, his nose somewhat long and sharp at the end, his hands
    slender and long fingers, his legs of a good proportion, his feet
    somewhat long and slender."--S. P. James I., Vol. xviii. n. 21.

The position in which Catesby was placed with regard to the sacraments
of confession and communion is delicate ground for a layman to approach;
especially as nobody knows exactly what took place with regard to
either. I am told, however, by those who ought to know, that this much
may be said from my own point of view, without danger of theological
error. Father Greenway, after telling Catesby in confession about the
nature of the enormity he was meditating, must have refused him
absolution and the sacraments if he persevered.[183] After so striking a
sentence, what possible room is there for thinking that Catesby could
have gone on without even a _serious practical doubt_ as to the
lawfulness of his object? Yet to have persevered with such a doubt would
have put him at once into a state of _mala fides_. And if he became in a
state of _mala fides_, as he was in the habit of going to the sacraments
every week, he must have done one or other of two things. He must either
have made sacrilegious communions, or he must have given up going to
Holy Communion in order to commit the crime of proceeding with the
Gunpowder Plot.

    [183] Although it may seem an insult to most of my readers, there
    are some who are so ignorant of Catholic matters, that it may be
    safer to explain that in saying Father Greenway must have refused
    absolution, I mean absolution for _past_ sins. Absolution cannot be
    given for future sins, as some Protestants have supposed, and a
    "dispensation to commit a sin" is an impossibility. Certain
    Protestant writers have implied that both were given by the Jesuits
    to Catesby and his fellow-conspirators.

There is another point in connection with Catesby's confession which is
worthy of notice. When he first told the other conspirators that he had
obtained the consent of a Jesuit to a case similar to the Gunpowder
Plot, he could at least honestly say that no priest had at that time
directly _condemned_ the Gunpowder Plot itself as such; but, when Father
Greenway had distinctly done so, he still seems to have left them under
the impression that the Jesuit Fathers approved of the conspiracy "in
general, though they knew not the particulars." To do this was to _act_
a lie! But it seems to have been after he had heard Greenway condemn the
Plot in confession that he said something of the same kind to Sir
Everard Digby for the first time, and in that case he _told_ a lie! In
short, if--mind, I say if--after hearing Greenway's denunciation of the
Plot, which, according to Father Pollen,[184] was in July, he gave Sir
Everard Digby to understand, on first telling him of the plot, in the
following September, that the scheme in general had the approval of the
Jesuits, though they knew not the particulars, when he was well aware
that he himself _had_ told them the main particulars, and was certain
that they did _not_ approve of it, he obtained Sir Everard's adherence
to the plot by a direct fraud, and acted the part of an unscrupulous
scoundrel.

    [184] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 13.

Some devout people have endeavoured to find excuses for Catesby--not for
his action with regard to the plot, of course, but for the condition of
mind into which he fell preparatory to it--on the ground that he was a
good Catholic. What is a good Catholic? I suppose a man who keeps God's
commandments and obeys his Church. One commandment is, "Thou shalt do
no murder"; and one of the Pope's orders, in Catesby's time, was that
the Catholics in England were not to rise against the Government. But
then it is said that Catesby went to Holy Communion every week. Be it
so! Another historical character, one Judas Iscariot, committed a still
worse crime immediately after receiving his First Communion.

Robert Catesby was one of those most dangerous men to his own cause, a
Catholic on Protestant principles. He acted in direct opposition to the
commands of the Divine Founder of his Church, as well as to the precepts
of the representative of that Divine Founder upon earth. He preferred
his own private opinion to that of either. He considered his own
Decalogue and Beatitudes juster and more sublime than the Almighty's,
his own intentions for the welfare of the Church wiser than the Holy
Father's, his own moral theology more orthodox than that of the Jesuits;
and then this Protestant in practice--for Protestantism is not
exclusively restricted to protests against such matters as the supremacy
of the Pope or transubstantiation--took it upon himself to pose as a
prominent champion of the Catholic Church.

I am not denying that Catesby fancied he was doing right; but whether
that fancy was arrived at by right means or wrong is another question.
He seems to have argued to himself that Pope, Priests, and Jesuits were
not equal to the occasion; that there were times, of which his own was
one, at which papal, spiritual, and even biblical teaching must for the
moment be set on one side whilst the secular arm struck a violent blow
for the relief of God's suffering people; that, _ante factum_, the
ecclesiastical powers could not consent to such a measure, but that,
_post factum_, they would not only tolerate it, but approve of and
rejoice at it. It came, therefore, to this, that on a most important
point of morals--faith and morals, be it remembered, are the two chief
provinces over which the Catholic Church claims power--a private
individual, and not the Church, was to decide what was best; in short,
Catesby was to protest against the teaching of the Church. Luther
protested in matters of faith; Catesby protested in matters of morals.
Both men seem to have believed that the time would come when the Church
would see that what they did was for its welfare.

It has been said that in Father Garnet we have one of the most
remarkable instances in history of the secresy of the confessional. On
this point I venture no opinion; but I am bold enough to say that in
Robert Catesby we have one of the most remarkable instances in history
of the abuse of the confessional. Perhaps no man ever did more to foster
that superstitious horror of "auricular confession" which has so long
prevailed, and still prevails in this country.

In passing, I may meet a possible inquiry as to how it came about that
so much should be known concerning what Catesby had told Greenway in
confession, and what Greenway had told Garnet under the same sacred
seal. The explanation is simple. Catesby had not only given Father
Greenway permission to inform Father Garnet of the plot, under seal of
confession, but had[185] "arranged that neither should be bound by that
seal when lawfully examined by their superiors." Another question
naturally presents itself, much more connected with the man whose life I
am writing, which I confess I do not find it so easy to answer. It is
the following:--When Father Garnet noticed the sudden and suspicious
confidences which had arisen between Catesby and Sir Everard Digby,[186]
after their ride from Harrowden to Gothurst, did he, though tongue-tied
as to what he knew of Catesby's designs under seal of confession, know
enough _out_ of the confessional to warn Sir Everard against consenting
to, or joining in, any illicit schemes which Catesby might propose to
him and had he an extra-confessional _causa loquendi_?

    [185] _Father Garnet and the G. P._, Pollen, p. 11.

    [186] _Ib._, pp. 21, 22.

Let us suppose that he asked himself this question. Even if he answered
it in the affirmative, he might have refrained from acting, through fear
that, in his vehemence in warning Sir Everard, there might be a danger
of his breaking the seal of the confessional; or that in vaguely putting
Sir Everard on his guard, he might raise the suspicion that knowledge
obtained in the confessional was the occasion, or the impelling cause of
that warning. Or he might reflect that, if cross-questioned by Sir
Everard, it would be difficult to remember, at a moment's notice,
exactly how much of his knowledge of Catesby's schemes was sealed by
confession, and how much unsealed.

Yet when he looked at his young host, and at his charming and excellent
wife, still a mere girl, but with two little children beside her, in
their beautiful and happy home, the model of what a Christian home ought
to be, and a centre of Catholic society; and when he considered that
hitherto Sir Everard Digby had been as upright in character as in
stature, and as distinguished in virtue as in appearance, might he not
have told himself that any effort was worth making to try to save him
from a terrible crime and its terrible consequences?

He was the only man who could do so! He alone had "a general knowledge
of Mr Catesby's intention,"[187] untrammelled by the secresy of either
oath or confessional, and he[188] "noticed the new intimacy that had
sprung up between Catesby and Digby," and surmised truly enough that
Digby had been "drawn in." Yet it is evident from Sir Everard's letters
from the Tower, that Father Garnet never lifted a finger nor uttered a
word to hinder his host from joining, or proceeding in, the conspiracy
which was to work his ruin. This is the more remarkable because Father
Garnet might have been expected not only to wish to save Sir Everard
from the guilt and the dangers of the Plot, but also to prevent a
conspiracy which he so much dreaded from being strengthened by the
support of a man of considerable wealth. The most probable origin of his
inaction in this matter was the same weakness of character which had
exhibited itself in his speech to Sir Everard about the Pope and the
"stirrs," and in his failure to reveal his "general knowledge, had of Mr
Catesby out of confession," whereby he said he offended God and the
King. His silence and inaction were certainly not owing to any temporary
revival of confidence in his mind. On the contrary, he wrote:--[189] "I
remained in the greatest perplexity that ever I was in my life, and
could not sleep a' nights." He added, "I did offer up all my devotions
and masses that God of his mercy and infinite Providence would dispose
of all for the best, and find means which were pleasing unto Him, to
prevent so great a mischief" [as the Gunpowder Plot]. "I knew that this
would be infinitely displeasing to my Superiors in Rome, in so much as
at my second conference with Mr Greenway, I said, 'Good Lord, if this
matter go forward, the Pope will send me to the galleys, for he will
assuredly think I was privy to it.'"

    [187] His own admission. S.P. Dom. James I., Vol. xx. n. 12.

    [188] Father Garnet and the G. P., Pollen, pp. 22, 23.

    [189] _Ib._, 23.

Far be it from me to presume to judge Father Garnet harshly; his
opportunities may have been much less, his difficulties may have been
much greater, than the evidence before us would seem to show; but, as a
biographer of Sir Everard Digby, I feel bound to express my regret that
it should appear as if Father Garnet might have saved him from the
terrible troubles that followed and failed to do so.

I began this chapter with a reference to those who plead extenuating
circumstances for Catesby. Let me end it by referring to somewhat
similar-minded critics, who, while they condemn the Gunpowder Plot as a
most dastardly outrage, regard it as the hot-blooded attempt of a small
party of Catholics driven to desperation by their sufferings. Of the
sufferings of the English Catholics there can be no sort of doubt or
question; and none the less certain is it that, as a body, they bore
them with patience and without any attempt at rebellion. Was, then, the
small party of Catholics that conspired in the Gunpowder Plot composed
of men so exceptionally exposed to sufferings for their faith as to be,
more than any of their fellow-sufferers, "driven to desperation"? It is
well worth while to inquire. We will consult a Catholic contemporary,
most unlikely to represent their lot as too easy, namely, the oft-quoted
Father Gerard.[190]

    [190] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot._

Let us begin with Catesby, the originator and leader of the enterprise.
The losses of his father on account of his religion do not concern the
objects of the plot, as they were incurred long before and during a
different reign. Catesby himself had certainly lost money, and a great
deal of money; but how?[191] "He spent much above his rate [income], and
so wasted also good part of his living." He was guilty of "excess of
play and apparel." He also had to pay "£3000 before he got out" of
prison, where he had been put for joining in the ill-fated rising of
Essex. Even after all these losses, he was able to live among men of
wealth, if not in his own country-house at Lapworth, in Warwickshire.

    [191] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 55.

Ambrose Rokeby was[192] "a gentleman of good worth in the county of
Suffolk, and of a very ancient family, and himself the heir of the
eldest house." At the time of the plot he had a great many horses, and
was evidently a rich man. John Grant was[193] "a man of sufficient
estate." Francis Tresham was[194] "a gentleman of Northamptonshire of
great estate, esteemed then worth £3000 a year," a sum, of course,
equivalent to a very large income in these days. Robert Winter was[195]
"a gentleman of good estate in Worcestershire." Thomas Percy,[196]
although not a rich landowner, held the lucrative post of agent and
administrator to his cousin, the Earl of Northumberland. The "means were
not great" of Robert Keyes, John and Christopher Wright, and Thomas
Winter; but most of them seem to have been able to live in good society,
and their want of money was for the most part owing to their being
younger sons, being "very wild,"[197] or living "in good sort and of the
best,"[198] when their circumstances did not justify their doing so. As
for Sir Everard Digby, it is scarcely necessary to repeat that he had
been a rich man to begin with, and had increased his wealth by marrying
an heiress. These, then, are the men who, we are told, were driven to
desperation by their sufferings, and conspired together to commit a most
horrible and murderous crime, while thousands of Catholics who were
literally ruined, by fines for their religion which they were unable to
pay, bore their troubles in silence, and with Christian fortitude and
resignation.

    [192] _Ib._, p. 85.

    [193] _Ib._, p. 86.

    [194] _Ib._, p. 90.

    [195] _Ib._, p. 58.

    [196] _Ib._, p. 57.

    [197] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 59.

[198] _Ib._, p. 58.

In connection with this matter, there is one more point to be
considered. The sudden and unpremeditated assault of a man in despair is
sometimes to be excused, and often to be regarded with comparative
lenience. What looks like murder at first sight, at second may prove to
be only man-slaughter, under such circumstances. Does any such excuse
exist for the Gunpowder Plot? Was it a violent attempt made on the spur
of the moment, or was it the result of lengthy, deliberate, and anxious
forethought? Was it the work of an hour, a day, a week, or even a month.
On the contrary, so far as can be ascertained, at least a year and a
quarter, and more probably a year and a half, of careful scheming and
calculation were devoted to it.[199]

    [199] See Jardine's _G. P._, p. 27; also _Father Garnet and the G.
    P._, p. 4.

It has been said, in excuse for the conspirators, that there are reasons
for suspecting the idea of the Gunpowder Plot to have been conceived in
the first instance by Cecil, who had it suggested to Catesby, through a
third person--possibly Mounteagle--with the deliberate intention of
bringing discredit upon the English Catholics, and thereby giving cause
for the enactment of severer measures for their repression. This may
remind some of my readers that, at the height of the agrarian crime in
Ireland, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, many good
Irish Catholics were persuaded, or persuaded themselves, that the
outrages were invented, instigated, and encouraged, if not actually
perpetrated, at the suggestion of the authorities at Dublin Castle, in
order to throw discredit upon "the poor, oppressed Irish peasantry," and
to give an excuse for "persecuting" them with renewed vigour.

As to the question whether Cecil originated the Gunpowder Plot as a bait
with which to entrap Catholic priests, Jesuits, and laymen, if there be
any grounds for it, it certainly has great historic interests; but
whether Cecil, or the Devil, or both, put the idea into the heads of the
conspirators, little, if at all, affects their guilt.




CHAPTER IX.


Towards the end of the last chapter, I showed that the conspirators were
for the most part in fairly comfortable circumstances, and that some of
them were rich. It was not necessary to my purpose to enter into details
concerning Guy Fawkes, who was an adventurer and a mere tool, or
concerning Thomas Bates, who was Catesby's servant. Nor did I mention
the Littletons--one a wealthy man, and the other a younger son, and a
cousin of the former; for, although they joined in the rising after the
discovery of the plot, and suffered death for it, they do not appear to
have been among the sworn conspirators beforehand. But, before
dismissing the subject of the riches or poverty of the plotters, I have
something more to say.

Sir Everard Digby was chiefly enlisted by Catesby on account of his
wealth. He promised to contribute £1500 towards the scheme, and to
furnish, in addition, as much armour and as many arms, men, and horses
as he might be able. Another large landowner was enlisted even later
than Sir Everard, and for the same purpose. This was Catesby's cousin,
Francis Tresham, of Rushton, in Northamptonshire. He, like Catesby and
Percy, had been implicated in the rebellion of the Earl of Essex, so a
plot was no novelty to him, and he consented to help the new one with
money to the extent of £2000. Funds, again, were to be found in another
quarter.[200] "Mr Percy himself promised all he could get out of the Earl
of Northumberland's rents,"--in other language, he promised to embezzle,
and apparently with the pious Catesby's full consent, every penny he was
able of his master's money--"which was about £4000." Here, therefore, we
have a fund of £7500, to say nothing of what Catesby and the other
conspirators may have spent in the early stages of the plot.

    [200] Thomas Winter's Confession. S.P., Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 114.

In the reign of James I., a sovereign sterling was worth very much more
than it is at present; some people say ten times as much;[201] so if
they are right, the Gunpowder Plot Fund amounted to £75,000 of our
money.

    [201] See Dr Jessop, in _One Generation of a Norfolk House_, p. 285.

What became of it? All the work done was voluntary and unpaid. The
hiring of the cellar under the houses of Parliament could not have been
a very heavy outlay; very many hundreds of pounds cannot have been spent
in gunpowder; and if a good deal may have been invested in horses, that
would only exhaust a comparatively small portion of so large a fund.
Most likely the conspirators defrayed their own personal expenses while
working for the plot, and even if they charged them to the fund, the men
were so few in numbers that they cannot have amounted to much. Can it be
that some immense bribe was given, or promised, to Guy Fawkes for the
excessively dangerous part which he was to play in the drama? This is
far from unlikely!

The fugitives, after the discovery of the plot, carried a good deal of
cash with them as they rode about, trying to raise an insurrection. Sir
Everard Digby alone took[202] "above £1000 in ready coin" with him.
According to the authority quoted, this would be the equivalent of
£10,000 nowadays, a large amount to carry about the country. Yet, as
will be seen when the proper time comes, he apparently made no use of
it. The financial aspects of the Gunpowder Plot are as curious as they
are incomprehensible.

    [202] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 92.

After giving his solemn promise not to divulge the conspiracy, Sir
Everard evidently could say nothing about it to Lady Digby. It must have
been a terrible trial to have the burden of that awful secret, with all
its dangers to himself and those dear to him, on his mind when he looked
upon his innocent, holy, and loving young wife, with her little boy,
Kenelm, now two years old, toddling after her, and her baby, which had
been born early in that year, in her arms, as she walked about the
long, low rooms and corridors of Gothurst, or wandered about its sloping
gardens and along the banks of the River Ouse. While the worst fear in
her mind as she did so would be a visit from pursuivants, her husband
knew of far more terrible dangers by which their hitherto happy home was
threatened.

Already he was beginning to take precautions against possible failure
and its fearful consequences. Of course, at Gothurst, as at every other
house frequented by priests, there was a "priests' hole"; but Sir
Everard now ordered preparations for concealment to be made upon a much
more elaborate scale. It is nearly certain that the most celebrated of
all artificers in priests' hiding-places was staying at Gothurst just at
this very time. His real name was Nicholas Owen, but he usually went by
the name of "Little John." He was a Jesuit lay-brother, and he usually
accompanied Father Garnet in his travels. It is recorded that he went to
Gothurst with Father Garnet on his way to Holywell, and it may be
assumed that he was with him when he returned. Nothing, therefore, would
be simpler or easier for Sir Everard than, on the plea of a desire to
increase his precautions for priests in case of a raid from pursuivants,
to ask Little John to superintend the making of intricate places of
concealment which should serve as refuges for himself and his
fellow-conspirators in case of discovery, failure, or pursuit.

He could not have found a better workman for this purpose. Father Gerard
writes of him:--[203]"He it was that made our hiding-places; in fact he
made the one to which I owed my safety." As he probably made the very
curious hiding-places in Sir Everard Digby's house, I may claim to say
something about him. Brother Foley calls him[204] "that useful, cunning
joiner of those times," who "died a martyr for the faith, suspended from
a Topcliff rack in the Tower of London, where he was divers times hung
up for several hours together, to compel him to betray the hiding-places
he had made, up and down the land; but not a word could they force from
his sealed and faithful lips." "The authorities, shocked at their own
cruelty, gave out that he destroyed himself."[205] A Protestant writer
accordingly calls him[206] "that Owen who ript out his own bowells in
the Tower." Father Gerard denies this story at great length,[207]
stating that the poor man suffered from hernia, and that although "the
civil law doth forbid to torture any man that is broken," the
executioners "girded" the afflicted part "with a plate of iron to keep
in" the portion which threatened to protrude, but that "the extremity of
pain (which is most in that kind of torment), about the breast" and the
seat of the hernia, "did force out" the interior, "and so the iron did
serve but to cut and wound his body, which, perhaps, did afterwards put
them in mind to give out that he had ripped his" part in question, "with
a knife. Which, besides all the former reasons, is in itself improbable,
if not impossible. For first, in that case, knives are not allowed but
only in the time of meat, whilst one stands by, and those such as are
broad at the point, and will only cut towards the midst."

    [203] _Life of Father J. Gerard_, p. lvii.

    [204] _Records, S. J._ Series I., p. 297.

    [205] _Ib._, p. 675, footnote.

    [206] _The Foot out of the Snare._ By John Zee, London, 1624.

    [207] _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 188-9.

As to his skill in making hiding-places, a Jesuit, Father Tanner, wrote
of him that[208] "With incomparable skill he knew how to conduct priests
to a place of safety along subterranean passages, to hide them between
walls, to bury them in impenetrable recesses, and to entangle them in
labyrinths and a thousand windings. But what was much more difficult of
accomplishment, he so disguised the entrances to these as to make them
most unlike what they really were." "When he was about to design" a
hiding-place, he commenced the work by "receiving the Most Holy
Eucharist, sought to aid its progress by continual prayer, and offered
the completion of it to God alone, accepting of no other reward for his
toil than the merit of charity and the consolation of labouring for the
good of Catholics."

    [208] _Collectanea S. J._ See _Records of the Eng. Prov. S. J._,
    Vol. iv. pp. 247, 248.

As I have shown, it may pretty safely be assumed that he was at Gothurst
early in October 1605, just after Sir Everard Digby had been initiated
into the plot; and, as the hiding-places at Gothurst about to be
described are believed to have been made between his initiation and the
discovery, with a view to concealment in connection with the gunpowder
plot, the work must in that case have been done during October.

[Illustration: GOTHURST

_The mark * shows the position of the secret room_

_Dawsors Ph Sc_]

Lipscomb thus describes them:--[209] "In one of the apartments was
formerly shewn a movable floor, which, to ordinary observers, offered
nothing remarkable in its appearance, but was made to revolve on a
pivot, which, by a secret bolt, disclosed underneath it another room
(receiving light from the lower part of a mullioned window, not
discoverable exteriorily, unless at a very great distance)." From this
secret room, he says "there were private passages of ingress and
egress," "almost impossible of detection, even by the occupiers of the
Mansion. Here were also some remarkably ingenious cabinets and drawers,
for the deposit of papers, &c." Mr Walter Carlile, the son of the owner,
and the occupier of Gothurst, or Gayhurst, as it is now called, informs
me that Lipscomb's description of the secret room is perfectly correct;
that, although it was demolished twenty years ago, greatly to his own
regret, there are still all the traces of where it was and how it was
managed; and that the "priest's hole" and some secret passages are yet
in existence.

    [209] _Hist. and Antiquities of the Co. of Bucks_, Vol. iv. p. 159.

The secret room was not in the principal front, with its picturesque
porch and gables; but at the end, at the right; that is to say, on the
right as one stood facing the front. In the middle of this end of the
house was a solid, square-headed projection, and it was the upper half
of the room on the first floor of this projection which was converted
into the secret room. The result was that, in this secret chamber the
window came down to the floor, but did not rise to the top of the room,
being in fact the upper half of the window which lighted the room
beneath it. As the entire window was almost twice as high as it was
broad, and divided into two equal parts, it was very well adapted for
the purpose.

Lipscomb was probably right in calling this "a very artful contrivance
for the concealment of the parties to the Gunpowder Plot"; there is
certainly a tradition to the same effect, and, as will have been
observed, I have adopted it; at the same time I will say candidly that I
sometimes ask myself whether, after all, the "contrivance," with its
pivotted floor, may not have been only intended as a hiding-place for
priests, and not for conspirators, a theory which is somewhat supported
by the knowledge that Sir Everard Digby was going to leave and shut up
Gothurst a few days before the explosion was to take place, and even
still earlier was going to send his wife and children to Mr
Throgmorton's house at Coughton, which he had taken for them.

The energies of the conspirators, especially those of such an earnest
Catholic as Sir Everard Digby, would be stimulated during October by the
news that, that very month, two priests and a layman had been put to
death for their religion. [210] "They were executed together with sixteen
thieves and eight other malefactors; and their heads were placed on
London Bridge." A Spanish lady of high birth, who had come to England in
the preceding May, wrote:--[211] "We can hardly go out to walk without
seeing the heads and limbs of some of our dear and holy ones stuck up on
the gates that divide the streets, and the birds of the air perching
upon them; which makes me think of the verse in the Psalms, 'They have
given the dead bodies of thy servants to be meat for the fowls of the
air,'" etc. Admitting that there may have been some exaggeration in this
statement, it was by no means devoid of foundation in fact. The reports
of such things would give the conspiracy the colour of a crusade, to men
anxious to see it assume that hue.

    [210] _Before and after the Gunpowder Plot._ By E. Healy Thompson,
    p. 4.

    [211] _Life of Luisa de Carvajal._ By Lady Georgiana Fullerton, p.
    226.

We shall presently see that Sir Everard intended to turn his steps
towards Wales, when the blow should have been struck, making sure of the
support of Catholics so persecuted as the Welsh and the inhabitants of
the border counties. Here is something about them. Less than five months
before the attempt to blow up the houses of parliament, the Protestant
Bishop of Hereford wrote to Salisbury:--[212] "On Wednesday last, at
evening, Sir James Scudamore and other justices of the peace, with such
aid as I could give them, went unto the Darren and other places
adjoining to make search and apprehend Jesuits and priests ... and did
make diligent search all that night and day following, from village to
village, from house to house, about thirty miles compass, near the
confines of Monmouthshire, where they found altars, images, books of
superstition, relics of idolatry, but left all desolate of men and
women. Except here and there an aged woman or a child, all were fled
into Wales, and but one man apprehended; all that circuit of rude
barbarous people carried headlong into these desperate courses by
priests (whereof there is great store) and principal gentlemen, lords of
towns and manors there. They are all fled into the woods, and there they
will lurk until the assizes be past." Rumours of the searches on the
part of the "justices of the peace," "with such aid" as the Bishop of
Hereford "could give them," would reach Gothurst and provoke Sir
Everard. They remind one of the remark made by Cardinal Bellarmine on
the Gunpowder Plot:--[213] "I excuse not the crime, I loathe unnatural
murders, I execrate conspiracies, but no one can deny that provocation
was given."

    [212] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xiv. n. 52, June 22, 1605.

    [213] Reply to the King's _Triplici nodo triplex cuneus_. See _The
    Month_, No. 366, p. 501.

The plan of campaign was doubtless discussed at great length at Gothurst
during the early part of the month of October. Parliament was to meet at
the beginning of November, and the great attempt was intended to be made
about the 5th. No time, therefore, was to be lost in making provision
for every contingency. Sir Everard was still anxious as to whether all
the Catholic peers, and those peers who were friendly to Catholics,
could, with any certainty, be induced to absent themselves from the
House at the time of the explosion.

"Assure yourself," said Catesby to him, "that such of the nobility as
are worth saving shall be preserved, and yet know not of the
matter."[214] As to the remainder of the lords, he declared that he
regarded them as "atheists, fools, and cowards, and that lusty bodies
would be better for the commonwealth than they."[215] There was
considerable wrangling as to which of the peers were to be saved, and
there was some diversity of opinion on the question--whether this or
that Protestant lord was well-enough disposed towards Catholics and
their religion to be worth rescue. For instance, some would have it that
the Earl of Northumberland was likely to become a Catholic; but his
relative, Percy the conspirator, said that[216] "for matters of
relligion" he "trobled not much himselfe." Notwithstanding this
statement, Percy earnestly begged that he might be one of the peers to
be spared,[217] which was indeed only fair, considering that his rents
were to be stolen for the purposes of the plot. Francis Tresham pleaded
for his two brothers-in-law, Stourton and Mounteagle, both of whom were
Catholics; Keyes for his great friend, Mordaunt; Fawkes for Montague,
several for Arundel, and so on.

    [214] Digby's Exam., 2nd Dec. 1605. S.P.O. Jardine's _Gunpowder
    Plot_, pp. 75-6.

    [215] Keyes' Exam., 30th Nov. 1605. S.P.O. Jardine, p. 75.

    [216] Cal. Sta. Pa., 1603-10, p. 262.

    [217] Jardine, p. 74.

As to the plan of proceedings, when the explosion should have taken
place with success, the great principle was to be to rally the Catholic
gentry with their servants and retainers for a general rising in a
central district. Gothurst was considered too far east for this purpose,
and Warwickshire was selected as the base of operations for the
volunteer Catholic army. It was true that that army did not yet exist;
that the number of men at present initiated into the conspiracy was very
small; and that the spirit in which the Catholics would receive the news
of the wholesale massacre of the King and his Parliament remained to be
proved; but Catesby and his confederates, Sir Everard apparently among
the number, were very sanguine.

Catesby, the originator, organiser, and leader of the whole proceeding,
was to have the management of the grand explosion and the conduct of
matters in London immediately afterwards, while Digby was to have the
charge of the rising in Warwickshire, where Catesby was to join him, as
occasion might serve. As a nucleus of his hoped-for army, Sir Everard
was to take so many of his retainers as he could muster, with a quantity
of arms in carts, to Dunchurch, a place very near Rugby, and to invite a
large number of his trustworthy friends, likely to join in the cause, to
come there with their horses and servants for a great "hunting-match" on
Dunsmoor Heath.

Country gentlemen in our own times have often wondered what this
"hunting-match" could be. Possibly it may have been a coursing meeting.
The foundation of the rules of coursing, in its modern sense, was the
code drawn up by the Duke of Norfolk in the reign of Elizabeth,[218] and
as Sir Everard had been a good deal at the Court of that Queen, and was
devoted to field sports, it is not unreasonable to infer that the
so-called "hunting-match" may have been ostensibly what we should call a
coursing-meeting, with, perhaps, some hawking added. It was arranged
that on the arrival of the guests invited to take part in it at
Dunchurch, Sir Everard was to hint to them that a decisive blow of some
sort was about to be struck in London, although they were not to be
enlightened as to its nature until the news should arrive of its
success. On the receipt of this news, Digby was at once to despatch a
party to seize the Princess Elizabeth at the house of her governor, Lord
Harington--he had been created Baron Harington of Exton in 1603--at his
house near Coventry, and if Catesby should fail to secure the persons of
the Prince of Wales or the Duke of York in the South, Digby was to
proclaim her Queen. The little volunteer army in Warwickshire was then
to seize the horses at Warwick Castle and the store of armour at Whewell
Grange, Lord Windsor's house in Worcestershire, "and by that time," said
Catesby, in unfolding his plan, "I hope some friends will come and take
our parts."[219]

    [218] _The Greyhound_, by Hugh Dalziel, 1887.

    [219] R. Winter's Letter to the Lords. S.P.O. 21st Jan. 1605.
    Jardine, p. 73.

Sir Everard was not going to leave his wife and children at Gothurst,
between the great rallying centre of his expected army in Warwickshire
and the possible opposing army which, in case of failure, might approach
from London. On the contrary, he was anxious to place them on the
further side of Warwickshire, so that the band of Catholic warriors
might lie between them and the source of danger; at the same time he
wished to have them within easy reach; and, for this purpose, he hired
or borrowed from Mr Throckmorton, a house called Coughton (containing
many "secret recesses"[220]), near Alcester, and about twenty-five
miles from the primary rallying point at Dunchurch.

    [220] _Records of the Eng. Prov. S. J._, Vol. iv. p. 34, footnote.

Sir Everard said in his examination in Nov. 1605, that he "did borrow a
howse of Mr Thomas Throckmorton for one moneth, purposing to take it
longer, or to enquire out some other if that were not to be had, if" his
"wife should like to live there."[221]

    [221] S. P. Domestic, James I., Vol. xvi. No. 94.

Being, in those days, a quadrangular house,[222] it could easily be
defended in case of need. It is impossible that Sir Everard can have
given Lady Digby the real reason for which he proposed to remove her
there: the secret which he was keeping from her can scarcely have failed
to cause some restraint between them, and it would be but natural that
she should feel considerable uneasiness. Why, she would ask herself,
should her husband, who had hitherto shared everything with her, now
have something in hand which he was evidently concealing?

    [222] Gorton's Topography, Vol. i. p. 518. The house at present
    belongs to Sir N. W. Throckmorton, Bart.

Another inmate at Gothurst was in a state of great anxiety, namely
Father Garnet. The exertions to which his lay companion, "Little John,"
was put, at his host's request, to increase the secret passages and make
a hidden room, may have aroused his suspicions still further; but, after
all, Gothurst would be no more ramified with such places of concealment
than certain other houses; for instance, at Hendlip Hall, about four
miles from Worcester, a house to which Father Garnet was to go within
two months, to spend several weeks, a house, moreover, of much the same
date as Gothurst, there was[223] "scarcely an apartment that" had "not
secret ways of going in or going out"; some had "back stair cases
concealed in the walls; others" "places of retreat in their chimneys;
some" "trap-doors, and all" presented "a picture of gloom, insecurity,
and suspicion." And well might the inmates of a Catholic family live in
"gloom, insecurity, and suspicion," in those days of pursuivants, fines,
hangings, and quarterings.

    [223] _Beauties of England_, Vol. xv., Part I., p. 184. Jardine, p.
    182. Nash, in his _Worcestershire_, quotes from Ashmole MSS., Vol.
    804, fol. 93, the following:--"Eleven secret corners and conveyances
    were found in the said house, all of them having books, massing
    stuff, and popish trumpery in them, only two excepted."

Father Gerard, who was a frequent visitor at Gothurst, observed with
surprise that Sir Everard had a far larger number of horses than he had
been accustomed to keep;[224] but, when it occurred to him that this
might be because he was, for some reason or other, better off than
before, he found that, on the contrary, he had been selling his
farm-stock, and even some land, which puzzled him much, particularly in
so prudent and careful a man, and the more so since he was aware that
Sir Everard was going to pay the fine required of recusants by the
statute, and was therefore in no danger of having his stock taken from
him compulsorily.

    [224] _Life of Father J. Gerard_, p. ccxxxvi.

Although Sir Everard Digby had been led by Catesby to believe that some
of the Jesuit Fathers had given their approval to the Gunpowder Plot,
and had special reasons, as we have seen, for imagining Father Garnet to
be one of these, he does not appear to have thought that Father Gerard
knew anything about the matter, or would have consented to it if he had
known of it: for, on his arraignment, he declared that Father Gerard was
ignorant of it, and that he had never mentioned it to him,[225] "alleging
the reason," "because, he said, he feared lest" that Father "should
dissuade him from it." So here we find him acting in opposition to his
greatest friend--his "brother," as he called him--the priest who had
received him into the Church, and was his chief spiritual adviser. A
good Catholic might lawfully act in opposition to the opinion of his
confessor or director in matters open to difference of view, especially
when that opinion was only suspected, and had not been delivered; but on
such an all-important question as this, he might have been expected to
consult Gerard, although it must be remembered that he had been assured
by Catesby that another Jesuit had approved of the plot.

    [225] Father Gerard's letter to the Bishop of Chalcedon. See _Life
    of Father Gerard_, p. ccxxxviii.

There is one consideration on this subject which is of the highest
importance, namely, that Garnet was the Provincial, that is to say the
superior and the very highest authority among the Jesuits in England,
at that time, and therefore the Jesuit of all others most in
communication with Rome, and most likely to know the mind of the General
of his Order as well as that of the Holy Father himself.

During October, not only Catesby, but other conspirators visited
Gothurst. Among these was Fawkes, the adventurer who was intended to be
actual perpetrator of the terrible deed. He was not altogether ill-born,
being a member of an at least respectable family in Yorkshire, his
father having been Registrar and Advocate of the Consistory Court of
York Minster.[226] He was thirty-five years old, and he had seen much of
the world, having entered the Spanish army in Flanders and been at the
taking of Calais by the Archduke Albert in 1596.[227] He was a man, too,
who made some profession of devotion as a Catholic.[228] Father Greenway
describes him as[229] "a man of great piety, of exemplary temperance, of
mild and cheerful demeanour, an enemy of broils and disputes, a faithful
friend, and remarkable for his punctual attendance upon religious
observances." He had been to Spain, on the private embassy to Philip II.
with Christopher Wright, and he had a brother then a barrister in one of
the Inns of Court in London. Therefore he was not ill-fitted by his
antecedents to be received as a guest at Gothurst, shrink as we may
from the idea of such a man being admitted to the house of the gentle
Lady Digby.

    [226] Jardine's G. P., p. 36.

    [227] Beeton's Encyclopædia, Vol. i.

    [228] Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, by J. Gerard, pp. 59, 60.

    [229] Jardine, p. 38.

This intending actor in a very dark deed arrived in dull, stormy, and
gloomy weather. Much rain had fallen, and the dead leaves lay wet and
dank about the gables and recesses of Gothurst. There were, then, none
of the modern arrangements of hot-water pipes, or other contrivances for
keeping out the cold in a large stone house, of which luxurious people
avail themselves so freely in these days, and the long rooms must have
felt chilly, on the October nights, beyond a certain radius from the
piles of burning logs in the large open grates.

People talking secrets do not find the family or social circle round the
fire a very convenient place in which to interchange their confidences,
and Sir Everard Digby and Guy Fawkes had good reason one evening, when
supper was ended, for withdrawing to a dark and distant corner to
discuss the terrible scheme in which both were so deeply engrossed;
neither Sir Everard's wife nor his chaplain, nor Father Garnet, nor
either of the ladies who were staying in the house, could be permitted
to hear a word of their whisperings about the details and prospects of
the fatal plot; so the two conspirators were obliged to forego the
warmth of the cheerful fire until their conversation should be ended.

A damp chill, in spite of the flickering light from the burning wood,
seems to have suggested to the host the probable condition of a certain
fireless cellar in Westminster; for he muttered in a low tone to his
guest[230] "that he was much afraid that the Powder in the cellar was
grown dank, and that some new must be provided, lest that should not
take fire," words which show that, having once yielded to the
temptations of Catesby, the ill-fated youth had thrown himself heart and
soul into the diabolical conspiracy. The biographer of Sir Everard Digby
may well wish that he had never been guilty of any such speech.

[230] _Gunpowder Treason_, Barlow, p. 68.




CHAPTER X.


Both Catesby and Fawkes left Gothurst as October wore on; so also did
any other conspirators who may have visited it. Most of them betook
themselves to White Webbs, a desolate, half-timbered house, with "many
trap-doors and passages,"[231] on Enfield Chase, to the north of London,
about ten miles from the cellar where their gunpowder lay.

    [231] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 256.

This house had been taken, a long time before this, by Anne Vaux, and
was rented by her[232] as a convenient place near London for the meeting
of priests and the Catholic laity. Unfortunately, it had gradually got
more into the hands of her relatives, who found it useful for other
purposes. These relatives were Catesby and Tresham.

    [232] _Ib._, 1603-10, p. 297.

At one time White Webbs had been inhabited almost exclusively by
Jesuits, being used as a centre for the renovation of vows, religious
retreats, and conferences upon the affairs of their missions.[233] In
his examination,[234] Father Garnet said "that it was a spacious house
fitt to receave so great a company that should resort to him thither;
there being two bedds placed in a chamber, but thinketh there have not
been above the number of 14 Jesuits at one time there." Disastrously for
himself and his order, he was obliged to confess[235] that "Catesby and
Wynter, or Mr Catesby alone, came to him to White Webbs and tould this
exam{t}. there was a plott in hand for the Cath{c}. cause against the King
and the State," assuring him that it was something quite "lawfull"; but
that he had "dissuaded him," and that "he promised to surceasse."

    [233] _Records S. J._, Vol. iv. p. 83, footnote.

    [234] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n. 16

    [235] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xix. n. 44.

It was no secret that White Webbs had been one of the principal
meeting-places of the Jesuits; therefore, after they had given up going
there, and it had got into the hands of Catesby and his band of
conspirators, the Government, not altogether unnaturally, supposed that
the Jesuits had purposely assigned it to the plotters as a convenient
place from which to carry out their dread design.

This, however, was not the case; for, in October 1605, Father Garnet had
intended to have gone thither, but finding that Catesby and his friends
had established themselves in the house, most likely with the purpose of
carrying out the "plott in hand," which he so greatly feared, he did not
dare to go there,[236] "and so accepted the offer of Sir Everard to be
his tenants at Coughton." He felt the more anxious to go to Coughton
because Catesby had promised to come there on the 31st;[237] and he
says, "I assuredly, if they had come, had entered into the matter, and
perhaps might have hindered all." As the modern Jesuit, Father Pollen,
says, "to be able to do this he would, of course, have to ask Catesby to
allow him to open the matter, but of success in this, considering that
Catesby had of his own accord offered to tell him, he did not much
doubt, and, perhaps to make the negotiations easier, he had ordered
Greenway to be there too." The pity is that he had not "entered into the
matter" earlier. Nervous and horror-stricken, he had refused to allow
Catesby to tell him the details, when he had reason for believing a plot
to be brewing; he was tongue-tied when he afterwards met Catesby, having
heard those details in confession; yet, after being for some time at
Gothurst with Catesby, it was not until Catesby had left that he came to
the conclusion that he might, and that it was highly desirable that he
should, beg Catesby's leave to speak to him of a subject which had been
transmitted to him through the confessional, at Catesby's desire.

    [236] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 22.

    [237] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23. See also
    Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

A zealous Catholic like Sir Everard would be comforted by learning that
an envoy had been privately despatched to Rome, to explain everything to
the Pope, from the point of view of the conspirators, as soon as the
great event should have taken place. The person selected for this
purpose was Sir Edward Baynham, a member of a good Gloucestershire
family, and an intimate friend of Catesby's. He had started in
September. Unluckily for himself, Father Garnet, on hearing that Baynham
was going to Rome, as Catesby's messenger, had encouraged it,
believing,[238] "that he had procured Baynham's mission in order to
inform the Pope generally of the Plot, and that this was the reason why
he so confidently expected from his Holiness a prohibition of the whole
business." Father Garnet's approval of Baynham's mission was thus
capable of quotation, or rather misquotation, to Sir Everard Digby, and
would naturally confirm the reports of his full approval of the
conspiracy, as previously cited by Catesby.

    [238] Garnet's letters to the fathers and brethren, Palm Sunday,
    after his trial. _Antilogia_, p. 141. Jardine, p. 319.

This mission of Baynham to Rome was destined to bring trouble upon the
conspirators, Sir Everard among them. In the indictment afterwards made
against them, was the following Count.[239] "That after the destruction
of the King, the Queen, the Prince, and the Royal Issue Male, the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, the Knights and Burgesses; they should notifie
the same to Foreign States; and therefore Sir _Edmund Bayham_, an
attainted person of Treason, and stiling himself prince of the damned
crew, should be sent, and make the same known to the Pope, and crave his
aid; an Ambassador fit, both for the message and persons, to be sent
betwixt the Pope and the Devil."

    [239] _Gunpowder Treason_, p. 13.

The last week of October must have been a time of great anxiety to Sir
Everard. His companions at Gothurst appear to have been his wife and his
two little children, Mrs Vaux, her sister-in-law, Anne Vaux, and Father
Garnet. In the meantime he was making his preparations for the pretended
coursing-meeting at Dunchurch. He was arranging how the arms, armour,
and ammunition were to be conveyed in carts, covered over with other
things to conceal them, and he was getting his men and horses ready for
the start. He was also making preparations for the journey of his wife,
children, and guests to Coughton, and for this party, alone, a good many
servants and horses were required.

It is highly improbable that Catesby and the other conspirators at White
Webbs kept up communications with their friend and ally at Gothurst; so
most likely he was spared the anxiety of the news that on Saturday, the
26th, Lord Mounteagle had received, when at supper, an anonymous letter,
warning him to "devyse some exscuse" for absenting himself from the
"parleament," and to "retyere" himself into the "contri" where he might
"expect the event in safti for thoghe theare be no apparance of anni
stir yet i saye they shall receyve a terribel blowe this parleament and
yet they shall not seie who hurts them &c.";[240] and that Lord
Mounteagle[241] ordered a man in his service to read this letter then
and there before the party assembled. Most likely, too, Sir Everard did
not learn till much later that when, early in the following week,
Catesby and Winter heard of the delivery of this letter of warning, they
suspected Tresham of being its author; that, on Wednesday, the 30th,
they summoned him, after he had been down in Northamptonshire for about
a week, to come at once to White Webbs, with the full intention of
poignarding him on the spot, if they could convince themselves that he
had been guilty of writing and sending the warning, and that he denied
it, with such firmness and so many oaths, that they hesitated to
assassinate him, while still doubting his sincerity.

    [240] Lingard, Vol. vii. chap. i.

    [241] It would be beyond my sphere, nor have I the space, to go into
    the vexed question of the authorship of this letter. Nor can I here
    inquire whether Mounteagle was privy to the plot. A very
    affectionate letter from Mounteagle to Catesby is given in
    _Archæologia_, Vol. xxviii. pp. 423-4, and with it are some
    interesting remarks by Mr Bruce upon this subject. He infers from
    some, at first sight, playful words about "the ellimentes of Aier
    and fyre," and "the fyre of your spirite," that Mounteagle referred
    to the Gunpowder Plot; and he suspects that in telling Catesby that
    he "accumptes thy person the only sone that must Ripene our
    harvest," Mounteagle implies that Catesby is the chief instigator of
    the great blow that is to deliver the Catholics from persecution.
    The letter invites Catesby to meet him at Bath, and Mr Bruce says,
    "Catesby went to Bath about Michaelmas 1605, it now appears, in
    consequence of the above invitation. Percy, and, as we may conclude,
    Lord Mounteagle, met him there." This must have been either
    immediately before, or immediately after, Catesby revealed the Plot
    to Sir Everard Digby. Mr Bruce thinks before.

On Tuesday, the 29th of October, Lady Digby, her children, guests, and
servants, started for Coughton, a journey of some fifty miles. In
mentioning Coughton, it may be worth noticing how many of those whose
names are more or less connected, even indirectly, with the story of the
Gunpowder Plot were related to each other. The owner of Coughton, Thomas
Throckmorton, was a cousin both of Catesby's and of Tresham's, although
he never had anything to do with the conspiracy. He was also a cousin of
the Vaux family, his grandmother having been a daughter of a Lord Vaux
of Harrowden.

It being known that Father Garnet was to be at Coughton for All Hallows'
Eve, All Saints' Day, and All Souls' Day, many Catholics in the
neighbourhood came thither in order to attend mass and go to their
religious duties.

The feast of All-Hallows used then to be kept with some solemnity, and
it was Father Garnet's custom on such occasions to sing the mass,[242]
where it was practicable and safe to do so, and also to preach.
Lingard[243] thought that it was "plain that Garnet had acted very
imprudently at Coughton, probably had suffered expressions to escape him
which, though sufficiently obscure then, might now prove his
acquaintance with the plot; for he writes to Anne Vaux, on March 4th,
'there is some talk here of a discourse made by me or Hall; I fear it is
that which I made at Coughton.'--Autib. 144." He certainly recited the
prayer for the conversion of England, which had been authorised for that
purpose by Cardinal Allen; and, although it was used that day throughout
the world, being taken from the office of the feast,[244] his doing so
was afterwards used in evidence against him as an act of treason. The
words

  "Gentem auferte perfidam
  Credentium de finibus,
  Ut Christo laudes debitas
  Persolvamus alacriter."[245]

from a hymn in the Office, had certainly no reference to the Gunpowder
Plot.

    [242] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23.

    [243] Hist, of Eng., Vol. vii. Appendix H.H.H.

    [244] _Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 23.

    [245] See Jardine, p. 217.

On Saturday, the second of November, Sir Everard was up early,
superintending the arrangements for his start a day or two later, as
well as the putting away of valuables at Gothurst, and the closing of
the house in preparation for a long absence. Already some of his horses
and men had been sent on to Dunchurch, together with his greyhounds,
which were all-important for appearance sake.

Possibly my readers may have experienced the sensation caused by the
unexpected and very sudden arrival of a hitherto invariably welcome
friend at a moment when his presence was not exactly convenient. Now few
men, if any, were so dear to Sir Everard as Father Gerard, and he used
to be specially welcome when he occasionally rode to Gothurst early in
a morning to say a mass in its chapel; but when Sir Everard saw "his
brother," as he usually called him, riding up to Gothurst on that
particular Saturday morning, and when he was told by the Father that he
had come to say his mass in his chapel on this All Souls' Day, he
wished, for the first time, that his favourite guest had not taken it
into his head to come on that Saturday morning, "of all Saturday
mornings." He knew that all the chapel furniture, as well as the
chalices, vestments, and other necessaries for saying mass, had been
carefully hidden away, with the exception of those which had been sent
on to Dunchurch with a view to having mass said during his stay there.
Besides, everything was in a state of fuss and confusion in anticipation
of the start; and, as his family were to remain for some time at
Coughton, the house was on the point of being shut up. One reason why
the presence of Father Gerard might be particularly unwelcome just then
was that, about that time, Digby may have been superintending the "great
provision of armour and shot, which he sent before him in a cart with
some trusty servants" to Dunchurch.[246]

    [246] _Narrative of the G. P._, by Father Gerard, p.92.

When told that it would be impossible to have mass at Gothurst that
morning, Father Gerard, in addition to his expression of
disappointment--for All Souls' is a Feast upon which no priest likes to
miss saying mass--may have shown signs of embarrassment; for the
presence of a stranger prevented his asking his host the reasons. As
soon as an opportunity offered itself, Father Gerard beckoned to Sir
Everard to follow him into a room in which they would be alone.[247]
There he told him that he could not understand the sudden alteration in
the arrangements of his house, the putting away of so many things as if
a long absence was contemplated, the removal of the family to Coughton,
the preparations for a journey to Dunchurch with such an unusual number
of men and horses, and--now that he came to think of it--the sales of
land and stock, of which Sir Everard had spoken to him not long ago, as
if to raise money for some special purpose. All this, as an intimate
friend, Father Gerard was in a position to say to his so-called
"brother"; and he ventured to go further and inquire whether he "had
something in hand for the Catholic cause."

    [247] _Life of Father J. Gerard_, p. ccxxxvi.-vii.

Sir Everard's answer was "No, there is nothing in hand that I know of,
or can tell you of."

Father Gerard then replied that he had some reason to feel anxious on
the subject, as Sir Everard was much too careful a man to injure his
estate by leaving it understocked, and by selling any portion of it in
order to purchase horses, hire men, and spend money in other ways,
unless he had some great object in view for what he believed to be the
good of the Catholic cause; and, added the Father, "Look well that you
follow counsel in your proceedings, or else you may hurt both yourself
and the cause."

Ah! if some such words as these had been addressed to him by Father
Garnet at the time he first joined the conspiracy, how much misery he
might have been saved.

Perhaps Father Gerard's persistence in suspecting and implying that Sir
Everard had "something in hand," after he had avowed that he had
"nothing" may have irritated him, for he replied, with dignity: "I
respect the Catholic cause much more than my own commodity, as it should
well appear whenever I undertake anything."

Father Gerard was not to be put off in this manner, and he asked once
more, "whether there were anything to be done," and, if so, whether help
was expected from any foreign power.

Sir Everard was becoming hard pressed, and raising one finger, he
replied, "I will not adventure so much in hope thereof."

Distressed and anxious, Father Gerard then said--"I pray God you follow
counsel in your doings. If there be any matter in hand, doth Mr Walley
know of it?" Walley was the name by which Father Garnet, the Provincial
of the Jesuits, was spoken of at that time.

Digby's answer was a curious one, unless Catesby had not told him the
name of the particular Jesuit whose approval he pretended to have
obtained. "In truth, I think he doth not."

Then, said Father Gerard, "In truth, Sir Everard Digby, if there should
be anything in hand, and that you retire yourself and company into
Warwickshire, as into a place of most safety, I should think you did not
perform the part of a friend to some of your neighbours not far off, and
persons that, as you know, deserve every respect, and to whom you have
professed much friendship, that they are left behind, and have not any
warning to make so much provision for their own safety as were needful
in such a time, but to defend themselves from rogues."

Sir Everard, who must have sincerely wished that his friend had stayed
away, replied--"I warrant you it shall not need."

At this assurance Father Gerard felt rather more satisfied, and shortly
afterwards he rode away, much to the relief of his host, who at any
other time would have pressed him to remain as his guest.

Sir Everard stayed at home over the Sunday--whether he rode to some
other Catholic's house to hear Mass on that day does not appear--and on
the Monday[248] he started for Dunchurch, accompanied by his page,
William Ellis, Richard Day, "his receaver," and five servants.

    [248] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.

He can scarcely have left Gothurst in the best of spirits, as he must
have reflected that, for the first time, he had prevaricated and
dissembled, if not actually lied, to the man he considered his best
friend, the very priest who had received him into the Church; that he
had parted with him on a far from satisfactory footing, and that he had
been obliged to send him away from his house without saying Mass on a
day of such importance to all good Catholics as that devoted to the
memory of and intercession for the dead.

Besides these, he had other good reasons for depression as he rode away
from his beautiful home; he must have known that, at best, he was
starting upon a very perilous enterprise; whether it succeeded or
failed, many of his party might fall on the field in prosecuting it, if
nothing worse happened to them; and it may be that, as he caught a last
glimpse of Gothurst in the distance, the thought occurred to his mind
that he would never see it again.

The journey and his plans, however, would soon distract his thoughts.
The plot itself, too, would occupy his mind above all other subjects. In
each of the conspirators it seems to have produced a sort of
intoxication. Stow says that,[249] "being drunke with the same folly,"
Sir Everard Digby "went to the appointed hunting at Don-church."

    [249] Stow's _Annales_, p. 879.

Then there were his arms and his followers to be thought of and looked
after. It is difficult in these days to realise that, some three hundred
years ago, the servants, retainers, and to some extent the tenants, of
large landowners were expected to fight when required by their lords.
It is true that the feudal system had then almost ceased to exist; but
although vassalage had been considerably limited more than a hundred
years earlier by Henry VII., it was not abolished by statute until more
than fifty years after the time of which I am writing.

To carry ourselves back to that period, we have to imagine our
gardeners, under-gardeners, grooms, stable-helpers, gamekeepers, and
perhaps footmen, strapping on broad-swords, carrying pikes, putting on
such armour as could be provided, and going forth to possible battle,
some on foot, and some mounted on hacks, coach-horses, cart-horses, and
ponies, not a few of which would be taken up from grass for the purpose.

In this particular instance, the motley troop, with the exception of the
seven men accompanying Sir Everard, had been already sent on, ostensibly
to assist at the coursing and, perhaps, hawking, which was to take place
at Dunchurch, while some of them were to attend to the wants of the
guests. As to Sir Everard's own journey, most of his attendants rode;
but one of them, Richard Hollis, the under-cook, walked, leading the
"truncke-horse," on which his master's personal clothing was slung.[250]
This trunk, wrote Sir Everard,[251] "had in it cloathes of mine, as, a
white Sattin Dublet cut with purple, a Jerkin and Hoase of De-roy
colour sattin, laid very thicke with Gold-lace, there were other
garments in it of mine, with a new black Winter Gown of my wife's, there
was also in the trunk £300 in money."

    [250] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvii.; G. P. Book, Part II. n. 138.

    [251] Sir E. Digby's Letters, p. 172.

On reaching Dunchurch, Sir Everard took his supper alone,[252] and it is
not likely that his reflections as he did so were of the calmest or the
happiest.

    [252] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.

Now that it takes considerably less than a couple of hours to travel
from London to Rugby, it seems curious that no news of the difficulties
of the conspirators at White Webbs should have reached those at
Dunchurch; but it would have been dangerous in the extreme to have sent
a letter describing them, and neither of the principals concerned wished
to go far from London until they had seen what would happen.

Their anxiety on Wednesday, the 30th of October, had been increased by
Tresham's eagerness in urging Catesby to give up the plot, which he said
was discovered, and to leave England, promising that he should always
"live upon his purse";[253] and by his imploring Winter to begone, on
Saturday, the 2nd of November. On the Saturday or the Sunday, Winter
again met Tresham in Lincoln's Inn Walks, when the latter declared that
they were all lost men, unless they saved themselves by instant flight.
Through another source, Catesby and Winter learned, on the Sunday, that
the letter of warning which had been received by Lord Mounteagle had
been shown to the king, who considered the matter of the highest
importance, but enjoined the strictest secrecy. The leading
conspirators, therefore, were in a state of great consternation on the
Sunday, two days before the explosion was to take place. Of all this,
however, Sir Everard Digby knew nothing.

    [253] Tresham's Declaration, Nov. 13. S.P.O. Jardine's G. P., 93.

Either late on the Monday night, or early on the Tuesday morning,
several of Sir Everard's friends assembled at the Inn[254] where he was
staying, at Dunchurch; among these were Throckmorton,[255] Sir Robert
Digby of Coleshill, James Digby, George Digby, Stephen Littleton and
Humphrey Littleton. On the Tuesday morning,[256] mass was said by Father
Hart, a Jesuit, who had been a secular priest, and had been introduced
to Fathers of the Society of Jesus by Father Strange,[257] Sir Everard
Digby's own chaplain. The party, after breakfast, hunted or coursed, so
that, although the "hunting-match" was a mere cover for other designs,
it actually took place for one day.

    [254] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No. 121.

    [255] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part I. No. 108.

    [256] _Cal. Sta. Pa._, 1603-10, p. 263.

    [257] _Records of the Eng. Prov. S. J._, Series I. p. 169.

It seems that Sir Everard took opportunities of confiding to his friends
the news that a scheme was on foot for asserting the rights of
Catholics; that active measures of some sort were to be taken on their
behalf immediately in London, probably on the following day, and that
very possibly the sportsmen assembled at Dunchurch might receive a
message, summoning them to arms about Thursday or Friday; to some he
told more, and to some less, according to their dispositions and the
spirit in which they received his information.

The sportsmen naturally conversed together upon the intelligence they
had received, although a few of the more enlightened were to some extent
tongue-tied, and the whole party gradually became in an anxious and
excited state.[258] This was especially the case when they all met
together at supper at the inn after hunting, and more particularly as
they talked in groups over their tankards when supper was finished.

    [258] Jardine, p. 108.

Sir Everard Digby, his relative, Sir Robert Digby, and one of the
Littletons, withdrew from the rest of the party to play cards[259]
together in a room by themselves.

    [259] S. P. Dom. James I., Nov. 1605, Vol. xvi. No. 94.

A little distraction must have been very desirable for Sir Everard's
mind in its state of tension. As we know, he was usually an excellent
card-player, but we may doubt whether he played his best on this
occasion. He believed that the horrible catastrophe was either at that
moment taking place, had just taken place, or was to take place
immediately. Perhaps, as he sat quietly playing cards, numbers of men
whom he had known personally, or at least by sight, had just been put to
a horrible death, among them his king, who had knighted him. The poor
princes, innocent boys, might be lying beside him, dead also, crushed
and mangled. Many among the slain would be almost as innocent, so far as
any desire to injure the Catholics was concerned. Of course, Digby had
made up his mind that the explosion was a necessary and even a heroic
undertaking; but, if bloodguiltiness there were in it, he could not help
knowing that it rested on his own head. Can one help imagining that,
while he played cards, he must have devoutly wished, now that it was too
late, that he could prevent such a fearful slaughter, or that he had
never heard of or conspired in the plot? Let us hope that the game of
cards diverted such thoughts; yet who could blame him if, with such
matters on his mind, he forgot to follow suit?

At any rate, while he shuffled the cards, grim realities would be apt to
present themselves to his memory. When would he hear of the great event?
It would only take place that afternoon or evening at soonest. Dunchurch
was about eighty miles from London. Catesby would hardly despatch a
messenger until he had something definite to relate as to the result of
the catastrophe upon the minds of the populace, the officials, and the
army; so it might be almost another twenty-four hours before Digby
could receive the news; yet such an appalling massacre would be talked
about, right and left, and the intelligence would be passed on from one
place to another very rapidly; it was possible, therefore, that
tidings--most likely meagre, exaggerated, and untrustworthy
tidings--might reach Dunchurch, in some form or other, on the following
morning. As the day wore on they might, perhaps, see Rookwood himself,
or one of his servants entrusted with a letter, for he had placed relays
of horses on the road between London and Dunchurch.[260] Or Percy or
Christopher Wright might appear, as Sir Everard had sent a servant with
a couple of horses to meet them at Hockliffe.[261]

    [260] Jardine, p. 105.

    [261] _Ib._, p. 106, footnote.

But it was useless to disturb the mind as to the particular moment at
which the news could arrive; possibly there was not at present any to
send; therefore it would be wisest, Sir Everard might tell himself, to
divert his mind with his game, to go early to bed, and get a good
night's rest, so as to be fresh and ready for whatever might happen on
the following day.

Suddenly there was a sound without of many and hurried footsteps; the
door opened, and in rushed Catesby, Percy, John Wright, Christopher
Wright, Rookwood, and Winter, mud-bespattered, heavily armed, and with
grave faces. Acton and Grant came in after them.

It was clear, at a glance, that something was wrong; and Sir Everard
looked eagerly to Catesby for information. Instead of speaking, Catesby
took him by the arm and led him out of the room, saying nothing until he
had found an empty chamber, which they both entered alone.

Exactly what was said to Sir Everard by Catesby can never be known; but
what he had to tell him, if he chose to do so, was much as follows.

On the evening, or late in the afternoon, of the previous day (Monday,
November 4th), Catesby, Rookwood, John and Christopher Wright, Thomas
Winter, Percy, and Keyes, who formed the band of conspirators in and
about London, received notice from Fawkes that the cellar in which their
gunpowder was laid had just been visited by the Lord Chamberlain--the
already mentioned Earl of Suffolk, and Lord Mounteagle. Catesby and John
Wright immediately fled, and started for Dunchurch. Christopher Wright,
Rookwood, Keyes, Winter, and Percy waited in London to observe what
would happen. They hung about during the night, and at about four or
five o'clock in the morning[262] they discovered that Fawkes had been
arrested. Then Christopher Wright and Percy started for Dunchurch.

    [262] _Somer's Tracts_, Vol. ii. p. 105.

Only Rookwood, Winter, and Keyes now remained. They were staying in the
same lodging, and they determined to wait and see what the morning would
bring forth.[263] On going out early, they found the populace in a
state of great consternation and terror.[264] "The news of Fawkes's
apprehension, and exaggerated rumours of a frightful plot discovered,
were spread in every direction." Guards and soldiers protected all the
streets and roads leading to the palace, and no one, excepting
officials, was permitted to pass them. The whole town was in a state of
excitement. Keyes sprang on his horse and galloped after the other
fugitives; but Rookwood, who had taken care to place relays of horses
along the road to Dunchurch, remained longer, in order to carry the
latest news to his fellow-conspirators in Warwickshire. At ten[265]
o'clock it became evident that it would be dangerous to delay an instant
longer, so he also mounted his horse and galloped away.

    [263] A man named Tatnell deposed that "he met 2 gentlemen that
    morning near Lincoln's Inn, and one said, 'God's woundes! we are
    wonderfully besett, and all ys marred.'" S. P. Dom. James I., Vol.
    xvi.; G. P. Bk., No. 11.

    [264] Jardine, p. 105.

    [265] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvii. n. 9. See also Vol. xvi. Nos.
    11 and 13.

The last of all to fly was Thomas Winter.[266] Of his movements Catesby
could have told Sir Everard nothing; but he left London very soon after
Rookwood, and eventually joined his fellow-conspirators at Huddington.

    [266] Gardiner. _Hist. Eng._, Vol. i. p. 257.

When Rookwood had gone about three miles beyond Highgate, he overtook
Keyes, and rode with him into Bedfordshire, where Keyes took a
different road, as is conjectured by Jardine,[267] for "Lord Mordaunt's
house at Turvey, where his wife resided." Somewhere in the neighbourhood
of Brick-hill, a place not far from Fenny Stratford, Rookwood overtook
Percy, the two Wrights, and Catesby, after which these five rode
together to Ashby St Leger, Lady Catesby's place in Northamptonshire,
which was very near to Dunchurch. Roughly speaking, the course of the
fugitives had been not very wide of the route of the London and
North-Western railway from Euston to Rugby, and while all did it
quickly, Rookwood's pace was exceptionally fast, as he rode about eighty
miles between eleven in the morning and six in the evening, averaging
more than eleven miles an hour, including stoppages to change horses. He
himself stated that he[268] "rode thirty miles of one horse in two
hours," and that "Percy and John Wright cast off their cloaks and threw
them into the hedge to ride the more speedily."

    [267] _G. P._, p. 106.

    [268] _Rookwood's Examination_, Dec. 2, 1605. S.P.O. Jardine, _G.
    P._, p. 106.

The five fugitives entered Lady Catesby's house just as she and her
party, which included Robert Winter and Acton, were sitting down to
supper. The news of the arrest of Fawkes and the failure of the main
design having been announced by the new arrivals, who, as Jardine says,
were[269] "fatigued and covered with dirt,"--Father Gerard, again, in
describing their ride, writes of[270] "the foulness of the winter
ways"--no time was lost over the hurried meal, during which a short
conference took place, ending in a decision that the whole party should
ride off immediately to Dunchurch, taking with them all the arms that
were in the house.

    [269] P. 108.

    [270] _Narrative G. P._, p. 106.




CHAPTER XI.


It is to be lamented that Catesby, not content with giving an account of
the failure of the plot to Sir Everard Digby, added to it a lie. In his
examination,[271] Digby stated that Catesby "told him that now was the
time for men to stirre in the Catholick cause, for though the sayd Ro.
Katesbie had bin disappointed of his first intention, yet there was such
a pudder bredd in the State by _y{e} death of the King and the Earle of
Salisburie_, as if true Catholiques would now stirre, he doubted not but
they might procure to themselves good conditions. Wherefore by all the
bondes of frendshippe to him self and all which that cause might require
at this examt{s}. handes, he urged this exam{t}. to proceede in that
businesse as him self and all that companie would do, and as he had
great assurance all other Catholiques in those parts would do the like:
telling me that there were two gentlemen in the companie, naming the
Littletons, that would bring 1000 men the next day."

    [271] S.P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. No. 94.

The King and Lord Salisbury both killed, and a promise of a thousand men
from one family alone!

This was something to start with, even though the parliament had not
been destroyed; and in the general "pudder" that had been "bredd," the
Catholics might possibly succeed in obtaining good terms, if not the
reins of government. So was Sir Everard persuaded by Catesby, who was
not only a traitor to his country, but a deceiver of his friends.

The conspirators assumed that their names would be soon, if not already,
known to the Government, as Fawkes would almost certainly be tortured
until he revealed them; and, brave as he was, there was no saying
whether he would be able to withstand the temptations of putting an end
to his agonies on the rack by giving the names of his employers and
accomplices.

Besides all this, Catesby pretended that their case was by no means
hopeless. No Catholics were more discontented with the Government than
those in Wales and the English counties which bordered on it; few,
again, as a body, were more powerful. Let the party at Dunchurch,
therefore, start at once, said Catesby, with their servants and
retainers, ride through Warwickshire and Worcestershire into Wales,
rallying the Catholic gentry with their followers to their standard as
they went along; and, so soon as they should be in considerable numbers,
let them proclaim a general insurrection of the Catholics of England.
Were it once to be known that a Catholic army was established in the
West, others would certainly be raised in different parts of the
country.

One man of power and influence he felt sure he could count upon: this
was Talbot[272] of Grafton--a place not far from Coughton. Talbot was a
zealous Catholic; he was heir presumptive to the Earldom of Shrewsbury;
and his wife was a daughter of the Sir William Petre who had been
Secretary of State to Queen Mary. He would be the more likely to join
them, as he had suffered imprisonment and penalties for his religion
under Elizabeth. Another reason for hoping for his adherence was the
fact that his son-in-law, Robert Winter, was already one of the sworn
conspirators, and had slept at his house only two nights earlier. Percy
also came in and said that he was certain "all forces in those parts
about Mr Talbot would assist" them. This assurance evidently weighed
considerably with Sir Everard; for he afterwards wrote[273]:--"We all
thought if we could procure Mr Talbot to rise that ... that was not
little, because we had in our Company his Son-in-Law, who gave us some
hope of, and did not much doubt of it."

    [272] S.P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. No. 94.

    [273] _Papers or Letters of Sir E. Digby_, n. 9.

Of one thing there could be no sort of question; if action was to be
taken at all, it must be taken at once, and without the delay of a
moment: time was everything; the rapid journey of the conspirators from
London was already much in their favour, and this advantage would be
thrown away if there were to be any dallying or indecision. Grafton,
Talbot's place, was about five and twenty miles from where they were
then standing, and it would be of the utmost importance to reach it, or
send an envoy there, early the next morning.

Before condemning Digby for proceeding further, now that the main plot
had failed, we must remember that he had sworn to be faithful to the
conspiracy, and that, in their present straits, it might have been as
much as his life was worth to refuse to go on with Catesby and his
fellows. We have seen how narrowly Tresham escaped Catesby's dagger.

There were others, however, not bound by any oath or promise, whose
immediate support was required. The so-called hunting-party assembled at
the inn must needs be enlisted in the service. Scraps of the terrible
news had already been passed from one to the other; for many, if not
most of them, were well acquainted with the fugitives from London, and
were eagerly questioning them concerning particulars. Digby and Catesby
found the party in a state of great excitement when they went to summon
them formally to join in the insurrection.

To the surprise of Sir Everard Digby and the disgust of Catesby, instead
of rallying as one man to the call to arms, almost as one man they
refused, with horror, to have anything whatever to do with an enterprise
which had begun with an attempt at wholesale massacre, and promised to
end in the hanging, drawing, and quartering of all who had a share in
it.

Sir Everard's own uncle, Sir Robert Digby,[274] was the very first to
charge the conspirators with being a band of traitors, and to order his
men and horses to be got ready for immediate departure. With scarcely
any exceptions, the other guests followed his example, not only
condemning the treason, but also reproaching the traitors with having
gravely injured the Catholic cause. To join in a legitimate warfare,
even a civil warfare, was one thing; to acquiesce in an attempted
murder, a murder on a gigantic scale, and to endeavour to profit by the
terror brought about by that attempted murder, was quite another. And
besides all this; if they complained of having been invited to hunt and
hawk at Dunchurch on false pretences, who could blame them? No doubt
they were very angry. Besides, they were but mortal, and to be suddenly
disturbed and required to decide hastily upon a most serious question,
involving immediate action, is more disagreeable during the process of
digestion, just after the principal meal of the day, than at any other
time; and as the country squires, who had come to Dunchurch to enjoy
good sport, scrambled into their uncleaned, and very likely but
half-dried riding-clothes, and went out into the dark, damp night, to
mount their horses for long, dreary journeys over bad roads towards
their homes, they cannot have felt in the best of tempers.

    [274] He afterwards "assisted in taking prisoners" of some of the
    conspirators. S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi.; G. P. Bk., n. 142.

It may be worth noticing here, that Sir Robert was not the only member
of the Digby family who gave the Government assistance in respect to the
Gunpowder Plot.[275] "Lord Harrington, who had the care of the Princess
Elizabeth, having received some intimation of an attempt to seize her,
immediately sent up John Digby, a younger son of Sir George Digby, to
court, with an account of all he knew; where the young gentleman told
the tale so well as to acquire thereby the King's good graces, who not
long after knighted, employed him in long negotiation in Spain, and Sep.
15th, 1622, created him Earl of Bristol. His son was the famous George
Digby, &c." Accordingly, if the Gunpowder Plot marred the fortunes of
one branch of the Digby family, it made those of another!

    [275] _Biographia Britannica_, Vol. iii. p. 184.

Sir Everard was as much astonished as he was dispirited at finding that
the "powder-action," far from being approved of, was repudiated with
horror by the friends whom he had assembled at Dunchurch. He had
expected them to have looked at the matter in a very different light. He
can scarcely have failed now to see that, even if the plot had
succeeded, the Catholics, as a body, would have condemned it, and
refused to profit by it. Still he was weak enough to yield to Catesby's
urgent requests to proceed with the insurrection and to endeavour to
raise forces in Warwickshire, Worcestershire, and Wales.

The band of conspirators, with the very few friends who chose to stay
with them, then held a council of war; they were "prepared to stand in
Armes and raise rebellion,"[276] and they determined to start at once on
their journey, so as to enlist Mr Talbot to their support, as early as
possible on the morrow, and give him the whole day to rally his numerous
retainers round the standard of the little army of traitors and would-be
murderers.

    [276] Stow's _Annales_, p. 880.

Although five of the party had just ridden eighty miles at considerable
speed, they swung themselves into the saddle again for a long night's
march. Even if the whole hunting-party had remained there would not have
been a large body of horsemen; in all the number present at Dunchurch
was only eighty;[277] but some of the friends who had refused to have
anything to do with the expedition were influential men, who could soon
have raised substantial troops, even from among their own retainers. The
party that actually started from Dunchurch under the command of the
conspirators, according to Sir Everard Digby,[278] "were not above
fiftie horse."

    [277] Examination of J. Fowes, S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. n. 19.
    Letter enclosed from the Sheriff and Justices of Warwickshire.

    [278] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Bk., Part II. n. 135. H.

It was a wretched little cavalcade: if it had anything military about
it, it was more of a recruiting party than an army, and its stealthy
creeping forth from the inn, that November night, in darkness and
dejection, was very different from the triumphant dash of the entire
"hunting-party" upon Combe Abbey, to seize the Princess Elizabeth and
take her from the keeping of Lord Harington, which had been laid down in
the programme. The discovery of the plot, the arrest of Fawkes, and the
seizure of the gunpowder was bad enough; and now, the refusal of the
trusted, influential, and powerful Catholic landowners who had been
assembled at Dunchurch to have hand or part in what they considered a
detestable rebellion, added ten-fold to the disappointment of Sir
Everard and his companions.

The road of the rebels lay through Warwick, and it was remembered that
there, in the stable of a poor horse-breaker of cavalry re-mounts, they
would be able to supply themselves with fresh horses. Even two of the
leading conspirators--I wish I could say that Sir Everard Digby had been
one of them--winced at this act of felony! Rookwood, as he subsequently
admitted in examination,[279] "meant not to adventure himself in
stealing any" horses, as he had already fifteen or sixteen; and Robert
Winter[280] tried to persuade Catesby "to let it alone, alleging that it
would make a great uproar in the country, and that once done," they
"might not rest anywhere, the country would so rise about" them.

    [279] Jardine, p. 111, footnote.

    [280] S. P., Robert Winter's Confession, 21 Jan, 1605-6.

Catesby's reply was ominous. "Some of us may not look back."

"But others," said Winter, "I hope, may, and therefore, I pray you, let
this alone."

Then Catesby spoke words in ill accordance with those which he had used
to encourage Digby before leaving Dunchurch. "What! hast thou any hope,
Robin? I assure thee there is none that knoweth of this action but shall
perish."

On reaching Warwick, they left the trunk-horses with their
attendants[281] at the entrance to the town, in case their intended raid
should lead to any scrimmage or retaliation; and then they proceeded to
the horse-breakers' stable and stole nine or ten horses. This took about
half-an-hour, and when the robbery had been accomplished, they sent back
for the trunk-horses and proceeded on their night-journey.

    [281] See the examination of Richard Hollis, S. P. Gunpowder
    Treason, 1605, Part II. No. 138.

It was not far from Warwick to Norbrook, the house of John Grant, one of
the conspirators. Here they made a brief halt, and, on entering the
hall, they found two tables furnished with muskets and armour.[282]
After taking a very short rest--William Handy, one of Sir Everard's
servants, says half-an-hour;[283] but Jardine says an hour or two,[284]
and Richard Hollis, a servant of Sir Everard's, says, "some
howres,"[285]--the cavalcade again started on its dark nocturnal march.
The intention of its leaders was to ride to Huddington, near Droitwich,
the house of Robert Winter; and on the way thither, to send a messenger
a little to the right of their road, with a letter to Father Garnet at
Coughton, explaining the desperate position in which they were placed.
On arriving at Huddington, their host was to be sent to his
father-in-law, Talbot of Grafton, to inform him of all that had
happened, and to urge him to join the insurrection with as many men as
he could muster.

    [282] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No. 121.

    [283] _Ib._

    [284] P. 111.

    [285] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No. 138.

Some time after sunrise, which does not take place at that time of the
year till after seven o'clock, they drew near Alcester, and despatched
their messenger to Coughton. The man chosen was Catesby's servant,
Thomas Bates, the only menial who was a sworn conspirator. Besides the
letter to Father Garnet, he was entrusted with one for Lady Digby,
written by her husband.

The most trying part of Sir Everard Digby's long and gloomy ride must
have been to pass within a couple of miles of his wife and children, as
he went through Alcester in the early morning, without going to see
them. Well-horsed, as he was, it might almost appear that he could have
made time to visit them for at least a few minutes, and then ridden on
to Huddington, where the expedition was to make a long halt. Did he
hesitate to go to Coughton through fear of Catesby, or was he afraid to
trust himself in the presence of his wife?

When Bates arrived at Coughton, he was taken at once to Father Garnet,
who was in the hall,[286] and he handed the letter to the priest, who
opened it and read it in silence.

    [286] For accounts of Bates's visit to Coughton, see Bates's
    Examination, Jan. 13, 1605-6; Hall's Confession, Mar. 6, 1605-6; and
    Jardine's G. P., pp. 167-8.

I will give Father Garnet's own description[287] of this letter, which
"was subscribed by Sir E. Digby and Catesbye." "The effect of this
letter was to excuse their rashness, and required my assistance in
Wales, and persuade me to make a party, saying that if I had
scrupulosity or desire to free myself or my Order from blame and let
them now perish, I should follow after myselfe and all Catholics."

    [287] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xviii. n. 87; Exam. of H. Garnet,
    Feb. 13, 1605-6. See Records S. J., Vol. iv. p. 146.

While Father Garnet was reading the letter, Father Greenway came in and
asked what was the matter. Thereupon Father Garnet read the letter in
the hearing of Bates, and said to Greenway, "They would have blown up
the Parliament House, and were discovered and we all utterly undone."
Father Greenway replied that in that case "there was no tarrying for
himself and Garnet." Then Bates begged Father Greenway to go with him
to Catesby, his master, if he really wished to help him. Father Greenway
answered that he "would not forbear to go unto him though it were to
suffer a thousand deaths, but that it would overthrow the state of the
whole society of the Jesuits' order."

When Father Garnet had read the letter to Father Greenway, the latter
exclaimed, "All Catholics are undone."

Father Garnet, in an intercepted letter, gives a pathetic account of the
effect of her husband's letter upon Lady Digby.[288] "My Lady Digby
came. What did she? Alas! what, but cry."

    [288] "Father Garnet and the Gunpowder Plot," Pollen, p. 23.

He tells us, too, the answer which he gave to the messenger, Bates.
"That I marvelled they would enter into such wicked actions and not be
ruled by the advice of friends and order of His Holiness generally given
to all, and that I could not meddle but wished them to give over, and if
I could do anything in such a matter (as I neither could nor would) it
were in vain now to attempt it."

Then the two fathers drew aside and talked together for half-an-hour,
while Bates walked up and down the hall. After this, Father Greenway
went to prepare himself for his journey, and presently came out with
Bates, mounted a horse, and rode with him to Huddington in order to see
his penitent, Catesby.

Father Greenway's riding companion was not only one of the
conspirators, but had helped[289] "in making provision of their powder."
He confessed in prison the whole matter of his having been sent by
Catesby, his master, with a letter to Father Garnet at Coughton, and
that Father Greenway had accompanied him from that house to Huddington
in order to visit Catesby.

    [289] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, Gerard, p. 84.

We must return to Sir Everard, as he rode from Alcester to Huddington.
One of his servants, named Hardy, came up to him, during this part of
his journey, and asked him[290] what was to become "of him and the rest
of his poore servants," who, as he pitifully protested, had not been
"privy to this bloudy faction." Such a question, although it did not
savour of mutiny, showed an inclination to defection, and must have
added considerably to his master's discouragement. The answer which he
gave to it was as follows:--"I believe you were not;" _i.e._, privy to
the plot; "but now there is no remedy." The servant then let out that it
was not solely on his own account that he had asked the question; for he
went on to implore his master to yield himself to the king's mercy;
whereupon Sir Everard said sharply that he would permit no servant to
utter such words in his presence.

    [290] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. No. 121.

Catesby and his band of warriors, brigands, horse-stealers, professors
of physical force, or whatever else the reader may please to call them,
reached Huddington about two o'clock on the Wednesday afternoon.[291]
The first thing they did was to place sentinels round the house,[292]
which was rendered suitable for defence by its moat.[293] Then they
proceeded to take their first long rest, that is to say, until early on
the following morning, a sorely needed period of refreshment and repose,
especially for those who had ridden the whole way from London. Where so
large a party can have been entertained and lodged at Huddington, it is
difficult to understand, as the house, which is now used as a farm, rich
as it is in carved oak, is not, and probably never was, a large one.

    [291] The G. P., Jardine, p. 111.

    [292] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, Part II. n. 121.

    [293] "The mansion-house, which is moated round, but now in a very
    ruinous condition, having been much neglected ever since the
    gunpowder treason in 1606, in which plot the Winters were deeply
    concerned." _Nash's Worcestershire_, Vol. i. p. 592.

During the first few hours of their stay, however, the leading
conspirators were awaiting the return of the envoy from Grafton with too
much anxiety to be able to sleep or take their ease. Almost everything
hung upon the reply of Talbot. The assistance of the large number of men
and horses which it was in his power to supply was of the utmost
importance at that very critical moment, and on his influence and
example might depend the attitude of all the Catholic gentry in
Worcestershire, as well as in several of the counties adjoining it.

Just as it was beginning to grow dark, two horsemen rode up to the door
of Huddington, and the ambassadors, Robert Winter and Stephen Littleton,
entered the house. Sir Everard Digby and Catesby eagerly went up to them
and asked the result of their embassy; but, before they had had time to
reply, it was evident from the expression of their faces that they
brought bad news. On reaching Grafton, said Winter, they found that the
report of the Gunpowder Plot and its failure had arrived there before
them. Their approach had been observed, perhaps watched for, and, as
they rode up to the curious "L"-shaped house, with its gothic chapel at
one end of it, Sir John Talbot himself stood at its arched doorway,[294]
with a frown upon his countenance.[295] As soon as they were within
earshot, he forbade them to enter his house. He then told them that he
had already heard of the plot, which he condemned in the strongest
terms, together with all that had been, or were, connected with it,
whether personal friends of his own or otherwise. He was a very zealous
Catholic, and he regarded the whole conspiracy as one of the worst evils
that could possibly have befallen the Catholics of England, since it
would bring scandal upon their very name, and increase the persecutions
which they suffered.

    [294] "Like the gateway of the schools of Oxford, but of much more
    antient date." _Nash's Worcestershire_, Vol. i. p. 258.

    [295] Possibly he may have remembered that a former owner of
    Grafton, Sir Humphrey Stafford, had been executed at Tyburn for
    treason, rather more than a century earlier.

When Robert Winter not only defended the plot but urged Sir John to
join the band of Catholics who intended to make a struggle for their
freedom, his father-in-law threatened that, although he was a Catholic,
a neighbour, and his son-in-law, he would have him arrested if he did
not make off as quickly as his horse's legs could carry him.[296]

    [296] The greater part of Grafton was burned down about 1710.
    _Nash_, Vol. i. p. 158.

As soon as Robert Winter had finished his story, the conspirators were
plunged into the deepest dejection. Not one of them would be more
depressed by the bad news than Sir Everard Digby. The rest were all more
or less of a wild adventurous spirit, and probably had realised sooner
than he to what a desperate issue the conspiracy had already arrived;
but Sir Everard had been deceived by Catesby into believing the king and
Salisbury to be dead, and until now he had clung to the hope that the
best Catholics in England, when they heard of what had been attempted,
would unite with himself and his companions in a holy war. Sir John
Talbot was the type of Catholic by whose side he had hoped to fight for
the faith, a man full of zeal and unflinching energy for the Catholic
cause, as well as an honourable English gentleman. It was chiefly on the
guarantee of his adherence and assistance, too, that Sir Everard had
consented to Catesby's entreaties to ride away from Dunchurch with the
rest of the conspirators, and attempt to raise the Catholics against
the Government; and now Sir John Talbot repudiated Sir Everard, his
friends, and his actions.

A more gloomy party than that at Huddington can rarely have been
assembled at an English country house. The hostess, Robert Winter's
wife, was indeed to be pitied. In her presence there was[297] "no talk
of rebellion," as she afterwards declared; but she must have known what
was going forward, and have learned something of the disastrous failure
of the appeal to her father, whose censure of her husband must have
caused her the greatest pain. A few weeks later she was made to endure
the distress of an examination before officials on the subject.[298]

    [297] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 245.

    [298] S. P. Gunpowder Plot Book, n. 43.

In the course of the day, Father Greenway came to Huddington with
Catesby's servant, Thomas Bates. Sir Everard does not appear to have
seen him, for he wrote[299]:--"They said Mr Greenway came to Huddington
when we were there and had speech of Mr" [probably Catesby], "but I told
them it was more than I took note of, and that I did not know him very
well."

    [299] _Sir E. D.'s Letters_, paper 3.

Catesby, however, received Father Greenway with delight. On first seeing
him, he exclaimed that "Here at least was a gentleman who would live and
die with them."[300] But Greenway seems to have paid them a very short
visit; and he was evidently commissioned by Catesby to go to a
neighbouring landlord and enlist him to the cause; for he rode away the
same afternoon to Henlip, or Hindlip,[301] a house about four miles off,
belonging to Thomas Abington, or Habingdon, a man famed for his
hospitality to priests flying from persecution. On arriving at Hindlip,
Father Greenway told Abington that he had[302] "brought them the worst
newes that ever they hade, and sayd they were all undone"; that "ther
were certayne gentlemen that meant to have blown upp the Parliament
house, and that ther plot was discovered a day or two before, and now
ther were gathered together some forty horse at Mr Wynter's house,
meaning Catesbye, Percye, Digby, and others, and tould them," _i.e._,
Abington and his household, "their throates would be cutt unlesse they
presently wente to joyne with them." Abington replied, "Alas, I am
sorye;" but he said that he[303] "would never ioyne with them in that
matter, and chardged all his house to that purpose not to goe unto
them."

    [300] Exam. of Bates, 13 Jan. 1606; G. P. Book, Gardiner's _Hist.
    Eng._, Declaration of Morgan, 10 Jan.; G. P. Book; Vol. i. p. 260.

    [301] A very curious house, said to have been built by John
    Habington, cofferer to Queen Elizabeth. _Nash's Worcestershire_,
    Vol. i. p. 585. This house has been pulled down, and a large modern
    mansion has been built in its place by the Allsopp family, the head
    of which, Lord Hindlip, takes his title from it.

    [302] G. P. Book, Vol ii. n. 197. Exam. of Oldcorne, Mar. 6, 1605,
    [6].

    [303] Nevertheless, Abington was condemned to death, because Father
    Garnet was found in his house, a few weeks later. He was eventually
    reprieved; but his lands and goods were forfeited. See _Narrative of
    the G. P._, Gerard, p. 268. He was "confined to Worcestershire on
    account of the Gunpowder Treason Plot," and became "The first
    Collector of Antiquities for that County. Died Oct. 1647, aged 87."
    _Nash's Worcestershire_, Vol i. Illustrations to p. 588. His wife,
    sister to Lord Mounteagle, "is supposed to have wrote the letter
    which discovered the Gunpowder Treason Plot;" _ib._

Father Oldcorne, another Jesuit, was present at Hindlip[304] when this
interview took place, and he also assured Father Greenway that[305] he
would have nothing to do with the conspiracy or the insurrection. As we
shall have little, if anything, more to do with Father Greenway, it may
be worth observing here that he escaped from England[306] in "a small
boat laden with dead pigs, of which cargo he passed as the owner," and
that he lived thirty years afterwards. A ridiculous story was reported
from Naples, in 1610, by Sir Edwin Rich, that Father Greenway (alias
Beaumont) was plotting to send King James some poisoned clothes, which
would be death to the wearer.[307]

    [304] Father Garnet was finally arrested at Hindlip, with several
    others. In their hiding-place their "maintenance had been by a quill
    or reed, through a whole in the chimney that backed another chimney
    into the gentlewoman's chamber, and by that passage cawdles, broths,
    and warm drinks had been conveyed in unto them." Ashmole MSS., Vol.
    804, fol. 93, quoted by Nash, Vol. i. p. 586.

    [305] Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 268.

    [306] _Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers_, by Father John Morris,
    S. J., First Series, pp. 143-4.

    [307] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. lvii. n. 92.

While at Huddington, Sir Everard and most of the other conspirators
probably went to confession to Father Hart, the priest who had said mass
for them at Dunchurch; for he was afterwards "charged with having heard
the confessions and absolved the conspirators, two days after the
discovery of the Plot,"[308] and this is confirmed by Sir Everard's
servant, Handy, who said[309] "that on Thursday morning about three of
the clock all the said companie as servaunts as others heard masse,
receaved the sacrament and were confessed, w{ch}. masse was said by a
priest named Harte, a little man, whitely complexion and a little
beard." If the conspirators really made full confessions with true
sorrow for their terrible sins, on this occasion, nothing could have
been better or more opportune. If not,--well, the less said the better!
The same witness stated that on that Thursday morning, at about six
o'clock, Sir Everard, who had had four fresh horses sent to him from
Coughton,[310] and the rest of the party were again in the saddle, and
the whole band started in a northerly direction for Whewell Grange, a
house belonging to Lord Windsor, having added to the procession "a cart
laden w{th}. trunckes, pikes, and other munition," from Huddington. On
their way towards Whewell Grange "four of the principall gent."[311]
rode in front of the procession, and four behind it "to kepe the company
from starting away," _i.e._, deserting.

    [308] _Records S. J._, Series I., p. 173.

    [309] S. P. Gunpowder Treason, Part II. No. 121.

    [310] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Bk., Part II. No. 135, D.

    [311] _Ib._

They reached Lord Windsor's house,[312] about noon, and all dismounted,
"saving some fewe whoe sate on their horses to watch whoe should come
unto the howse." They then made their second raid. It was not for
horses, as at Warwick; this time they sought for arms and armour, of
which there was a large store at Whewell Grange. They appear to have met
with no resistance, from which we may infer that, to use a modern and
vulgar phrase, "the family were from home." When they had all armed
themselves, they put the remainder into a cart, while they filled
another with a quantity of powder. These two carts then formed part of
the procession. Sir Everard Digby can scarcely have failed to feel shame
at the plunder of Whewell Grange. What had Lord Windsor done that his
house should be pillaged? He had served his country as a sailor, and he
eventually became a Rear Admiral of the Fleet. Why should his things be
taken feloniously from his home during his absence? His father had died
only seven months earlier, and the funeral hatchment was most likely
hanging over the doorway when these thieves entered. While the robbers
were ransacking the house--I fear that Sir Everard Digby was among
them--some of the neighbouring peasants and villagers came up, out of
curiosity, to see what was going on. As he came out of the
house, Catesby saw from twenty to thirty of them standing
about.[313]

    [312] Whewell, or Hewell Grange, had belonged to the Abbey of
    Bordesley, and had been given, soon after the dissolution of the
    monasteries, to Sir Andrew Windsor by Hen. VIII. in exchange for the
    manor of Stanwell in Middlesex. A new house was built at Whewell
    about 1712. "Here is a pleasant park having hills gently swelling,
    and a lake of clear water measuring above 30 acres." _Nash's
    Worcestershire_, Vol ii. p. 423.

    [313] Thomas Maunder's Examination, Nov. 1605, and Ellis's
    Examination, Nov. 21, 1605. S. P. Dom. James I., Gunpowder Plot Bk.,
    n. 62 and 108.

"Will you come with us?" said he.

"Maybe we would, if we knew what you mean to do," was the reply.

"We are for God and the country!" said Catesby.

Then one of the men, who was leaning with his back against a wall,
struck the ground with his stick and cried, "We are for the King James,
as well as for God and the country, and we will not go against his
will."

And now, with their arms, armour, gunpowder, and horses, which had been
for the most part begged, borrowed, or stolen, the little party of
filibusters started again, in a northerly direction, towards Holbeche
House, Stephen Littleton's place in Staffordshire. Although more
soldierlike in appearance, owing to their armour--their want now was not
of armour, but of men to wear it--they felt much less martial at heart
than on leaving Dunchurch two days earlier. They were greatly
discouraged at finding that no volunteers rallied to their ranks; that,
when they rode up to the houses of any of the Catholic gentry, they were
invariably driven with reproaches and ignominy from their doors as the
greatest enemies of the Catholic cause, which they were told they had
brought into disrepute by their misguided and iniquitous zeal.

[314] "Notwithstanding of their fair shews and pretence of their
Catholick cause," says Bishop Barlow, "no creature, man or woman,
through all that countrey would once so much as give them willingly a
cup of drink, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations
detested them." This not only chilled the hearts of the leaders, but
also alarmed their followers, who saw them leaving one large Catholic
house after another crestfallen in expression and without a single
recruit in their train. To add to their depression, the roads were bad,
and in many places deep with mud, and the weather was stormy and very
wet.[315] Instead of increasing, as Sir Everard and his friends had
hoped and expected, their numbers steadily diminished, and they were
soon reduced to thirty-six or less.[316] Their men still further lagged
behind and disappeared, and the leaders of the expedition threatened
those who remained that the next man who attempted to desert should be
instantly shot. When they rested, Sir Everard and his companions took it
in turn to watch their men with a loaded pistol, determined to make an
example of the first deserter they could get a shot at. When they rode
on, they endeavoured to be equally vigilant; but with such a straggling,
wearied, undisciplined cavalcade, in a wooded country like
Worcestershire, on a dark and misty November afternoon, it was
impossible to prevent men from sneaking away unperceived, and the
desertions hourly continued.

    [314] _Gunpowder Treason_, p. 67.

    [315] Jardine, 112.

    [316] Gardiner's Hist. Eng., Vol. i. p. 261.

Sir Everard's spirits drooped more and more. "Not one man came to take
our part, though we expected so many,"[317] he says. As to the common
people in the villages and the small towns through which the irregular
train passed, they merely stood and gazed at them without showing the
least inclination to join them.

    [317] Digby's Examination. S.P.O. James I. Dom., 2 Dec. 1605.

In the course of the day (Thursday, Nov. 7th), Sir Everard and his
allies had a fresh cause of anxiety. On looking back, one of them
descried a small body of horsemen in the distance. Filled with hope,
thinking that it consisted of Catholics from the neighbourhood coming to
join them, they halted, to enable the riders to come up, but, to their
disappointment, the other party pulled up also. This was suspicious, and
still more so when the mysterious group moved slowly after them on their
starting again. Evidently the horsemen in their rear were watching their
movements with no friendly intentions. To the conspirators, their
distant but ever following figures must have produced sensations not
unlike those caused to worn-out travellers by the appearance of vultures
in the desert. So long as it was light, they kept catching occasional
glimpses of them, and, worst of all, the band of "shadowers" was
increasing in numbers and venturing nearer and nearer. The conspirators
and their followers were not in actual flight; indeed, they professed to
be recruiting for their "army"; but they were none the less steadily, if
slowly, pursued by a body of horsemen exceeding their own in numbers,
though not so well armed.

It would be difficult to imagine anything more wretched than the little
band of conspirators as they wended their way through the Warwickshire,
Worcestershire, and Staffordshire lanes and villages. Fagged and haggard
were the men, on jaded and weary steeds, and their helmets, pikes, and
pistols gave them an almost comical appearance of martial masquerade.
The cart-loads of unused armour and weapons were terribly suggestive of
failure, and the conspirators' appeals to the able-bodied men, who stood
gazing at them from the doors of wayside inns and from village
cross-roads, were met either with insult, laughter, or stolid
indifference.

To a man like Sir Everard Digby, who had been accustomed to meet with
respect, honour, and deference wherever he went, all this must have been
exceptionally galling, and it would be made the more bitter by his
observing that several of his companions were passing through a part of
the country where they were well known and once honoured. He had
expected to be received with cheers and enthusiasm at every Catholic
house on his route for his attempt to better the condition of his
co-religionists, and to see squires, yeomen, and peasants either
hurrying to horse and to arms, or imploring for a headpiece and a sword
or halberd from the store in the waggons of the little train; and what
did he find?--the door of every Catholic house shut against him, or only
opened for an out-pouring of reproaches and repudiations; the Catholics,
from the highest to the lowest, shaking their heads at him and bidding
him begone; and his carts of arms, armour, and gunpowder eyed with
anger, scorn, and derision. Instead of regarding him as the best friend
of their cause, the Catholic squires treated him as if he were its worst
enemy; and, as they turned their backs upon himself and his friends and
his followers, they gave him to understand that they considered the
"powder-action," which he protested was intended for the relief of the
professors of the ancient faith, one of the most madly-conceived,
iniquitous, and prejudicial projects ever undertaken by people bearing
the name of Christians.

When we think of Sir Everard Digby accoutred and armed as if he were the
leader of an army numbered by thousands, but actually surrounded by
little more than a couple of dozen bedraggled and disheartened horsemen,
all heavily, indeed over-armed, yet weary and unmilitary-looking to the
last degree, himself haggard and anxious in countenance, yet vainly
endeavouring to keep up a martial, knightly, and prosperous bearing,
under conditions that rendered any such attempt ridiculous, we are
inevitably reminded of that famous character of fiction, Don Quixote de
la Mancha.




CHAPTER XII.


Much time had been lost on the Thursday afternoon, in going hither and
thither, on either side of the route, in the vain hope of persuading the
Catholic knights and squires, who lived in the neighbourhood, to join
the insurgents; even after dark Digby and his allies continued these
fruitless endeavours, in defiance of the band of horsemen that was
dogging their footsteps at some distance in the rear; and it was nearly
ten o'clock at night[318] before the rapidly diminishing and draggled
party reached its destination at Holbeche House, the home of Stephen
Littleton.

    [318] S. P. Gunpowder Treason, Part I. n. 108; Exam. of Wm. Ellis,
    20 Nov. 1605.

Holbeche was a large and handsome Elizabethan mansion[319] standing a
little way over the South Border of Staffordshire; about four miles to
the north of Stourbridge, and a trifle less to the West of Dudley, on
what are now the outskirts of the great coal and iron district known as
the "black country." It was a relief to find a resting-place of any
sort; and, if the sensations of the conspirators and their followers had
much in common with wild beasts tracked to their lairs, or foxes run to
ground, they were, at any rate, within walls which would afford them a
temporary protection, and enable them to take a little of the rest and
refreshment which they now so much required.

    [319] Jardine's G.P., p. 70.

They had not, however, much leisure for repose. They may have learned
that the ominous band of horsemen, which had persistently shadowed their
progress, had consisted of Sir Richard Walsh, the Sheriff of
Worcestershire, a number of country gentlemen who had rallied to his
assistance, and a _posse comitatus_. Although no enemy was any longer in
sight, they knew that their position had been ascertained, that spies
were probably on the watch for any attempted movement on their part, and
that they were to all intents and purposes besieged. Worn out as they
were with fatigue and anxiety, they set to work, therefore, to prepare
the house to withstand an assault,[320] and spent most of the night thus
occupied; so they cannot have had much sleep.

    [320] Jardine, p. 114.

At last Sir Everard Digby had completely lost heart. Worse still, he
felt that he had been deceived. "He began to suspect that" the stories
which Catesby and Percy had told him of the assistance which Talbot and
the Littletons would bring, were not so much mistakes as untruths
"devised to engage him in theyr desperate cases."[321] During the night
he still cherished the hope that some strong forces might come to their
aid, a hope which he would hardly have entertained unless it had been
encouraged by Catesby and the other conspirators; but when the day began
to dawn and it was evident there were no "succors coming thyther," he
"discryed the falshood of it."

    [321] S. P. Dom. James I., Nov. 1605, Vol. 16. n. 94.

Whether he informed Catesby of his determination to throw up the whole
undertaking does not appear. He may have made the excuse of going away
to try to raise men for their help, or of ascertaining whether there
were any symptoms of an approaching attack from without. To proclaim
himself a deserter from the cause to Catesby would have been to risk a
dangerous interview, in which the clinking of swords or the crack of a
pistol would be likely to be heard above the interchange of bitter
words; and judging from Catesby's and Winter's intentions in a certain
interview with Tresham, it was more than possible that a sudden stab
with a dagger might have given a practical demonstration of Catesby's
opinion of renegades.

"About daie light,"[322] on the Friday morning, he sent his page,
William Ellis, and another of his servants, named Michael Rapior, on
before him, and presently followed them, accompanied by the rest of his
men, with the deliberate intention "to have yealded him self," and I
cannot but suspect that he did so without telling Catesby.

    [322] S. P. Gunpowder Treason, 1605, I. n. 108; W. Ellis.

He overtook Ellis and Rapior within a mile of Holbeche, and, telling
his servants how desperate he believed their case to be, he made them
all a present of their horses and whatever money belonging to him they
happened to have upon them; he then freed them from his service and
advised them to make their escape as best they could.[323] William Ellis
and one other, however, "said they would never leave him, but against
their will." Sir Everard made up his mind to go to "Sir Foulk Greville"
and surrender himself, and he began to ask everybody whom he met on the
road the way to his house.[324] As Sir Fulke Greville[325] had already
obtained Warwick Castle, and was probably living there, Sir Everard must
have expected to have a long ride before him.

    [323] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 110. See also an account
    of the money Sir E. D. had taken with him; _ib._, p. 92,--"above
    £1000 in ready coin, as his servants since have averred, that did
    escape, and one of them delivered up great part of the money to the
    king's officers so soon as he saw his master had fallen into the
    lapse."

    [324] Exam. of Sir E. D.

    [325] "Sir Fulke Greville, a man of letters, and a distinguished
    courtier in the reigns of Elizabeth and James I., who, at the
    coronation of the latter prince, was made a Knight of the Bath, and
    soon after was called from being Treasurer of the Navy to be
    Chancellor of the Exchequer, and was sworn of the privy council. In
    the 2nd of King James's reign he obtained a grant of Warwick Castle
    and other dependencies about it, and was elevated to the peerage, 29
    Jan. 1620-1, by the title of Lord Brooke, &c." _Burke's Peerage_,
    1886, p. 1390. Sir Fulke Greville is represented by the present Earl
    of Warwick.

The three horsemen had been observed by some of the scouts who had been
watching Holbeche House, and they gave the alarm to the body of men
which had collected for the purpose of either attacking or hunting down
the conspirators; the consequence was that Sir Everard, his page, and
his servant had not proceeded more than a few miles when they heard
shouts in the distance behind them, and on looking round, perceived that
they were being pursued by that motley, but much dreaded, force known as
the "hue and cry."

To say nothing of the indignity of being captured by a yelling mob, it
would be infinitely more dangerous than a voluntary submission to some
recognised authority; for this reason, Digby, with his two attendants,
tried to escape, and, as they were riding three excellent horses, they
had great hopes of succeeding in doing so.

Nor were these hopes altogether groundless; for, when they began to
gallop, they soon widened the distance between themselves and their
pursuers; but they observed that the peasants and wayfarers whom they
passed turned round to stare at them, which showed that their route
would be pointed out to the "hue-and-cry." As Father Gerard says, "it
was not possible for them to pass or go unknown, especially Sir Everard
Digby, being so noted a man for his stature and personage, and withal so
well appointed as he was."[326] He thought it wisest, therefore, to go
into a large wood, and to hide there until the "hue-and-cry" should have
passed. In this fortune favoured them, for, on turning along a bye-path
from the main track in the wood, they saw a dry pit, and down into this
they rode.

    [326] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 110.

They had not been very long concealed in it when they heard the distant
thud of galloping horses, and every now and then the shouting of their
riders. Nearer and nearer came the sounds, and, just as they grew
loudest, to his great delight Digby heard them beginning to decrease in
force, which showed that the galloping mob had passed his retreat and
was going on an objectless errand.

Presently the sounds ceased altogether, and Sir Everard and his two
companions were on the point of emerging from their ambush, when they
fancied they heard the footsteps of two horses proceeding at a walk. A
voice confirmed them in this opinion. Once more there was silence, and
once again there were sounds of horses' feet and men's voices.

Suddenly a cry of "Here he is; here he is!"[327] showed that they were
discovered. The baffled hunters had turned back to try to trace the
hoof-marks of the fugitives' horses on either side of the rough roadway
through the wood, and the wet, muddy weather had enabled them to succeed
in this attempt. In that moment of extreme peril, Sir Everard showed
plenty of courage. "Here he is, indeed!" said he; "what then?"

    [327] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 111.

Looking up, he saw about ten or twelve horsemen standing about the
entrance to the pit; and believing that the main body of the
"hue-and-cry" were scattered about the wood searching in different
directions, he hoped to be able to force his way through the small
group which he saw above; accordingly he "advanced his horse in the
manner of curvetting (which he was expert in) and thought to have borne
them over, and so to break from them."

As the event proved, they were quite unprepared for the shock of his
charge, and, thrown into confusion, they were unable to prevent him from
forcing his way safely through their midst; but as soon as he had done
so, he found himself surrounded by more than a hundred horsemen,
trotting up from different directions. Perceiving that escape was now
impossible, he "willingly yielded himself to the likeliest man of the
company," and was immediately made a prisoner.

Would it have been more becoming to have sold his life dearly and to
have died on the field by shot, pike, or sword, than to have surrendered
to that ill-mounted, ill-armed, and irregular band of squireens, yeomen,
and tradesmen, with the certainty of the disgraceful gallows and the
quartering hatchet before him? The reasons for his acting otherwise,
given by Father Gerard, are at least logical. He had a desire, he
says,[328] "to have some time before his death for his better
preparation, and withal" he hoped "to have done some service to the
Catholic cause by word, sith he saw he could not do it by the sword."

    [328] P. 111.

I have been unable to find any details as to what befel Sir Everard
between his arrest and his long, wearying, and humiliating ride of
nearly a hundred and twenty miles to London. Bound a prisoner on his
horse, and guarded by armed men on all sides, he would be an object of
curiosity and derision in every town, village, and hamlet through which
he passed. He would be taken through Warwickshire, which had been the
scene of his fruitless attempt to raise an insurrection during the two
previous days; probably, through many places well known in happier times
in Northamptonshire; through yet more familiar localities in
Buckinghamshire, where he had hitherto been hailed with raised hats and
genial smiles; and even, perhaps, within a few miles of his beloved
Gothurst itself. When he entered Middlesex, the nearer he came to
London, the greater would be the angry demonstrations of hostility on
the part of the crowds that turned out to see the traitor and
conspirator as he was conducted towards the Tower to take his trial for
high treason. There may have been a few sympathisers among the mob, such
as the man who was heard to whisper that "It had been brave sport, yf it
had gone forward";[329] but such remarks would not be made loud enough
to reach the ears of Digby.

    [329] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. n. 29, 1.

The shame of that journey must have been intense to a man constituted
like Sir Everard, and it may have been increased by the reflection that
he had forsaken his friends, with the intention of surrendering himself;
and that, although they had certainly deceived him, he was in some sense
a deserter from their ranks, at the moment of their extremity, as well
as a traitor to his king.

Unquestionably his greatest sorrow of all was to think of his wife and
children at Coughton. The unfortunate Lady Digby had sent a servant,
named James Garvey,[330] "in search of his master, when he was
apprehended"; for "Sir Everard had horses at Coughton." Although she
would doubtless think it a comparatively minor matter, the rude fact was
soon forced upon her that, if her husband were attainted of high
treason, all his estates would be confiscated, and she presently learned
that the lawyers were already wrangling over the technical question
whether her own property at Gothurst, which was settled on Sir Everard
and his children, would not have to go too. The Crown lawyers claimed
that it would, and they issued a notice that no part of it, or its
revenues, must be touched by Lady Digby, or anyone else, until after her
husband's trial. She was, therefore, immediately placed in a position of
pecuniary embarrassment and want.

    [330] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 248.

Although it is an oft-told tale, and does not directly concern the
subject of my biography, my story might seem incomplete if I were to say
nothing of those whom Sir Everard had left behind him, when he rode
away from Holbeche.

According to Jardine, two of the company at Holbeche, besides Sir
Everard, deserted that house on the Friday morning. One was the host,
Stephen Littleton. It should be remembered that he had not been a sworn
conspirator in the Gunpowder Plot, and that it would seem hard that he
should bear the penalty of sheltering his friends who had been concerned
in it. As a matter of fact, this was exactly what he had to do; for he
was executed for this very offence and, curiously enough, another too
good-natured man, of the name of Perkises, was executed in his turn for
sheltering him. The other fugitive was Robert Winter, who was afterwards
captured and executed.

Sir Everard and his men had not long left Holbeche, when Catesby,
Rookwood, and Grant endeavoured to dry some of the gunpowder from
Whewell, which had got "dank" in the open cart on its journey the
previous afternoon, upon a platter over a large fire. As might have been
expected, it ignited and exploded, severely burning several of them.

Even Catesby now lost heart, expressed his fears that God disapproved of
their proceedings,[331] and said that here he meant to remain and die.
The other conspirators said they would do the same, and they seem now,
for the first time, to some extent, to have realised the enormity of
their sin. They perceived "God to be against them; all prayed before the
picture of Our Lady, and confessed that the act was so bloody as they
desired God to forgive them." Then, says Father Gerard,[332] "They all
fell earnestly to their prayers, the Litanies and such like (as some of
the company affirmed that escaped taking, being none of the
conspirators, but such as joined with them in the country); they also
spent an hour in meditation." It is satisfactory to know that they
showed some contrition for their terrible iniquity and tried to make
their peace with God; and, being Catholics, they would know what to do
to this end.

    [331] Stephen Littleton's Confession--Rookwood's
    Examination--Jardine, p. 115.

    [332] _Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot_, p. 109.

At eleven o'clock, the High Sheriff appeared with a large force and
surrounded the house. Thomas Winter went out into the court-yard and was
shot in the shoulder by an arrow from a cross-bow, just as Catesby, who
followed him, exclaimed, "Stand by me, Tom, and we will die together."
The two brothers, John and Christopher Wright, followed him, and both
were mortally wounded. Rookwood, who had been severely burned by the
explosion of gunpowder, was shot through the arm by a bullet from a
musket and wounded in the body by a pike. Catesby and Percy stood back
to back and were both shot through the body. Catesby died shortly
afterwards in the house, after declaring "that the plot and practice of
this treason was only his, and that all others were but his assistants,
chosen by himself to that purpose, and that the honour thereof belonged
only to himself." Percy died the next day.

As soon as Catesby and Percy had fallen, the attacking party rushed into
the court-yard, overpowered the feeble resistance offered to them, and
made prisoners of the whole party.

The besiegers of Holbeche House were little more orderly than the hue
and cry which had chased Sir Everard Digby. Sir Thos. Lawley, who was
assisting the Sheriff of Worcestershire, wrote afterward to
Salisbury[333]:--"I hasted to revive Catesby and Percy and the two
Wrights, who lay deadly wounded on the ground, thinking by the recovery
of them to have done unto his Majesty better service than by suffering
them to die. But such was the extreme disorder of the baser sort, that
while I with my men took up one of the languishing traitors, the rude
people stripped the rest naked; and their wounds being many and
grievous, and no surgeon at hand, they became incurable and so died."

    [333] Additional MSS., British Museum, No. 617, p. 565.

In a very short time, Sir Everard Digby, Rookwood, Thomas Winter, John
Grant, Robert Keyes, Francis and Tresham were all safely lodged in the
Tower, besides the earliest conspirator arrested--Guy Fawkes.

One of the first things that Sir Everard did after being brought to
London was to beg as a special favour to be permitted to see the
king[334]--a boon most unlikely to be granted--"intending to lay down
the causes so plainly which had moved them to this attempt," namely the
Gunpowder Plot, "and withal how dangerous it was for His Majesty to take
the course he did, as that he hoped to persuade at least some
mitigation, if not toleration, for Catholics." Of course he was informed
that no such favour would be shown him; but that he would very shortly
be examined by the Lords of the Council, when an opportunity would be
given to him of making a statement.

    [334] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 111.

The news of the popular indignation at the Gunpowder Plot must have
added greatly to Digby's sorrows. On Sunday, November 10th,[335] "a
solemn thanksgiving was offered in all the churches." He would hear,
too, that on the night of the very day that the explosion was to have
taken place, church-bells were ringing, and bonfires were blazing in all
directions as a testimony of the public rejoicing at the failure of the
plot.[336] Even[337] "the Spanish Ambassador made bonfires, and threw
money amongst the people."

    [335] Gardiner's _Hist. Eng._, Vol. i. p. 266.

    [336] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. n. 23.

    [337] Stow's _Annales_, p. 880.

More galling still was the ever-increasing evidence of the horror of the
English Catholics and their angry disclaimers of having had anything to
do with, or any sympathy for, such a nefarious scheme.

"If, after the discovery," says Tierney,[338] "the pope himself
abstained from issuing a formal condemnation of the conspiracy,
Blackwell, at least, his delegate and representative in England,
instantly came forward to stigmatize it as a 'detestable device,' an
'intolerable, uncharitable, scandalous, and desperate fact.' No sooner
had the proclamation for the apprehension of the conspirators announced
the intelligence that Catholics were implicated in it, than he addressed
a letter to the clergy and laity of his flock (Nov. 7), reminding them
of the criminality of all forcible attempts against the government, and
exhorting them to manifest their respect for the decisions of the
church, the clergy by inculcating, the laity by practising, that patient
submission to the laws, which alone could 'please God, mollify man, and
increase their merits and their glory in the world to come.'" Reports of
this letter would be received by Sir Everard on his arrival in London.

    [338] Notes to Dodds' _Church Hist. of Eng._, Vol. iv. p. 64.

The Archpriest's manifesto was most opportune; for about the time he was
writing it, Ben Jonson, the poet, who had been a Catholic for seven
years,[339] was writing to Salisbury that some say they must consult the
Archpriest; but that he, Ben Jonson, thinks[340] "they are all so
enweaved in it as it will make 500 gent. lesse of the religion within
this weeke." He also got up in the Council Chamber at Whitehall,[341]
denounced the plot on behalf of the Catholics of England, and offered
his services in hunting down the gang of miscreants that had brought
this discredit on his Church.

    [339] Dixon's _Her Majesty's Tower_, Vol. ii. p. 191.

    [340] S. P., James I., Dom., Vol. xvi. n. 30.

    [341] Dixon's _Her Majesty's Tower_, Vol. ii. p. 191.

"Three weeks later," continues Tierney, the Archpriest "repeated his
admonition in still stronger terms. He reminded his people of his former
letter, assured them that 'no violent attempt against the king or his
government could be other than a most grievous and heinous offence to
God'; and concluded by declaring that, as the pope had already condemned
all such unlawful proceedings, so he, by the authority of the pope, now
strictly forbad Catholics, under pain of ecclesiastical censures, 'to
attempt any practise or action, tending to the prejudice' of the throne,
or to behave themselves in any manner but such 'as became dutiful
subjects and religious Catholics, to their king, his counsellors, and
officers.'"

With a copy of the first of these two letters[342] before me, I am
struck by one sentence which lays down a golden rule concerning
political plots. "Moreover, our divines do say that it is not lawful for
private subjects, by private authority, to take arms against their
lawful king, albeit he become a tyrant."

    [342] See S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvi. n. 21.

How bitterly Sir Everard Digby felt the disapproval of the Catholics may
be judged from one of his letters to his wife, written in the
Tower.[343] "But now let me tell you, what a grief it hath been to me,
to hear that so much condemned which I did believe would have been
otherwise thought on by Catholicks; there is no other cause but this,
which hath made me desire life, for when I came into prison, death would
have been a welcome friend unto me, and was most desired; but when I
heard how Catholicks and Priests thought of the matter, and that it
should be a great sin that should be in the _Cause_ of my end, it called
my conscience in doubt of my very best actions and intentions in
question: for I knew that my self might easily be deceived in such a
business, therefore I protest unto you that the doubts I had of my own
good state, which only proceeded from the censure of others, caused more
bitterness of grief in me than all the miseries that ever I suffered,
and only this caused me wish life till I might meet with a ghostly
friend. For some good space I could do nothing, but with tears ask
pardon at God's hands for all my errors, both in actions and intentions
in this business, and in my whole life, which the censure of this,
contrary to my expectance, caused me to doubt; I did humbly beseech that
my death, might satisfie for my offence, which I should and shall offer
most gladly to the Giver of Life. I assure you as I hope in God that the
love of all my estate and worldly happiness did never trouble me, nor
the love of it since my imprisonment did ever move me to wish life. But
if that I may live to make satisfaction to God and the world, where I
have given any scandal, I shall not grieve if I should never look
Living Creature in the face again, and besides that deprivation endure
all worldly misery."[344]

    [343] Letters of Sir E. D. (p. 170), No. 1.

    [344] In the Tower, he wrote to his wife with lemon juice on slips
    of paper as opportunity offered. These were kept as precious relics
    by his family. See _Biographia Britannica_, Vol. iii. p. 1698.

Sir Everard was examined in the Tower several times; first, on two
successive days, November 19th and 20th, he was questioned at some
length, before Nottingham, Suffolk, Devonshire, Northampton, Salisbury,
Mar, Dunbar, and Coke. A good deal of his evidence has already been
quoted. On the first day, he only admitted that Catesby[345] "did
comfort him with future hopes and told him that he doubted not but there
would be a course effected for theyr good," and that it was not until
Tuesday, the 5th of November, that "Mr Catesbie acquainted him with the
practice of y{e} treason of y{e} blowing up the Parlam{t}. howse," when he
"gave him some inkling what had bin the plott of undermining the
Parlament howse, to blow it up; and on Wednesday told him more at large
&c," naming "who had bin the miners."

    [345] S. P. Dom. James i., Vol. xvi. n. 94, 95.

On the following day, however, "he beinge shewed by the L{s} his follye
and faulte in denyinge that w{ch} was so manyfest and beinge toulde that
both Tho. Wynter had speach w{h} him of the pticulars, concerninge the
plot of the powder to blow upp the K. in the Parliament house, and being
confronted w{th} Mr Faucks who charged him to have discoursed w{th} him
thereof abowte a weeke before the 5th of November at his house in
Buck.shyer," he confessed more freely. Fawkes had been tortured,[346]
and most likely, when he charged Sir Everard in this way, he did it in
order to escape being tortured again. So many of the conspirators were
now known by the others to be in the Tower, and each was so much afraid
of what the others might have confessed, that they became terrified and
confessed freely when examined. Neither of them knew which of his
companions had been tortured in order to induce him to incriminate his
friends; and each feared that he might, at any moment, be himself laid
upon the rack.

    [346] The King wrote:--"The gentler tortours are to be first usid
    unto him, _et sic per gradus ad ima tenditur_, and so God speede
    youre goode worke." S. P., James I., Dom., Vol. xvi. n. 17, Nov. 6.




CHAPTER XIII.


Sir Everard says, in a letter from the Tower,[347] that, at one of his
examinations, "they did in a Fashion offer me the torture, which I wil
rather indure then hurt any body"; but it was only a threat; for,
although torture was used to priests and Jesuits in connection with the
Gunpowder Plot, it does not[348] appear to have been brought to bear
upon any of the actual conspirators except Guy Fawkes. Lord Dunfermline,
however, strongly urged Salisbury to expose them to it.[349] "Recommends
that the prisoners be confined apart, in darkness, and examined by
torch-light, and that the tortures be slow and at intervals, as being
the most effectual." On the other hand, a tract, printed in 1606,[350]
says of the conspirators, that "in the time of their imprisonment, they
rather feasted with their sins, than fasted with sorrow for them; were
richly apparelled, fared deliciously, and took tobacco out of measure,
with a seeming carelessness of their crime."

    [347] _Letters of Sir E. D._, Paper 7.

    [348] A modern Jesuit thinks otherwise (see _The Month_, No. 367, p.
    8), quoting Cecil's letter to Favat (Brit. Museum MSS. Add. 6178.
    fol. 625). "Most of the prisoners have wilfully forsworn that the
    priests knew anything in particular, and obstinately refuse to be
    accusers of them, _yea, what torture soever they be put to_." Cecil
    may have referred to Fawkes only when he mentioned torture; but the
    Jesuit Father may be right, and he gives other evidence in support
    of his theory.

    [349] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 258.

    [350] _Somer's Tracts_, Vol. ii. p. 113.

Sir Everard had not been many days in the Tower before the Government
had a search made at Harrowden, the house of his young friend, Lord
Vaux, whose mother was suspected of having been privy to the plot. Great
hopes were entertained of finding here Digby's great friend, Father
Gerard, who also lay under suspicion of having been concerned in
it.[351] "The house was beset with at least 300 men, and those well
appointed." "They searched for two or three days continually, and
searched with candles in cellars and several dark corners. They searched
every cabinet and box in her [Mrs Vaux's] own closet, for letters, &c."
A letter to Salisbury stated[352] that Mrs Vaux "gave up all her keys;
all the rooms, especially his closet, narrowly searched, but no papers
found. She and the young Lord strongly deny all knowledge of the
treason; the house still guarded." Brother Foley says[353] "that house
was strictly searched and watched for nine days, with the especial hope
of seizing Father Gerard. Though he escaped, the pious lady of the house
was herself carried off to London." She was severely examined before
the Privy Council; and Sir Everard Digby was pressed to say whether he
had not been very lately in her company--indeed, it was on this point
that "they did in a Fashion offer" him "the torture"--but, although she
admitted, in her examination,[354] that Sir Everard Digby, Robert
Catesby, and "Greene and Darcy, priests," had been visitors at her
house, and, when she refused to say where Father Gerard was, she was
told she must die,[355] nothing could be proved against her and she was
liberated.

    [351] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 139.

    [352] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 256.

    [353] _Records, S. J._, Series I. p. 527.

    [354] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 259.

    [355] _Records, S. J._, Vol. iv. p. 9.

It must have been a great comfort to Lady Digby to receive the scraps of
paper inscribed with lemon juice from her husband. It is easy to imagine
the eagerness and care with which she would hold them before the fire in
order to develope their writing, with anxiety to make every letter
legible and fear lest the paper should become scorched. Sir Everard
calls her his "Dearest"; but, in letters which might possibly fall into
hands for which they were not intended, it would have been out of place
to make much display of affection, and the only exhibition of that kind
is to be found in a poem which will be quoted later.

In her straits for money, she applied, and not altogether without
success, to Salisbury; for we find her writing to him thus:--[356]

     "RIGHT HO{able}--Your comfortable favours towards me proseding
     from your noblle disposition in ordering a means for my relefe
     (being plunged in distresse) by aucthoritie of yours and the rest
     of the Lords letters to the Sherife of Buck. incytith me to yeld
     and duly too acknowleg by thes my most humble thankes; for w{ch}
     favor I shall ever ho{r} your Lo{p} and praye to the ---- allmighti
     for your greatest hapines and with all humbllenes remayne to

     "Your ho{r} devoted
     "MARY DIGBY."

As usual, in a lady's letter, the pith is in the postscript.

     "_Pos._ Being most fearfull to ofend you ho{r} yet enforced out of
     the dutifull love towards my wofull husband, I humbly beg pardon to
     desier your Lo{ps} consent and furtharance for such an unspeakable
     hapines as that out of your worthy and noblle disposition you would
     purchase merci for my husband's life, for w{ch} you should tie us
     our posteritie to you and your howse for ever and I hope his ofence
     agaynst his Ma{tie} is not so haynous in that excrable plot, as is
     sayd to be contrived by som others, which in my hart I cannot
     conceve his natuer to give consente for such an ackt to be
     committed."

     [Endorsed] "To the Right Hono{ble}. the Earlle of Salsbery,
     Principall Secretary to the King's most excelent Ma{tie}."

    [356] S. P. Dom. James I., 1606, Vol. 18, n. 36.

Lady Digby did not find Lord Salisbury's orders for her relief so
availing in practice as in theory; for, a little later, she wrote to him
again. I will not weary my readers by giving her exact spelling--such
words as "pertickellers," for particulars, "shreife," for sheriff,
"reseved," for received, and "howsold" for household, soon become
troublesome and vexatious--but I will endeavour to transcribe her letter
according to modern orthography and punctuation.

     [357] "MARY DIGBY TO LORD SALISBURY.

     "Right Honourable Lord.--My poor and perplexed estate enforceth me
     to be an humble petitioner to your good Lordship. I was most
     fearful and loth to trouble your honour so long as I had any hopes
     of redress without it; but finding none elsewhere, makes me presume
     to present these unto your honour. I confidently believe your
     lordship doth think that, upon yours with others of the Lords of
     his majesty ---- council, your letters to the Sheriff of
     Buckinghamshire in my behalf (for which I humbly give thanks), hath
     given ease and relief unto my present wants; but truly my lord it
     is nothing so, for all which he hath done, since he received that
     letter, is but that he hath returned, near from whence he had
     taken, part of the household stuff which he had carried away and
     there keepeth it; but will not let anything be delivered to my use;
     notwithstanding I procured the Lord Treasurer's warrant to him, for
     the delivery of divers things most needful for my present use; for
     which I was to put in sureties for their return, when they should
     be justly demanded, which was by bond and drawn according to the
     Lord Treasurer his own direction, which was, as the sheriff said,
     too favourable for me, and therefore did refuse it; such strange
     and hard proceedings doth he still continue against me (the
     particulars thereof were too tedious to relate unto your lordship)
     that, without your honour's good assistance, I shall receive no
     part of such good favours as your lordship meant unto me. Never,
     since my grievous calamities, I have received no one penny, but am
     forced to borrow, both for my own present spending, and to furnish
     Mr Digby with those things he wants, and as hath been called to me
     for by the lieutenant of the Tower, which borrowed money I must
     forthwith repay; and the cause why I can receive none, according to
     the allowance which was granted for me, is because this sheriff
     will not pay the money into the exchequer which he hath received
     for such goods which he sold of Mr Digby's, which is between 200
     and 300 pounds, and hath said he would keep it in his hands till he
     were allowed for the charge he was at, for the carrying the goods"
     [some words here are mutilated] "and bringing of them back again.
     My hope in your Lordship's pity to my distress promiseth me to find
     relief for these my complaints, for which I will ever remain your
     honour's most thankful--

     "MARY DIGBY.


     "_Postscript._--Right honourable,--Though it be no part of my
     letter, yet is it a very far greater part of my humble desire to
     your Lordship whereby, I cannot but beg your pitiful commiseration
     to incline and further his majesty's mercy for my woeful husband,
     which if your Lordship extend such a charitable act, we and all
     what is ours will ever be your honour's."

    [357] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xviii. n. 37.

The "goods which he sold of Mr Digby's," mentioned in the letter may be
assumed to have been the contents of the trunk, carried by his
"trunk-horse," and inventoried in a letter[358] written from the Tower.

    [358] _Letters of Sir E. D._, paper 22.

It is probable that Lady Digby wrote to her husband, expressing herself
powerless to "conceive his nature to give consent for such an act" as
the Gunpowder Plot; for he wrote to her from the Tower excusing
himself.[359]

    [359] _Letters of Sir E. D._ (p. 169) No. 1.

"Let me tell you, that if I had thought there had been the least sin in
the Plot, I would not have been of it for all the world: and no other
cause drew me to hazard my Fortune and Life, but zeal to God's Religion.
For my keeping it secret, it was caused by certain belief, that those
which were best able to judge of the lawfulness of it,"--by these he
evidently means the Jesuit Fathers--"had been acquainted with it, and
given way to it. More reasons I had to persuade me to this belief than I
dare utter, which I will never, to the suspicion of any, though I
should go to the Rack for it, and as I did not know it directly that it
was approved by such so did I hold it in my Conscience the best not to
know any more if I might." He seems to have intended to convey that he
had been practically certain that the Jesuit Fathers had given their
approval but was anxious to be able to say that he did not actually know
this.

In another letter,[360] he says "My dearest, the ---- I take at the
uncharitable taking of these matters, will make me say more than I ever
thought to have done. For if this design had taken place, there could
have been no doubt of other Success: for that night, before any other
could have brought the news, we should have known it by Mr Catesby, who
should have proclaimed the Heir-Apparent at Charing-Cross, as he came
out of Town; to which purpose there was a Proclamation Drawn," etc. The
absurdity of attaching any value to a proclamation by such a
comparatively insignificant individual as Catesby does not appear to
have occurred to him!

    [360] (P. 177), No. 9.

After describing the plans laid for securing the young Duke and the
Princess Elizabeth, he goes on to say "there were also courses taken for
the satisfying of the people if the first had taken effect, as the
speedy notice of Liberty and Freedom from all manner of Slavery, as the
ceasing of Wardships and all Monopolies, which with change would have
been more plausible to the people, if the first had been, than is now.
There was also a course taken to have given present notice to all
Princes, and to _Associate_ them with an Oath answerable to the League
in France." Whether "all Princes" would have felt inclined "to
associate" themselves "with an Oath" at the request of a band of
assassins may be questioned.

Sir Everard, as well as Lady Digby, wrote to Salisbury; but his letters
asked for fewer favours.

"If your Lordship," he wrote,[361] "and the State think it fit to deal
severely with the Catholics, within brief there will be massacres,
rebellions, and desperate attempts against the King and State. For it is
a general received reason among Catholics, that there is not that
expecting and suffering course now to be run that was in the Queen's
time, who was the last of her line, and last in expectance to run
violent courses against Catholics; for then it was hoped that the King
that now is, would have been at least free from persecuting, as his
promise was before coming into this realm, and as divers his promises
have been since his coming. All these promises every man sees broken."
At the same time, he said that he[362] "will undertake to secure the
Pope's promise not to excommunicate the King, if he will deal mildly
with Catholics." As to plots against the king and the government,
something of the kind, he declares, would have been contrived sooner,
if the priests had not hindered it.

    [361] I use Jardine's modern rendering of this particular letter, in
    _Criminal Trials_, Vol. ii. p. 24. But the actual letter may be
    found among the S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xvii., n. 9.

    [362] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 266.

An earlier letter written by him from the Tower,[363] is thus
summarized:--"Sir Everard Digby to Salisbury. Is willing to tell all he
knows, but can remember nothing more than he has already confessed,
except that Catesby intended to send the Earls of Westmoreland and Derby
to raise forces in the North, and would send information to France,
Spain, Italy, etc., of their success. Begs that the King will have
compassion on his family."

    [363] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 261.

Meanwhile examinations were constantly going on, not only of the
prisoners in the Tower, but also of other persons, with regard to the
Gunpowder Plot, and the correspondence on the subject was very large.
Lord Salisbury wrote to the Lord Chancellor of Scotland,[364] assuring
him that he "would rather die than be slack in searching the dregs of"
the plot "to the bottom." Lady Markham wrote to Salisbury, that[365] the
"Plot hath taken deep and dangerous root"; that many will not believe
"that holy and good man," Father Gerard, had anything to do with it; and
that Sir Everard Digby is the man from whom he must endeavour to obtain
particulars about Walley--_i.e._, Father Garnet. Mrs Vaux was examined
on the eighteenth of November, and she made no secret of Sir Everard
having been a visitor at her house. Lady Lovel admitted knowing both
Sir Everard and Catesby, though slightly. To have been a friend of
Digby's was now very dangerous. Servants and retainers of the
conspirators were arrested in Worcestershire and Warwickshire, and there
examined.

    [364] Cal. Sta. Pa. Dom., 1603-10, p. 265.

    [365] _Ib._, p. 259.

Sir Everard must have envied Tresham his fate, when he heard that he had
died in the Tower, especially as he was allowed to have his wife to
attend him in his illness; although his death was caused by a painful
disease.[366] Sir William Waad, the Lieutenant of the Tower, had a
consultation of three doctors--not from motives of mercy, but in order
that, "by great care and good providence," he might "die of that kind of
death he most" deserved, and, in spite of his disappointment, Waad seems
to have felt a grain of satisfaction, when writing to Salisbury to
announce his death,[367] in stating that he died "with very great pain."
His death took place only four days before that appointed for the trial,
and, whatever may have been his sufferings, who can doubt that Sir
Everard would gladly have changed places with him.

    [366] Jardine's _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 124. _N.B._--By many people,
    Tresham's death was attributed to poison.--See _The Month_, No. 366,
    p. 493. Jardine's _G. P._, p. 127, and Goodman's Court of King
    James, p. 107.

    [367] S. P. Dom. James I., 23 Dec. 1605.

In his solitude in the Tower, Sir Everard wrote the following lines
which, if considerably lacking in merit from a poetical and critical
point of view, have some interest on account of their pitiful, though
calm and dignified tone, as well as the affection which they exhibit
towards his wife and his children; and, as the Protestant Bishop Barlow,
in his preface to their publication in 1678, says, "though they be not
excellent, yet have" they "a good tincture of Piety and devotion in
them."

       *       *       *       *       *

  Come grief, possess that place thy Harbingers have seen,
  And think most fit to entertain thyself:
  Bring with thee all thy Troops, and sorrow's longest Teem
  Of followers, that wail for worldly pelf:
  Here shall they see a Wight more lamentable,
  Than all the troop that seem most miserable.

  For here they may discry, if perfect search be made,
  The substance of that shadow causing woe:
  An unkind Frost, that caused hopeful Sprouts to fade;
  Not only mine, but other's grief did grow
  By my misdeed, which grieves me most of all,
  That I should be chief cause of other's fall.

  For private loss to grieve, when others have no cause
  Of sorrow, is unmeet for worthy mind;
  For who but knows, that each man's sinful life still draws
  More just revenge than he on earth can find.
  But to undo desert and innocence,
  Is, to my mind, grief's chiefest pestilence.

  I grieve not to look back into my former state,
  Though different that were from present case;
  I moan not future haps, though forced death with hate
  Of all the world were blustred in my face:
  But oh I grieve to think that ever I
  Have been a means of others misery.

  When on my little Babes I think, as I do oft,
  I cannot chuse but then let fall some tears;
  Me-thinks I hear the little Pratler, with words soft,
  Ask, Where is Father that did promise Pears,
  And other knacks, which I did never see,
  Nor Father neither, since he promised me.

  'Tis true, my Babe, thou never saw'st thy Father since,
  Nor art thou ever like to see again:
  That stopping Father into mischief which will pinch
  The tender Bud, and give thee cause to plain
  His hard dysaster; that must punish thee,
  Who art from guilt as any creature free.

  But oh! when she that bare thee, Babe, comes to my mind,
  Then do I stand as drunk with bitterest woe,
  To think that she, whose worth were such to all, should find
  Such usage hard, and I to cause the blow,
  Of her such sufferance, that doth pierce my heart,
  And gives full grief to every other part.

  Hence comes the cause, that each tear striveth to be first,
  As if I meant to stint them of their course,
  No salted meats: that done you know my heart would burst
  With violent assaults of your great force:
  But when I stay you, 'tis for that I fear,
  Your gushing so will leave me ne'er a tear.

  But ah! this doubt, grief says I never need to fear
  For she will undertake t'afford me store;
  Who in all her knowledge never cause of woe did hear
  That gall'd her deeper or gave witness more
  Of earth's hard usage, that does punish those
  That guiltless be, with Fortune's cruellest blows.

  Though further cause of more than utterable grief,
  As other's loss I could dilate at large,
  Which I am cause of, yet her suffering being chief
  Of all their woes, that sail in this deep Barge
  Of sorrow's Sea: I cannot but reflect
  Hereon more deeply, and with more respect.

  On which dear object when I look with grieved mind,
  Such store of pities see I plead her case,
  As hardest hearts cause of compassion there would find;
  To hear what could be said before that face
  Which I have wrong'd in causing so to weep;
  The grief whereof constrains my pen to sleep.

The trial of the prisoners was long delayed; quite ten weeks passed
between their capture and their sentence; but, as Mr Hepworth Dixon puts
it,[368] they were, in fact, "undergoing a course of daily trial by
Northampton in the Tower." In the so-called gunpowder plot room, in the
Lieutenant's House, with its panelled walls, and high, wide window, they
underwent "a thousand interrogatories from Coke, a thousand hostilities
from Waad, and a thousand treacheries from Forsett. This Forsett was one
of Northampton's spies; a useful and despicable wretch, whom his master
employed in overhearing and reporting the private conversations of
prisoners with each other."

    [368] _Her Majesty's Tower_, Vol. ii. p. 193.

Coke himself, in his speech at the trial, referred to the long delay in
bringing the prisoners to the bar, saying[369] "There have been already
twenty and three several days spent in Examinations." And he summarized
the good results of the delay thus[370]:--"_Veritas Temporis filia_,
Truth is the daughter of Time, especially in this case; wherein by
timely and often Examinations, First, matters of greatest moment have
been lately found out. Secondly, some known Offenders, and those
capital, but lately apprehended. Thirdly, sundry of the principal and
Arch-traytors before unknown, now manifested, as the Jesuits.
Fourthly--" but he might have abridged this statement into these few
words--We hoped to worm some evidence out of the prisoners against
Catholic priests.

    [369] _Gunpowder Treason_, p. (16).

    [370] _Ib._




CHAPTER XIV.


Sir Everard appears to have received several kind communications, whilst
in the Tower, from Father Gerard, if we may judge from some of his
remarks concerning "my brother" in his letters to Lady Digby.

For instance, we find him writing[371]:--"Let my Brother see this, or
know its Contents, tell him I love his sweet comforts as my greatest
Jewel in this Place"; in another,[372] "I give my Brother many thanks
for his sweet comforts, and assure him that now I desire death; for the
more I think on God's mercy the more I hope in my own case: though
others have censured our Intentions otherwise than I understood them to
be, and though the Act be thought so wicked by those of Judgment, yet I
hope that my understanding it otherwise, with my Sorrow for my Error,
will find acceptance at God's hands." In another he sends a warning to
him,[373] "Howsoever my Brother is informed, I am sure they fear him for
knowledge of the Plot, for at every examination I am told that he did
give the Sacrament to five at one time." And once again,[374] he
says:--"Tell my Brother I do honour him as befits me, but I did not
think I could have increased so much, loving him more as his charitable
Lessons _would_ make me."

    [371] _Sir E.D.'s Letters_, No. 1.

    [372] _Ib._, No. 4.

    [373] _Ib._, No. 5.

    [374] _Sir E. D.'s Letters_, No. 6.

But if Father Gerard had sent very consoling messages to Sir Everard in
his imprisonment; on one occasion--it was within a few days of the
trial--he wrote him a formal letter, which he sent to Lord Salisbury and
the Duke of Lenox, asking them to give it to Sir Everard and hear what
he might say in answer to it. To Salisbury himself he wrote another
letter, in the course of which he said[375]:--"Sir Everard Digby can
testify for me, how ignorant I was of any such matter" [as the Gunpowder
Plot], "but two days before that unnatural parricide should have been
practised. I have, for full trial thereof, enclosed a letter unto him,
which I humbly beseech may be delivered, &c."

    [375] S. P. Dom. James I., Vol. xviii. n. 35. But I avail myself of
    the endering in "Life of Fr. J. Gerard," pp. ccxxxi-ccxxxvii.

At the same time he wrote to the Duke of Lenox, "My humble petition
therefore is, that a witness be asked his knowledge who is well able to
clear me if he will, and I hope he will not be so unjust in this time of
his own danger as to conceal so needful a proof being so demanded of
him. Sir Everard Digby doth well know how far I was from knowledge of
any such matter but two days before the treason was known to all men. I
have therefore written a letter unto him, to require his testimony of
that which passed between him and me at that time. Wherein, if I may
have your lordship's furtherance to have just trial made of the truth
whilst yet he liveth, I shall ever esteem myself most deeply bound, &c,
&c."

This letter to Sir Everard, which, of course, would be read first by
Salisbury and Lenox, began:--"Sir Everard Digby,--I presume so much of
your sincerity both to God and man, that I cannot fear you will be loath
to utter your knowledge for the clearing of one that is innocent from a
most unjust accusation importing both loss of life to him that is
accused, and of good name also, which he much more esteemeth."

Then he says that upon some false information, given, he supposes, "by
some base fellows, desirous to save their lives by the loss of their
honesty,"--this looks as if he suspected some of the conspirators in the
Gunpowder Plot, imprisoned in the Tower--a "proclamation has been issued
against myself and my superior"--this would be Father Garnet--"and one
other of the Society," probably Father Oldcorne, "as against three
notorious practisers, with divers of the principal conspirators in this
late most odious treason of destroying the King's Majesty and all in the
Parliament House with powder. And myself am put in the first place, as
the first or chiefest offender therein."

He calls God to witness that he knew nothing of the plot until it became
known publicly; but, he says, "to give more full proof of my innocency
to those who also may doubt my words, I take witness to yourself whether
you, upon your certain knowledge cannot clear me." At first he would not
appeal to Sir Everard because, as he says, "I would not take knowledge
of any personal acquaintance with you, especially at your own house, not
knowing how far you were to be vouched for your life, and therefore
would not add unto your danger,"--_i.e._, by showing that he knew and
had harboured a priest. "But now that it appears by your confession and
trial in the country that you stand at the King's mercy for greater
matters than your acquaintance with a Priest, I hope you will not be
loath, I should publish that which cannot hurt you, and may help myself
in a matter of such importance. And as I know you could never like to
stoop to so base and unworthy a humour as to flatter or dissemble with
any man, so much less can I fear that now (being in the case you are in)
you can ever think it fit to dissemble with God, or not to utter your
every knowledge, being required as from him, and in behalf of truth.
Therefore I desire you will bear witness of the truth which followeth
(if it be true that I affirm of my demand to you, growing upon my
ignorance in the matter then in hand) as you expect truth and mercy at
God's hand hereafter. First, I desire you to bear witness, whether,
coming to your house upon All Souls' Day last--" and then he questions
him upon the details, described in a former chapter, of what took place
at Gothurst upon All Souls' Day, which are mainly taken from this
letter.

He ends by saying, "And thus clear I was from the knowledge of that Plot
against the Parliament House, whereof, notwithstanding, I am accused and
proclaimed to be a practiser with the principal conspirators. But I
refer me to God and your conscience, who are able to clear me, and I
challenge the conscience of any one that certainly expecteth death, and
desireth to die in the fear of God and with hope of His salvation, to
accuse me of it if he can. God, of His mercy, grant unto us all grace to
see and do His will, and to live and die His servants, for they only are
and shall be happy for ever.--Your companion in tribulation though not
in the cause, JOHN GERARD."

Considering the bosom friendship that existed between Gerard and Digby,
and the high opinion of the honourable character expressed, in his
writings, by the former of the latter, these tremendous exhortations to
speak the truth in his favour look a little superfluous. They may have
been intended rather for the eyes of Salisbury and Lennox than for those
of Digby; for anything which could show an excessive familiarity between
Digby and Gerard might have been suspicious evidence against the
latter.

There is a postscript, again, which seems written as a suggestion for
what Digby should say. "I hope you will also witness with me that you
have ever seen me much averted from such violent courses, and hopeful
rather of help by favour than force. And, indeed, if I had not now been
satisfied by your assurance that there was nothing in hand, it should
presently have appeared how much I had misliked any forcible attempts,
the counsel of Christ and the commandment of our superiors requiring the
contrary, and that in patience we should possess our souls."

To give him his due, Sir Everard Digby spoke boldly in Father Gerard's
favour at his trial. Five-and-twenty years later, Father Gerard wrote,
in a letter to Dr Smith, Bishop of Chalcedon,[376] "Sir Everard Digby,
who of all the others, for many reasons, was most suspected of having
possibly revealed the secret to me, protested in open Court and declared
that he had often been instigated to say I knew something of the Plot,
but that he had always answered in the negative, alleging the reason why
he had never disclosed it to me, because, he said, he feared lest I
should dissuade him from it. Therefore the greater part of the Privy
Councillors considered my innocence established, &c."

    [376] _Life of Father J. Gerard_, p. ccxxxviii.

Six months later, Father Fitzherbert, Rector of the English College of
Rome, wrote concerning Father Gerard to the same bishop[377] "he was
fully cleared of it" [the Gunpowder Plot] "by the public and solemn
testimony of the delinquents themselves, namely, of Sir Everard Digby
(with whom he was known to be most familiar and confident), who publicly
protested at his arraignment that he did never acquaint him with their
design, being assured that he would not like of it, but dissuade him
from it; and of this I can show good testimony by letters from London
written hither at the time."

    [377] Bartoli's _Inghilterra_, pp. 510, 512.

Probably owing, in the main, to Sir Everard's declarations of his
innocence, Father Gerard was allowed to escape from England, and he
survived the Gunpowder Plot thirty-one years. It must not be supposed,
however, that he had never suffered for the faith in this country; for
he had been terribly tortured, some years before the Gunpowder Plot, in
the Tower, from which he escaped.

Topcliffe's description[378] of "Jhon Gerrarde y{e} Jhezew{t} preest that
escaip out of the Tower" may be worthy of a passing notice. "Of a good
stature sum what highe{r} than S{r} Tho. Layton and upright in his paysse
and countenance sum what stayring in his look or Eyes Currilde heire by
Nature and blackyshe and not apt to have much heire on his bearde. I
thincke his noose sum what wide and turninge Upp Blubarde Lipps turninge
outwards Especially the over Lipps most Uppwards toward the Noose
Kewryoos in speetche If he do now contynewe his custome And in his
speetche he flourrethe and smyles much and a falteringe or Lispinge or
dooblinge of his Tonge in his speeche."

    [378] S. P. Dom. Elizabeth, Vol. 165 n. 21.

On the very day that Father Gerard's letter for Sir Everard Digby seems
to have been delivered to Lord Salisbury, January 23rd, Sir Everard
himself wrote a long letter to his two little sons, the eldest of which
was not yet three years old. The writing of it must have caused him much
pain; probably, also, many tears. The most remarkable thing about it is
that he does not enter upon the question of the cause of his death. As
his sons would certainly hear of the manner and reason of it, it might
have been well to have spoken plainly on the subject. Nevertheless,
there is something dignified in his assumption of the position of a
parent, in giving good advice to his children, without recounting those
personal faults and follies, which he might, perhaps, consider it no
part of the duty of a father to confess to his sons.

       *       *       *       *       *

     "JESUS MARIA.[379]

     "There be many reasons (my dear children) that might disswade me
     from putting Pen to Paper in this Kind, and onely one which urgeth
     me to undertake this poor and fruitless pains. Wherefore to tell
     you what inciteth me to it, is my want of other means to shew my
     Fatherly affection to each of you (which is so far from uttering,
     as my mind is willing to accept of poor means, rather than none to
     bewray my disposition) if I would have been checked from the
     performance of these lines, by number and probabilities of reasons;
     I might then have called to mind the unlikelihood, that these would
     ever have come to your view; with the malice of the world to me,
     which (I do imagine) will not fail to endeavour to possess you with
     a loathness to hear of anything that comes from me: as also I
     might, and do think, on my own disability in advising, with many
     other disswasive reasons, which my former recited single stirrer-up
     hath banished. Wherefore to begin with both and each of you, I send
     you by these my Fatherly and last blessing; which I have not failed
     to ask at God's hands on my knees, that he will grant to descend so
     effectually on you (that his holy grace accompanying it) it may
     work in you the performance (on your part) of God's sweet and just
     commandments and on his part to you, the Guerdon that his mercy
     inricheth his servants with all. Let this end (God's service I
     mean) be the chief and onely contentious strife between you, which
     with all vehemency and desire each of you may strive to attain
     soonest. Let this be the mark which your thoughts and actions may
     still level at; for here is the chiefest Prise, to recompense the
     best deserver. Believe me in this (my Sons) that though my unripe
     years afford me not general experience, yet my variety of courses
     in the world (and God's grace to illumine me) may sufficiently
     warrant the verity of this principle. If you make this your chief
     business (as you ought to do, and for which end onely you were sent
     into the world) I doubt not but God will send you better means for
     your particular directions, than either the brevity of a Letter or
     my ability can discharge. So that in this I will say no more, but
     pray that you may live as I hope to die, which is in the perfect
     obedience of the Catholick and onely saving Church.

     "I cannot but a little touch, what I could wish you did, and I hope
     will do to all sorts of people; it is a lesson I could never learn
     well my self, but perhaps see more what is convenient for others,
     than that I were ever able to shew the force of wholesome counsel
     and good instructions in my own life.

     "Above all things in the world, seek to obey and follow your
     Mother's will and pleasure; who as she hath been the best wife to
     me that ever man enjoyed, so can she not fail to shew her self
     equal to the best Mother, if you deserve not the contrary. If it
     please God to send her life (though you have nothing else), I shall
     leave you enough: and on the contrary, if I could leave you ten
     times more than my self ever had, yet she being taken from you, I
     should think you but poor. It is not (my Sons) abundance of riches
     that makes a man happy but a virtuous life; and as they are
     blessings from God, and cause of happiness to a man that useth them
     well, so are they cause of misery to most men even in this world.

     "You may read of divers men, who whiles they lived in private
     state, deserved the fame of all that knew them; but so soon as
     prosperous fortune, and higher degrees, had taken possession of
     them, they seemed not to be the same men, but grew into scorn of
     all the world. For example _Galba_ whiles he lived in _Spain_ as a
     private man, and, as it were, banished his Countrey, by a Charge
     that procured in him great pains and care; he was so well liked,
     that upon the death of _Nero_ the Emperor, he was Elected in his
     room but was no sooner in that Place, than he was plucked out of it
     again by violent death, as a man unfit for such a Charge, by reason
     of his alteration which that Dignity wrought in him. You may see
     also in _Otho_ who succeeded him, that all the while of his
     prosperity, he lived a most dissolute life and odious to all men;
     but he was no sooner touched with adversity, but he grew to a brave
     and worthy resolution, making choice rather (not out of
     desperation) of his own death, than that by his life the
     Common-weal should be disturbed. And though I cannot but disallow
     the manner of his death (by reason he knew not God truly) yet is it
     plain, that adversity brought him to that worthy mind, which
     contemned life in regard of his Countrey's good; and which was so
     contrary to that mind that prosperity had misled in him. If then
     adverse Fortune were so powerful more than prosperity on Pagans and
     Misbelievers, to procure in them worthy minds; what may we expect
     the force of it should be in Christians, whose first Captain (not
     out of necessity, but free choice) made manifest to the world, by
     his own painful foot steps that there is no other perfect and
     certain way to true happiness.

     "He hath not onely staid here in demonstration of his verity, but
     hath sent to all those (who, the world knows, he highliest
     esteemed, and best loved) nothing but variety of misery in this
     life, with cruel and forced death; the which thing truest wisdom
     esteems as the best tokens of Love from so powerful a Sender, and
     as the best and certainest way to bring a man to perfect happiness.

     "I speak not this to conclude, that no man is happy but those which
     run this strict and best course. But to tell you (my Children) that
     if the world seek and prevail to cut you off from enjoying my
     Estate and Patrimony in this world, yet you should not think your
     selves more unhappy therein: for God, it may be, doth see, that
     there is some other course more fit for you; or that this would
     give great hazard to your Soul's health, which he taketh away, by
     removing the occasion.

     "But, howsoever you find your selves in fortunes of this world,
     use them to God's best pleasure, and think yourselves but Bailiffs
     of such things for an uncertain time. If they be few or poor, your
     fear of making a good accompt may be the lesser; and know, that God
     can send more and richer, if it be requisite for his glory and your
     good; if they be many or great, so much the more care you ought to
     take in governing your selves, lest God, as holding you unworthy
     such a charge, by taking them from you, or you from them, do also
     punish you with eternal misery for abusing his benefits. You shall
     the better learn to make true use and reckoning of these vanities,
     if with due obedience you do hearken to your mother's wholesome
     counsel; and what want you shall find in my instructions, you may
     see better declared to you by looking on her life, which though I
     cannot give assurance for any thing to be done in future times yet
     can I not but very stedfastly believe, that the same Lord will give
     perseverance in virtue, where he hath laid so strong a foundation
     for his spiritual building, and where there is such an humble and
     resigned will to the pleasure of her Lord and Maker.

     "The next part of my charge shall be, in your mutual carriage the
     one to the other; in which, all reasons to move you to perfect
     accord, and entire love, do present themselves unto you, as the
     obligation of Christianity, the tie of natural and nearest
     consanguinity, and the equality, or very small difference of Age.
     There is in none of these any thing wanting, that may be an
     impediment to truest Friendship, nor anything to be added to them
     (for procuring your mutual and heartiest love) but your own consent
     and particular desert each to other. Since then there is all cause
     in each of you for this love, do not deprive yourselves of that
     earthly happiness, which God, Nature, and Time offereth unto you;
     but if you think that the benefit which accord and friendship
     bringeth, be not sufficient to enkindle this love (which God forbid
     you should) yet let the consideration of the misery which the
     contrary worketh in all degrees, stay your mind from dislike.

     "As no man in any Age, but may see great happiness to have been
     attained by good agreement of Friends, Kinsmen, and Brethren; so
     wanteth there not too many examples of such, as by hate and
     dis-cord have frustrated strong hopes sowed in peace, and brought
     to nothing great Fortunes; besides the incurring God's displeasure,
     which still comes accompanied with perpetual misery. If you look
     into Divine Writ, you shall find, that this was the cause of
     '_Abel_' and '_Cain's_' misery, which the least hard hap that came
     to either of them, was to be murdered by his Brother.

     "If you look into Humane Stories, you need search no further to
     behold a most pitiful object than the two sons of 'Phillip,' king
     of 'Macedon,' whose dislike each to other was so deeply rooted,
     that at length it burst forth to open complaints, the one of the
     other to good old 'Phillip' who seeing it, could not be put off
     from a publick hearing, called both his sons (Demetrius and
     Perseus) and in both their hearing made a most effectual speech of
     concord unto them; but finding that it would not take effect, gave
     them free leave to wound his heart with their unnatural
     accusations, the one against the other; which staid not there, by
     the unjust hastning of their Father's sudden death, but caused the
     murther of one of them, with the utter overthrow of that
     commonwealth, and the misery of the survivor. These things (I hope)
     will not be so necessary for your use, as they are hurtless to
     know, and effectual where need requires.

     "Besides these examples, and fore-recited obligations, let me joyn
     a Father's charge which ought not to be lightly esteemed in so just
     a cause. Let me tell you my son _Kenelm_, that you ought to be both
     a Father and a Brother to your unprovided for Brother, and think,
     that what I am hindred from performing to him by short life, and
     voluntary tie of my Land to you; so much account your self bound to
     do him, both in Brotherly affection to him, and in natural duty to
     me. And you, my son _John_, know I send you as Fatherly a Blessing,
     as if I had also given you a great Patrimony; and that if my life
     had permitted, I would have done my endeavour that way. If you find
     anything in that kind to come from your Brother, take it the more
     thankfully; but if that you do not, let it not lessen your love to
     him, who ought not to be loved by you for his Fortune or Bounty,
     but for himself. I am sorry that I am cut off by time from saying
     so much as I did intend at the first; but since I may not, I will
     commend in my Prayers your instruction and guidance to the Giver of
     all goodness, who ever bless and keep you.--Your affectionate
     Father,

     "EVE DIGBY--

     "From my Prison this of Jan. 1605."

    [379] Papers or Letters of Sir Everard Digby. Appendix to the
    Gunpowder Treason, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. 181.




CHAPTER XV.


On Monday, the 27th of January 1606, Sir Everard Digby, Robert and
Thomas Winter, Guy Fawkes, John Grant, Ambrose Rookwood, Robert Keyes,
and Thomas Bates, were taken from their cells in the Tower, led to a
barge, and conveyed up the river to Westminster to be put on their trial
in the celebrated hall, which stands on the site of the banquetting room
of William Rufus. They were to stand before their accusers on soil
already famous, and destined to become yet more famous for important
trials. Here, three hundred years earlier, Sir William Wallace had been
condemned to death. Here, only about eighty years before their own time
came, both Anne Boleyn and Sir Thomas More had been tried and sentenced.
In this splendid building, Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, and King
Charles the First were destined to be condemned to the block. In the
following century, sentence of death was here to be passed upon the
rebel lords of 1745; here too, still later, Warren Hastings and Lord
Melville were to be impeached.

Sir Everard Digby and his fellow-prisoners reached Westminster about
half-an-hour before the time fixed for the trial, and they were taken to
the Star Chamber to await the arrival of their judges. The following is
a contemporary account of their appearance and behaviour while there.
[380] "It was strange to note their carriage, even in their very
countenances: some hanging down the head, as if their hearts were full
of doggedness, and others forcing a stern look, as if they would fear"
["that is _frighten_. _Footnote._"] "death with a frown, never seeming
to pray, except it were by the dozen upon their beads, and taking
tobacco, as if hanging were no trouble to them; saying nothing but in
commendation of their conceited religion, craving mercy of neither God
nor the king for their offences, and making their consciences, as it
were, as wide as the world; and to the very gates of hell, to be the
cause of their hellish courses, to make a work meritorious."

    [380] Somers' Tracts, Vol. xi. p. 113.

This writer clearly did not go to the trial prepared to be pleased with
the prisoners. If they looked down, they were "dogged" and ought to have
been looking up; if they looked up, they were "forcing a stern look,"
and ought to have been looking down: if they were not praying, they
should have been praying, and if they were praying, yea, even praying
"by the dozen," they should have not have been praying; if they smoked,
it was because they did not mind being hanged; if they talked of nothing
but religion, it was because they did not desire God's mercy, and one
thing was certain--that their prayers and their religion and all things
about them, to their very consciences, were "hellish."

Sir John Harrington was another unadmiring spectator. [381] "I have seen
some of the chief" [conspirators], he says, "and think they bear an evil
mark in their foreheads, for more terrible countenances never were
looked upon."

    [381] _Nugæ Antiquæ_, Vol. i. p. 373.

Another writer takes a different view, at any rate in the case of Sir
Everard Digby. As that prisoner was being brought up for trial, says
Father Gerard,[382] "(not in the best case to make show of himself as
you may imagine), yet some of the chiefest in the Court seeing him out
of a window brought in that manner, lamented him much, and said he was
the goodliest man in the whole Court."

    [382] _Narrative of the G. P._, p. 88.

On entering Westminster Hall, the prisoners were made to ascend a
scaffold placed in front of the judges. The Queen and the Prince were
seated in a concealed chamber from which they could see, but could not
be seen; and it was reported that the King also was somewhere
present.[383] The crowd was enormous. Although a special part of the
hall had been assigned to members of parliament who might wish to
attend the trial, they were so[384] "pestered with others not of the
House," that one member complained, and a committee was afterwards
appointed to enquire into the matter.

    [383] Letter from Sir E. Hoby to Sir T. Edmondes.

    [384] Journals of the House of Commons, Jan. 28 1605-6. _Criminal
    Trials._ Jardine, p. 115, footnote.

Sir Everard Digby was arraigned under a separate indictment from that of
the other prisoners, and he was tried by himself after them; but he
stood by them throughout the trial. The first indictment was very long.
After a much spun-out preamble, it stated that the prisoners
"traiterously[385] among themselves did conclude and agree, with
Gunpowder, as it were with one blast, suddenly, traiterously, and
barbarously to blow up and tear in pieces our said Sovereign Lord the
King, the Excellent, Virtuous, and gracious Queen Anne his dearest Wife,
the most Noble Prince Henry their Eldest Son, the future Hope and Joy of
England, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; the Reverend Judges of
the Realm, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament, and
divers other faithful Subjects and Servants of the King in the said
Parliament," &c, "and all of them, without any respect of Majesty,
Dignity, Degree, Sex, Age, or Place, most barbarously, and more than
beastly, traiterously and suddenly, to destroy and swallow up."

    [385] _Gunpowder Treason_, Bp. Barlow, p. (3)

The prisoners under this indictment pleaded "_Not Guilty_; and put
themselves upon God and the Country."

Sir Edward Philips, Sergeant at Law, then got upon his legs. The matter
before the Court, he said, was one of Treason;[386] "but of such
horrour, and monstrous nature, that before now,

  The Tongue of Man never delivered,
  The Ear of Man never heard,
  The Heart of Man never conceited,
  Nor the Malice of Hellish or Earthly Devil never practised."

    [386] _Gunpowder Treason_, Bp. Barlow, p. (9).

And, if it were "abominable to murder the least," and if "to touch God's
annointed," were to oppose God himself, "Then how much more than too
monstrous" was it "to murder and subvert

                Such a King,
                Such a Queen,
                Such a Prince,
                Such a Progeny,
                Such a State,
                Such a Government,
                So compleat and absolute;
                That God approves:
                The World admires:
  All true English Hearts honour and reverence:
  The Pope and his Disciples onely envies and maligns."

The Sergeant, after dwelling briefly on the chief points of the
indictment, and describing the objects of the conspiracy and the plan of
the conspirators, sat down to make way for the principal counsel for the
prosecution, His Majesty's Attorney-General, Sir Edward Coke.

Coke, the enemy of Bacon, was now about fifty-five, and he had filled
the post of Attorney-General for nine years. Sir Everard Digby and his
fellow-prisoners knew that they had little mercy to expect at his hands.
The asperity which he had shown in prosecuting Essex, five years
earlier, and the personal animosity which he had exhibited, still later,
in his sarcastic speech at the trial of Raleigh, when he had wound up
with the phrase, "Thou hast an English face but a Spanish heart," were
notorious, and he was certain to make such a trial as that of the
conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot the occasion of a great forensic
display. It so happened that his speeches at this trial and that of
Father Garnet, which presently followed it, brought his career as an
advocate to a close; for within a year he was appointed Chief-Justice of
Common Pleas.

Undoubtedly, his speeches at the trial of Sir Everard Digby and his
accomplices added to his fame; but Jardine[387] called one of them "a
long and laboured harangue," and other historians thought him guilty
of[388] "unnecessary cruelty in the torture and gratuitous" insolence
which he exhibited towards the accused. The glaring eyes, which we see
represented in his portrait, would be an unpleasant prospect for Sir
Everard as he listened to his cruel words; but whatever tenderness a
biographer may feel for his subject, and whatever dislike a Catholic may
entertain to the Protestant bigotry of Sir Edward Coke, it ought not to
be forgotten that, according to his lights, he was an honest, if a hard
and an unmerciful man, that some ten years later he himself fell into
disgrace and suffered imprisonment in the Tower, rather than yield on a
point of principle, and that, vindictive as he could be in prosecuting a
prisoner, one of his enemies--Lord Chancellor Egerton--said that his
greatest fault was his "excessive popularity."

    [387] P. 141.

    [388] See _Ency. Brit._, Eighth Ed., Vol. vii. p. 95.

Although he began his speech by saying that the Gunpowder Plot had been
the greatest treason ever conceived against the greatest king that ever
lived, he had presently a complimentary word or two to say as to the
origins and previous lives of some of the conspirators. With an air of
great truthfulness and fairness he said:--[389] "It is by some given out
that they are such men as admit just exception, either desperate in
estate, or base, or not settled in their wits; such as are _sine
religione, sine sede, sine fide, sine re, et sine spe_--without
religion, without habitation, without credit, without means, without
hope. But (that no man, though never so wicked, may be wronged) true it
is, they were gentlemen of good houses, of excellent parts, howsoever
most perniciously seduced, abused, corrupted, and jesuited, of very
competent fortunes and estates."

    [389] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, p. 127 _seq._

After having said these comparatively gentle words concerning the laity,
he launched forth in declamation against "those of the spirituality,"
not one of whom was actually on his trial. "It is falsely said," he
cried, "that there is never a religious man in this action; for I never
yet knew a treason without a Romish priest; but in this there are very
many Jesuits, who are known to have dealt and passed through the whole
action." He then named four of these, beginning with Father Garnet,
"besides their cursory men," the first of which was Father Gerard. "The
studies and practises of this sect principally consisted in two D's, to
wit, in deposing of kings and disposing of kingdoms." Having thundered
away at Jesuits and priests to his heart's content, he exclaimed that
"the Romish Catholicks" had put themselves under "Gunpowder Law, fit for
Justices of Hell."

"Note," said he, with great vehemence, "that gunpowder was the invention
of a Friar, one of that Romish Rabble."[390] "All friars, religions, and
priests were bad"; but "the principal offenders are the seducing
Jesuits, men that use the reverence of Religion, yea, even the most
Sacred and Blessed name of JESUS as a mantle to cover their impiety,
blasphemy, treason, and rebellion, and all manner of wickedness."

    [390] So it is commonly said; but Mr Tomlinson, in his article on
    Gunpowder in the _Ency. Brit._, Vol. xi. p. 150, ed. 1856, says that
    it was known, in some form at least, in the year 355 B.C.

No speech in those days was considered perfect without a few words of
astrology, so he called the attention of the Court to the remarkable
fact "that it was in the entering of the Sun into the Tropick of
_Capricorn_, when they" [the conspirators] "began their mine; noting
that by mineing they should descend, and by hanging ascend."

In the latter part of his pompous harangue, there was a passage which
must have been very unpleasant hearing to the prisoners, however
interesting to the rest of the audience.[391]

    [391] _Gunpowder Treason_, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, pp. (48)-(50).

"The conclusion shall be from the admirable clemency and moderation of
the King, in that howsoever these traitors have exceeded all others
their predecessors in mischief, and _Crescente, malitia crescere debuit,
etc., Poena_; yet neither will the King exceed the usual punishment of
Law, nor invent any new torture or torment for them, but is graciously
pleased to afford them an ordinary course of trial, as an ordinary
punishment, much inferior to their offence." Nor was this reference to a
"new torture" a mere figure of rhetoric on the part of the
Attorney-General; for a few days earlier,[392] in both houses of
Parliament, a proposal had been made to petition the King "to stay
judgment until Parliament should have time to consider some
extraordinary mode of punishment, which might surpass in horror even the
scenes which usually occurred at the execution of traitors." To their
credit be it spoken, this suggestion was negatived by both Lords and
Commons.

    [392] Gardiner's Hist. of Eng., Vol. i. p. 286; and see 3 Jac. I.
    cap. 1.

"And surely," continued Coke, "worthy of observation is the punishment
by law provided for High Treason, which we call _Crimen læsæ
Majestatis_. For first after a traitor hath had his fair trial, and is
convicted and attainted, he shall have his judgment to be drawn to the
place of execution from his prison, as being not worthy any more to
tread upon the face of the earth, whereof he was made. Also for that he
hath been retrograde to Nature, therefore is he drawn backwards at a
horse-tail. And whereas God hath made the head of man the highest and
most supreme part, as being his chief grace and ornament: _Pronáque cum
spectent Animalia cætera terram, Os homini sublime dedit_; he must be
drawn with his head declining downward, and lying so near the ground as
may be, being thought unfit to take benefit of the common air. For which
cause also he shall be strangled, being hanged up by the neck between
heaven and earth, as deemed unworthy of both, or either; as likewise,
that the eyes of men may behold, and their hearts contemn him. Then is
he to be cut down alive, and to have ---- cut off, and burnt before his
face, as being unworthily begotten, and unfit to leave any generation
after him; his bowels and inlayed parts taken out and burnt, who
inwardly conceived and harboured in his heart such horrible Treason.
After, to have his head cut off, which had imagined the mischief. And
lastly, his body to be quartered, and the quarters set up in some high
and eminent place, to the view and detestation of men, and to become a
prey for the Fouls of the Air."

Considering that the prisoners had not yet been found guilty, and that
even had they been, it was no business of his to pass sentence on them,
this pointless and objectless description of their probable fate was as
gratuitous as it was cruel on the part of the Attorney-General.

With the prisoners, other than Sir Everard Digby, I have nothing to do,
and it will suffice to say, that, at the conclusion of the
Attorney-General's speech, the depositions of their examinations in the
Tower--"the voluntary confessions of all the said several traitors in
writings subscribed with their own proper hands"--were then read aloud.
These are very interesting, and have already been partially used in
framing the story in the preceding pages. They are humble and penitent
in tone, and as a specimen of this apparent penitence I will quote the
opening of one of the longest, namely that by Thomas Winter.[393]

    [393] S. P. Dom. James I., G. P. Book, Part II. n. 114.

"My most honorable Lordes.--Not out of hope to obtayne pardon, for
speakinge of my temporall past, I may say the fault is greater than can
be forgiven, nor affectinge hereby the title of a good subject, for I
must redeeme my countrey from as great a danger as I have hazarded the
bringinge her into, before I can purchase any such opinion; only at your
Ho. Commans I will breifely sett downe my owne accusation, and how farr
I have proceeded in this busyness w{ch} I shall the faythfuller doe since
I see such courses are not pleasinge to Allmighty God, and that all or
the most material parts have been allready confessed."

At the conclusion of the public reading of these confessions, the Lord
Chief Justice made some remarks to the jury, and then directed them to
consider of their verdict; upon "which they retired into a separate
place."[394]

    [394] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, Vol. ii. pp. 138 and 169.

Sir Everard Digby was then arraigned by himself upon a separate
indictment issued by Sir Christopher Yelverton and other special
commissioners of Oyer & Terminer, on the 16th of January, at
Wellingborough, in Northamptonshire, and delivered to the same
commission in Middlesex that had tried the other prisoners. It charged
him with High Treason in conspiring the death of the king, with
conferring with Catesby in Northamptonshire concerning the Gunpowder
Plot, assenting to the design, and taking the oath of secrecy.

As soon as the indictment was read, Sir Everard began to make a speech;
but was interrupted by being told that he must first plead, either
guilty or not guilty, and that then he would be allowed to say what he
liked.

He at once confessed that he was guilty of the treason; and then he
spoke of the motives which had led him to it.[395] The first of these
was neither ambition, nor discontent, nor ill-will towards any member of
Parliament, but his intense friendship and affection for Robert Catesby,
whose influence over him was so great that he could not help risking his
own property and his life at his bidding. The second motive was the
cause of religion, on behalf of which he was glad to endanger "his
estate, his life, his name, his memory, his posterity, and all worldly
and earthly felicity whatsoever." His third motive was prompted by the
broken promises to Catholics, and had as its object the prevention of
the harder laws which they feared and professed to have solid reasons
for fearing, from the new Parliament; as "that Recusant's Wives, and
women, should be liable to the Mulct as well as their husbands and men."
And further, that "it was supposed, that it should be made a _Præmunire_
onely to be a Catholick."

    [395] _Gunpowder Treason_, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (55) _seq._

Having stated the motives of his crime, he proceeded to make his
petitions--[396] "That sithens his offence was confined and contained
within himself, that the punishment also of the same might extend only
to himself, and not be transferred either to his Wife, Children,
Sisters, or others: and therefore for his Wife he humbly craved, that
she might enjoy her Joynture, his Son the benefit of an Entail made long
before any thought of this action; his Sisters, their just and due
portions which were in his hands; his Creditors, their rightful Debts;
which that he might more justly set down under his hand, he requested,
that before his death, his Man (who was better acquainted both with the
men and the particulars than himself) might be licensed to come unto
him. Then prayed he pardon of the King and Ll. for his guilt, and
lastly, he entreated to be beheaded, desiring all men to forgive him,
and that his death might satisfie them for his trespass."

    [396] _Gunpowder Treason_, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (56).

The daylight was waning quickly in the great hall of Westminster, on
that short January day, when Sir Edward Coke, the Attorney-General, rose
from his seat, at the conclusion of Sir Everard Digby's dignified but
distressed speech. He had already shown refinement of cruelty in
treating the prisoners to a detailed description of the horrors of the
death that was awaiting them, and he was now again ready to inflict as
much pain as possible.

As to Sir Everard's friendship with Catesby, he said, it was "mere
folly, and wicked Conspiracy"; his religion was "Error and Heresie"; his
promises--it does not appear that he had made any--were "idle and vain
presumptions"; "as also his fears, false alarms, Concerning Wives that
were Recusants." "If a man married one," great reason there is, "that he
or they should pay for it"; but if a wife "were no Recusant at the time
of Marriage"--as had been the case with Lady Digby, although he did not
mention her by name--"and yet afterwards he suffer her to be corrupted
and seduced, by admitting Priests and Romanists into his house"--Roger
Lee and Father Gerard, for instance, Sir Everard might understand him to
imply--"good reason that he, be he Papist or Protestant, should pay for
his negligence and misgovernment."

Next he dealt with Sir Everard's petitions on behalf of his wife,
children, sisters, &c., and on this point he became eloquent.[397] "Oh
how he doth now put on the bowels of Nature and Compassion in the perils
of his private and domesticated estate! But before, when the publick
state of his Countrey, when the King, the Queen, the tender Princes, the
Nobles, the whole Kingdom, were designed to a perpetual destruction,
Where was then this piety, this Religious affection?" "All Nature, all
Humanity, all respect of Laws both Divine and Humane, were quite
abandoned; then there was no conscience made to extirpate the whole
Nation, and all for a pretended zeal to the Catholick Religion, and the
justification of so detestable and damnable a Fact."

    [397] _Gunpowder Treason_, by Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln, p. (57).

Here Sir Everard Digby interrupted the great lawyer with the remark that
he had not justified the fact, but had confessed that he deserved the
vilest death; and that all he had done was to seek mercy, "and some
moderation of justice."

As to moderation of justice, replied the Attorney-General, how could a
man expect or ask for it who had acted in direct opposition to all mercy
and all justice? And had he not already had most ample and most
undeserved moderation shown to him? Verily he ought "to admire the great
moderation and mercy of the King, in that, for so exorbitant a crime, no
new torture answerable thereunto was devised to be inflicted upon him."
Was it not sufficient consolation to him to reflect upon his good
fortune in this respect? Sir Everard had talked about his wife and
children. Well! did he forget how he had said "that for the Catholick
Cause he was content to neglect the ruine of himself, his Wife, his
Estate, and all"? Oh! he should be made content enough on this point.
Here was an appropriate text for him:--"Let his Wife be a widow, and his
Children vagabonds, let his posterity be destroyed, and in the next
generation let his name be quite put out." Then Sir Edward Coke spoke
directly to Sir Everard, and said:--"For the paying of your Creditors,
it is equal and just, but yet fit the King be first satisfied and paid,
to whom you owe so much, as that all you have is too little: yet these
things must be left to the pleasure of his Majesty, and the course of
Justice and Law." Fortunately for Sir Everard, "in respect for the time
(for it grew now dark)" the Attorney General spoke "very briefly."

One of the nine Commissioners, appointed to try the prisoners, now
addressed Sir Everard. His words came with more force, perhaps it might
be said with more cruel force, because he was himself a Catholic. This
was Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, younger brother of the Duke of
Norfolk, and second son of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, who had been
beheaded on Tower Hill, nearly sixty years earlier, in the reign of
Henry VIII. This Commissioner had espoused the cause of Mary, Queen of
Scots,[398] and he was rather ostentatiously put forward at this trial,
and afterwards at that of Father Garnet, to prove his loyalty and to
counteract the jealousy and suspicion which had been caused by the
appointment of a man of his religion[399] to the Wardenship of the
Cinque Ports. Banks wrote of him,[400] "other authors represent him as
the most contemptible and despicable of man-kind; a wretch, that it
causes astonishment to reflect, that he was the son of the generous, the
noble, and accomplished Earl of Surrey.[401] He was a learned man, but
a pedant, dark and mysterious, and consequently far from possessing
masterly abilities. He was the grossest of flatterers, &c."

    [398] Froude's Hist. of Eng., Vol. xi. p. 74.

    [399] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, Vol. xi. p. 172, footnote.

    [400] I quote from Burke's _Dormant and Extinct Peerages_, p. 285.

    [401] Henry, Earl of Surrey, was the first English writer of blank
    verse and sonnets. _Beeton's Encyclopædia_.

Northampton began his speech as follows:--[402] "You must not hold it
strange, Sir Everard Digby, though at this time being pressed in duty,
Conscience and Truth, I do not suffer you to wander in the Laberinth of
your own idle conceits without opposition, to seduce others, as your
self have been seduced, by false Principles; or to convey your self by
charms of imputation, by clouds of errour, and by shifts of lately
devised 'Equivocation'; out of that streight wherein your late secure
and happy fortune hath been unluckily entangled; but yet justly
surprised, by the rage and revenge of your own rash humors. If in this
crime (more horrible than any man is able to express) I could lament the
estate of any person upon earth, I could pity you, but thank your self
and your bad counsellours, for leading you into a Crime of such a kind;
as no less benummeth in all faithfull, true and honest men, the
tenderness of affection, than it did in you, the sense of all humanity.
That you were once well thought of, and esteemed by the late Queen, I
can witness, having heard her speak of you with that grace which might
have encouraged a true gentleman to have run a better course: Nay, I
will add further, that there was a time, wherein you were as well
affected to the king our master's expectation, though perhaps upon false
rumours and reports, that he would have yielded satisfaction to your
unprobable and vast desires: but the seed that wanted moisture (as our
Saviour Himself reporteth) took no deep root: that zeal which hath no
other end or object than the pleasing of itself, is quickly spent: and
Trajan, that worthy and wise Emperour, had reason to hold himself
discharged of all debts to those, that had offended more by
prevarication, than they could deserve by industry."

    [402] _Gunpowder Treason_, p. 59.

The main contention of his long and wordy speech was to refute the
charge of broken promises to his co-religionists brought by Sir Everard
Digby in his description of his motives. It was well-known that the
Catholics considered the king guilty of perfidy on this point, and that
they based their accusation chiefly upon the reports of Father Watson's
celebrated interview with James in Scotland, a matter with which I dealt
in an early chapter. Northampton denied that James had ever encouraged
the Catholics to expect any favour.

He made a strong point of Percy's having asserted that the king had
promised toleration to the Catholics; asking why, if this were really
the case, Percy, at the beginning of the king's reign, thought it worth
while to employ Guy Fawkes and others to plot against the king in Spain?
He wound up by praying for Sir Everard's repentance in this world and
his forgiveness in the next.

Then Lord Salisbury spoke. He began by acknowledging his own connection,
by marriage, with Sir Everard, and then he proceeded, with even greater
zeal than Northampton, to imply that the prisoner's plea of broken
promises to Catholics would be understood to mean bad faith on the part
of the king; and it was thought by some that Sir Everard would have had
his sentence commuted for beheading, had it not been for what Salisbury
now said.[403] After defending the king from all imputation of
faithlessness towards his Catholic subjects, Salisbury referred to Sir
Everard's personal guilt, and dwelt upon Guy Fawkes's evidence that, at
Gothurst, he had expressed a fear lest the gunpowder stored beneath the
houses of Parliament, might, during the wet weather in October, have
"grown dank."

    [403] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 216.

When Salisbury had finished, Sergeant Philips got up and "prayed the
judgment of the court upon the verdict of the Jury against the seven
first prisoners, and against Sir Everard Digby upon his own confession."
Each prisoner was then formally asked what he had to say why judgment of
death should not be pronounced against him. Finally Lord Chief Justice
Popham described and defended the laws made by Queen Elizabeth against
priests, recusants, and receivers and harbourers of priests,[404] which
seems to have been a little wide of the subject of the crime of the
prisoners, and then he solemnly pronounced the usual sentence for high
treason upon all the eight men who stood convicted before him.

    [404] _Criminal Trials_, Jardine, Vol. ii. p. 181.

Then Sir Everard bowed towards the commissioners who had tried him and
said:--"If I may but hear any of your Lordships say you forgive me, I
shall go more cheerfully to the gallows."

They all immediately replied:--"God forgive you, and we do."

And thus, late in the evening, this memorable trial ended, and the
prisoners were conveyed by torches to their barge; then they were rowed
down the river to the Tower, and led through the dark "Traitor's Gate"
to their cells.




CHAPTER XVI.


Sir Everard Digby was only allowed two clear days between his trial and
his execution to prepare for death. He was not permitted to see his
young wife or his little sons, nor was he granted the consolation of the
services of a priest. Short as was the time he had yet to live, it must
have hung heavily on his hands. Fortunately he had lived much with
Jesuits, who would doubtless have instructed him in their admirable
system of meditation; but "the exercise of the memory," which it
includes, can hardly have afforded him much consolation under the
circumstances. To add to his depression, it was at the time of year when
there are but few hours of daylight, and the artificial light permitted
in a prisoner's room in the Tower would certainly be very meagre, and
little more than sufficient to render the ghastly gloom of the
dungeon-walls more manifest. Very early, too, all prisoners' lights
would be put out, and terrible then must have been the dreariness of the
long nights and the dark mornings, until the sun rose at about a quarter
to eight o'clock. It is easy to imagine him dreaming of his happy home
at Gothurst, and fancying himself walking with his wife in its garden,
or playing with his little children by its great hall fireside, or
entertaining his guests at its long banquetting-table, and suddenly
waking with a start, to find himself in darkness, on a hard bed, with a
rough, cold wall beside him, and to remember that he was a condemned
traitor in the Tower of London; and then, perhaps, lying awake to
reflect upon the brilliant opportunities of happiness, prosperity, and
usefulness with which he had started in his short life, and the misery
in which he was about to end it. Nor does it require any great effort of
the imagination to see him falling, from sheer weariness, into a fitful,
feverish sleep, and, as he turned and tossed, frequently dreaming of the
horrors of his impending execution, as they had been so lately described
in his presence by the Attorney-General.

When, in the morning, he rose to obtain consolation from devotion, how
likely that the heavy drowsiness or headache resulting from a wretched
night would make him feel utterly helpless as he tried to pray or
meditate; or that, distracted by the memories of his misfortunes, and
the terrible thought of the destitution to which his wife and family
might be exposed--for he seems to have died in doubt whether Gothurst,
as well as his estates inherited from his father, would not be
confiscated--he would be unable to fix his attention upon spiritual
matters.

During the interval preceding his death Sir Everard wrote the following
lines. Criticise them as you please; call them doggrel if you will; but
at least respect them as the words of a broken-hearted and dying man.

       *       *       *       *       *

JESUS MARIA.

  Who's that which knocks? Oh stay, my Lord, I come:
    I know that call, since first it made me know
  My self, which makes me now with joy to run,
    Lest He be gone that can my duty show.
      Jesu, my Lord, I know Thee by the Cross
      Thou offer'st me, but not unto my loss.

  Come in, my Lord, whose presence most I crave,
    And shew Thy will unto my longing mind;
  From punishments of sin Thy servant save,
    Though he hath been to Thy deserts unkind.
      Jesu forgive, and strengthen so my mind,
      That rooted virtues thou in me maist find.

  Stay still, my Lord, else will they fade away,
    As Marigold that mourns for absent Sun:
  Thou know'st thou plantest in a barren clay
    That choaks in Winter all that up is come;
      I do not fear thy Summers wished for heat
      May tears shall water where thy shine doth threat.

However deeply Sir Everard Digby may have sinned, he knew how to make
his peace with God when death approached him. He had a definite religion
to depend on, he had no need to consider which of many widely divergent
views held by the professors of one nominal church was the most
probable. It is true that he was deprived of those consoling rites which
the Catholic Church provides for her children when on the threshold of
death; he had none of the "soothing charm" of "the words of peace and
blessing"[405] uttered by the confessor in absolution; he was not
strengthened for the perilous journey from this life to the next by the
sacred viaticum, but he knew that, where these privileges could not be
obtained, a hearty desire for them, with a good act of contrition, might
obtain many of their blessings and all that was necessary for salvation.

    [405] See Cardinal Newman in _Present Position of Catholics_, p.
    351.

From a theological point of view, it was a happy thing that he knew the
plot in which he had been implicated to be all but universally condemned
by his co-religionists. If many of them had defended it, and he had
heard that there were two parties, one extenuating the conspiracy and
another anathematising it, he might have clung to the belief that he had
done nothing wrong, and that "rending of the heart" conducive to true
contrition might have been wanting.

He had sinned deeply; let us hope that deep was his sorrow. Yet is not
this the moment--the moment when we are supposing him in the deepest
degradation of spirit for his iniquities--at which we may best say a
kind word for him?

Hitherto I have written little in palliation of his crime; perhaps the
very fact of his having professed my own religion may have made me more
careful to say nothing that might have the appearance of minimising his
guilt; nor, in the few more pages that I have still to write, do I
intend to plead that his sentence ought to have been commuted on account
of any extenuating circumstances. Unquestionably he deserved to die, but
I beg to commend his memory to the mercy of my readers.

Let others speak for him. The Protestant Bishop Barlow, in his book on
the Gunpowder Plot, which so severely condemns all concerned in it,
says[406]:--"This Gentleman was verily persuaded of the lawfulness of
this Design, and did engage in it out of a sincere, but ignorant zeal
for the advancement, as he thought, of the true Religion." These are the
words of a hostile historian: the following--some of which have been
quoted earlier--are those of a friend[407]:--"He was so much and so
generally lamented, and is so much esteemed and praised by all sorts in
England, both Catholics and others, although neither side can or do
approve this last outrageous and exorbitant attempt against our King and
country, wherein a man otherwise so worthy, was so unworthily lost and
cast away to the great grief of all that knew him, and especially of
all that loved him. And truly it was hard to do the one and not the
other." An unfriendly critic, Scott, in a footnote to the _Somers'
Tracts_,[408] says that Sir Everard "was a man of unblemished reputation
until this hellish conspiracy." Yet another, Caulfield, says of
him,[409] "Digby himself was as highly esteemed and beloved as any man
in England"; and one more hostile writer, Jardine, says[410]:--"There is
abundant evidence that Sir Everard Digby joined in the enterprise under
the full persuasion that in so doing he was rendering good service to
his church and promoting the cause of true religion."

    [406] _Gunpowder Treason_, Appendix.

    [407] _Narrative of the G. P._, Gerard, p. 91.

    [408] Vol. ii. p. 116.

    [409] _History of the G. P._, by James Caulfield, 1804, p. 56.

    [410] _Gunpowder Plot_, p. 153.

Testimonies to his character would be incomplete without any from a
woman. Here is one from a Protestant to the back-bone, Miss
Aikin:--[411] "His youth, his personal graces, the constancy which he
had exhibited whilst he believed himself a martyr in a good cause, the
deep sorrow which he testified on becoming sensible of his error, seemed
to have moved all hearts with pity and even admiration; and if so
detestable a villainy as the powder plot may be permitted to have a
hero, Everard Digby was undoubtedly the man."

    [411] _Memoirs of the Court of James I._, Vol. i. p. 254.

Lastly, he must be allowed to have his share in the fair and considerate
pleadings of the greatest of all historians of the Stuart period, on
behalf of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot. Dr Samuel Rawson
Gardiner writes:--[412] "Atrocious as the whole undertaking was, great
as must have been the moral obliquity of their minds before they could
have conceived such a project, there was at least nothing mean or
selfish about them. They had boldly risked their lives for what they
honestly believed to be the cause of God and of their country." A few
lines further on he says, "if the criminality of their design was hidden
from the eyes of the plotters, it was not from any ambitious thoughts of
the consequences of success to themselves." Presently he adds, "As far
as we can judge, they would have been ready, as soon as the wrongs of
which they complained had been redressed, to sink back again into
obscurity." And finally, after dwelling upon their difficulty in seeing
"their atrocious crime in the light in which we see it," he declares his
opinion that, just at last, at least some of them saw "their acts as
they really were," and "with such thoughts as these on their minds,"
"passed away from the world which they had wronged to the presence of
Him who had seen their guilt and their repentance alike."

    [412] History of England, Vol. i. pp. 263-4.

It is well, however, to be just as well as generous, and if it be
impossible to consider the fine, handsome youth, of four and twenty,
awaiting execution in the Tower of London, without feelings of
compassion; we should none the less remember that Sir Everard Digby's
co-religionists have other reasons for sorrow in connection with him.
Instead of benefiting the Catholic cause in his country by the
enterprise which he assisted with his influence, his wealth, his time,
and his personal services, he did it the most serious mischief
conceivable; we must keep before our minds, therefore, the fact, that to
Catholics he should appear, not so much an unhappy failure, as a most
active, if most unintentional, aggressor. Although King James himself
declared that the English Catholics, as a body, were neither implicated
in, nor approvers of the Gunpowder Plot; although the Archpriest
condemned it formally a day or two after its discovery; although Father
Gerard and other Jesuits distinctly and categorically disclaimed all
connection with it, and although the Pope himself addressed two letters
to King James, expressing his unqualified horror of it, the idea was
never dispelled that it was a Popish and Jesuitical design. For many
years, English people were ready to believe any absurd tale of Catholic
conspiracy, such as[413] "Rome's Master-piece: or, The Grand Conspiracy
of the Pope and his Jesuited Instruments," in 1640, and the pretended
plot to assassinate Charles II. in 1678, for which, on the perjured
evidence of Titus Oates and others,[414] "about eighteen Roman
Catholics were accused, and upon false testimony convicted and executed;
among them the aged Viscount Stafford." Ballads, such as that which
begins as follows, describing this so-called and non-existent
conspiracy, were eagerly purchased in the streets.

  [415] "Good People, I pray you, give ear unto me,
    A Story so strange you have never been told,
  How the _Jesuit_, _Devil_, and _Pope_ did agree
    Our State to destroy, and Religion so old.
      To _murder_ our _King_,
      A most horrible thing, &c."

    [413] See Wharton's _Laud's History, &c._, p. 567.

    [414] Haydn's _Dictionary of Dates_, 1892, p. 696.

    [415] _A New Narrative of the Popish Plot, showing the Cunning
    Contrivance thereof._

Nor did the prejudices against Catholics raised by the Gunpowder Plot,
early in the seventeenth century, die out at the end of it. Even now
there remains a traditional superstition in this country that it was
planned by the Jesuits, admired by the majority of English Catholics,
and secretly connived at by the Pope and the Sacred College. For
generations, English schoolboys have believed that Roman Catholics are
people who would blow up every Protestant with gunpowder if they could.
So indelible has been the prejudice created against Catholics by the
misdoings of a mere handful of conspirators in the Gunpowder Plot, that
the large number of English Catholic squires, baronets, and noblemen,
who squandered their estates and their patrimony, and even gave their
lives, for their king, in the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II.,
failed to eradicate the popular notion that all Catholics were disloyal.
The meetings at White Webbs and Gothurst gave rise to the idea that the
private house of every Catholic served as a rendezvous for plotters, and
every seminary as a nest of traitors; the fact that Catesby and Digby
had Jesuit friends has made Protestants believe that every Jesuit would
commit a murder if he thought it would serve the cause of his religion;
and the fact that they had priests in their houses has led to the
impression that, wherever there is a domestic Catholic chaplain,
mischief is certain to be brewing. Worst of all, when Protestants are
told of "an excellent Catholic," a man who goes to confession and
communion every week, a man of irreproachable character both in private
and in public life, a man of high position, great wealth, charming
manners, and popularity among Protestants as well as Catholics, they can
point, as they have been able to point for nearly three hundred years,
to the history of Sir Everard Digby, as an example of what even such a
man would be "obliged to do" were "his priest" so to order him.

Thus much for the moral effect produced by the efforts of Sir Everard
Digby and his friends for the benefit of the English Catholics; the
material effect may be described in a few words. It was, instead of
relieving them from oppression, to cause the laws and disabilities under
which they suffered to be redoubled. When they reflect upon all these
things, can Catholics recall the memory of Sir Everard Digby with no
other feelings than those of pity? Surely, if any class of men have
cause to execrate the memory of every conspirator in the Gunpowder Plot,
it is not the Protestants but the Catholics.

None the less may it be doubted, whether, among misguided men, there is
a character in history more to be pitied than Sir Everard Digby.
Whatever his faults, whatever his errors, whatever the mischief he
wrought to the cause for which he was ready to give his life, he never
seems to have been guilty of a selfish action; if he was disloyal to his
country, he believed that he was serving its best interests; if he
mistook atrocious murder for legitimate warfare, it was with the hope of
restoring his fellow-countrymen to the faith of their forefathers.

       *       *       *       *       *

The inhabitants of London were to have two thoroughly happy days; there
was to be a great execution on Thursday and another on Friday. Four
traitors were to be hanged, drawn, and quartered on either day.

On Thursday, the 30th of January 1606, Sir Everard Digby was taken from
his prison in the Tower to a doorway in front of which four horses were
each harnessed to a separate wattled hurdle lying on the ground. He
found three of his fellow-conspirators awaiting him--his late host,
Robert Winter of Huddington, the courageous, but rough and pugnacious,
John Grant of Norbrook, and--there being no respect of persons on the
scaffold--Thomas Bates, Catesby's servant.

Ordered to lie down on his back, with his head towards the horse's tail,
Sir Everard was tightly bound to the hurdle, and when all the four
condemned men had been treated in the same manner, the procession
started on its doleful journey. To be dragged through the muddy streets
of London, to be splashed and saturated with their slush and filth, and
to be bruised and shaken over the rough stones as the hurdle rose and
fell over them, must have been as disagreeable as it was degrading; and
the mile or more from the Tower to the place of execution--the west of
St Paul's Cathedral--was a long distance over which to be submitted to
such an ordeal. To add to the sensations of disgrace, the streets were
crowded, and nearly every window in Cheapside was filled with people
watching the prisoners passing to their doom.

Every pains had been taken to render the execution as imposing as
possible. A large number of soldiers accompanied the procession, and the
Lord Mayor had issued an order to the Alderman of each ward of the city,
ordering him to[416] "cause one able and sufficient person, with a
halbard in his hand, to stand at the door of every several
dwelling-house in the open street in the way that the traitors were to
be drawn towards the place of execution, from seven in the morning until
the return of the sheriff." This was partly with a view to add dignity
and importance to the terrible function, and partly to provide against
tumult or raids by the mob.

    [416] Repertories in the Town Clerk's Office. _Criminal Trials._
    Jardine, Vol. xi. pp. 181-2.

When the shadow of St Paul's Cathedral fell upon his hurdle, Sir Everard
knew that he was very near the scene of his execution; the crowd became
greater at every step of the horse that was dragging him, and he had
scarcely passed the great church before he found himself in a narrow
lane formed by a densely packed mass of people, kept apart by a line of
soldiers on either side.

Suddenly the horse that was drawing his hurdle stopped, and, on looking
up, he saw the ghastly gallows by his side. There, also, was the long,
low, thick table, or block, on which the quartering would take place;
there, too, were the preparations for the fire in which certain portions
of his body would be burnt before it went out.

He was liberated from the hurdle. Stiff and mud-bespattered, he got up
and was led towards the gallows. He was then informed that he was to be
the first to suffer. Many officials were present. The protestant clergy
came forward and offered their services. He courteously refused them;
but turning to the crowd, he begged the assistance and prayers of all
good Catholics.[417] Even his enemies admitted that as he stood on the
scaffold, he was[418] "a man of a goodly personage and a manly aspect,"
although "his colour grew pale," as well it might, after having been
dragged on his back for a mile over the streets of that period; nor
could a man be expected to carry much colour on his face immediately
before being put to a horrible death in cold blood.

    [417] Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

    [418] Somers' Tracts, Vol. ii. p. 114.

After saying a few prayers, he again turned to the people, and one of
the officials asked him to acknowledge his treason before he died. He
then made a short speech. [419] "Sir Everard Digby" says Stow,
"protested from the bottome of his heart, he asked forgivenesse of God,
the King, the Queene, the Prince, and all the Parliament, and if that
hee had knowne it at first to have ben so foule a treason, he would not
have concealed it to have gayned a world, requiring the people to
witnesse he died penitent and sorrowfull for this vile Treason, and
confident to be saved in the merits of his sweet Saviour Jesus, etc."

    [419] Stow's _Annales_, p. 882.

Still, he declared most solemnly[420] that while he was quite willing to
die for his offence, he had not been impelled to commit the treason by
feelings of ill-will towards any living creature, or a desire for
self-advancement or worldly gains. His sole motive had been to put an
end to the persecutions of Catholics, to benefit human souls, and to
serve the cause of religion. The action itself he acknowledged to have
been sinful; the intentions which prompted it he protested to have been
pure.

    [420] Narrative of the G. P., Gerard, p. 217.

"His speech was not long,"[421] and, when it was ended he knelt down,
made the sign of the Cross, and said some prayers in a low voice in
Latin, "often bowing his head to the ground," says Stow, "mumbling to
himself," and "refusing to have any prayers of any but of the Romish
Catholics," says the hostile historian in the _Somers' Tracts_, he "fell
to his prayers with such devotion as moved all the beholders," states
his friend Father Gerard, who goes on to say:--"And when he had done, he
stood up and saluted all the noblemen and gentlemen that stood upon the
scaffold, every one according to his estate, to the noblemen with a
lower _congé_, to others with more show of equality, but to all in so
friendly and so cheerful a manner, as they afterwards said, he seemed so
free from fear of death, as that he showed no feeling at all of any
passion therein, but took his leave of them as he was wont to do when he
went from the Court or out of the city to his own house in the country;
yet he showed so great devotion of mind, so much fervour and humility in
his prayers, and so great confidence in God, as that very many said[422]
they made no doubt but his soul was happy, and wished themselves might
die in the like state of mind."

    [421] Somers' Tracts.

    [422] A footnote says, "Here wants something. _In another hand,
    erased in Original._"

The hangman now came up to assist him in his preparations for execution.
Before going to the gallows for hanging and quartering, the condemned
man was stripped, with the exception of his shirt. This humiliating
process having been completed, with his hands bound, Sir Everard
accompanied the executioner to the foot of the ladder, and saying, "Oh!
Jesu, Jesu, save me and keep me," he ascended it, as also did the
hangman.

I should like to let the curtain fall here; but, were I to do so, my
story would be incomplete.

The punishment of hanging, drawing, and quartering was so horrible, that
it was often mitigated by allowing the victim to hang until he was dead.
This might well have been done in the case of Sir Everard Digby. To be
hung, partially naked, knowing that his body would afterwards be hacked
to pieces in the most disgraceful manner before the eyes of an immense
concourse of people, should have been considered a sufficient
punishment. But no! Not even was he permitted to be to some extent
stupefied by being half-strangled. The executioner had no sooner turned
him off the ladder than he cut the rope.[423] Sir Everard "fell on his
face and bruised his forehead." Then followed a scene of vivisection and
butchery,[424] which would not be tolerated in these days if the
subject were a sheep or an ox. Yet even on the awful block, Sir Everard
never betrayed his dignity;[425] and, condemn his offences as we may, we
cannot fairly refuse to give him credit for having died like a good
Christian, a courteous gentleman, and a courageous Englishman.

    [423] _Narrative G. P._, Gerard, p. 218.

    [424] Wood, in his _Athenæ Oxonienses_, Vol. ii. p. 354, says, "when
    the Executioner pluck't out his Heart (when his Body was to be
    quartered), and according to the manner held it up, saying, _Here is
    the Heart of a Traytor, Sir Everard_ made answer, _Thou liest_." This
    a most famous Author ["_Franc._ Lord _Bacon_" says a footnote],
    mentions, but tells us not his Name, in his _Historia Vitæ et
    Mortis_.

    [425] Narrative G. P., Gerard, p. 218.

       *       *       *       *       *

No biographer ever felt more genuine sorrow for his subject than have I
for Sir Everard Digby. My sympathy for him has been the greater because
he was, like myself, a convert to the Roman Catholic Church; because
both he and I were received into that Church by Fathers of the Society
of Jesus; because, both in his house and in mine, Jesuits have very
frequently been welcomed as guests, and because in my private chapel, as
in his, they have often acted as chaplains. Moreover, an additional bond
between Sir Everard Digby and myself is the fact that he was my
ancestor. Nevertheless, I hope that I have not allowed any of these
accidents of faith or family to induce me wilfully to conceal an
incident important to his history, to gloss over a mistake that he
committed, to put a dishonest construction upon one of his actions, or
to say an untrue word either about himself, or any other character that
has been introduced among these pages. Like his own life, my attempt at
recounting it may be disfigured by mistaken zeal, false inferences, and
rash conclusions; or possibly my authorities, like his friends, may have
led me into error; if so, before laying down my pen, like Sir Everard
Digby, before laying down his life, let me admit the offence, but
declare that it was prompted by no unworthy motive.




TURNBULL AND SPEARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH.


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