AN
ENGLISH GARNER

To the Loving Reader.

THe safe and sure recordation of pains and perils past hath present delectation, saith Tully. For things, were they never so bitter and unpleasant in the execution, being after in peace and security renewed by report or chronicle, are both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, whether they touched ourselves or others.

Being thus in this point persuaded, loving Reader, I thought it a travail neither unpleasant for thee, nor unthankful for me, to contrive the late Rebellion practised by Wyat in form of a Chronicle, as thou seest. Whereby as I mean not to please the evil, nor displease the good; so I much desire to amend the one by setting before his eye the lamentable Image of hateful Rebellion, for the increase of obedience; and to help the other by setting forth the unspotted loyalty of such as adventurously and faithfully served in this dangerous time, for the increase of knowledge and policy the better to repress the like dangers, if any hereafter happen.

And further, although hereby I covet not to renew a fear of a danger past, yet would I gladly increase a care and study in every good man's heart to avoid a like danger that may happen, and most times happeneth; when a danger with much difficulty avoided is not sufficient warning to beware of the next.

I have forborne to touch any man by name, Wyat only except; and a few others which the story would not permit to be left out. Yet take me not that I mean to excuse any man's fault thereby. For what, should I shew myself so ungrate or unnatural unto my natural countrymen; as [Pg 44] namely to blaze them to the World whom, either their own good hap or the Queen's surpassing mercy, would to be covered at this time?

And although I touch some by name, terming them in certain places "traitors and rebels," just titles of their deserts: yet, GOD is my witness!, I do it not of malice or envy to any of their persons. I never hated any of them; no, not Wyat himself! whom, although he was utterly unknown unto me, yet for the sundry and singular gifts wherewith he was largely endued, I had him in great admiration. And now I rather pity his unhappy case than malice his person: and do much lament that so many good and commendable qualities were abused in the service of cursed Heresy; whose reward was never other than shameful confusion, by one way or other, to all that followed her ways.

Finally, if thou suppose I have not fully set forth the whole case, all as it was, I shall not againsay it; neither thought I it necessary so to do; but rather so much as for this time might be both plausible [praiseworthy] and profitable, and should satisfy such points as in the Dedicatory Epistle to the Queen's Majesty are expressed.

Hereafter it may be that further be said touching this matter. In mean time thou hast no just cause, I trust, to be offended with this my present enterprise, either for the manner of handling or for the matter herein handled: the one having sufficient perspicuity and plainness, the other full truth; for which I have made such diligent investigation, as I have found it and have herein expressed the same, especially so much as concerneth Kent.

Vale!

---

[Pg 45]

WHat a restless evil Heresy is! ever travailing The dangerous nature of Heresy. to bring forth mischief! never ceasing to protrude all those in whose hearts she is received to confusion! By what plausible allurements at her entry, she catcheth favourable entertainment! With what ways of craft and subtilty she dilateth her dominion! and finally how, of course, she toileth to be supported by Faction, Sedition, and Rebellion! to the great peril of subversion of that State where, as a plague, she happeneth to find habitation: as well the lamentable history of the Bohemians and Germans, with all others treating of like enterprises by heretics, as also Wyat's late conspiracy practised with open force, doth plenteously declare. Who, Heresy the special ground of Wyat's Rebellion. as it should evidently seem by the trade of his life and the late disclosing of himself, was so fervently affected to heresy, although he laboured by false persuasion otherwise to have coloured it; that, burning inwardly with a prepensed treason in his breast for the continuance of the same within the realm, he persuaded to himself such an impossibility therein (the Queen's Highness prospering and bearing the sceptre of high governance) as [Pg 46] could by no means be brought about without rebellion: the Rebellion, the only refuge of heretics. only refuge, as I said, that indurate heretics have always sought, for maintenance of their heresy; living under a Catholic Prince.

He therefore, being thus inflamed, could no longer contain, but immediately upon the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, forsaking his habitation in the country, went to London of purpose to stir [Henry Grey], the Duke of Suffolk and his brethren, with others of power in further countries [Counties], whom he knew to be like affected to heresies and consequently to burn in sembable desire for continuance of the same: leaving nevertheless such behind him in Kent, to solicit his and their unhappy case; whom he knew so much addicted thereunto as, in his absence, for their diligence in such a ministry needed no overseer.

He remained in London till he thought himself thoroughly furnished every way, and everywhere within the realm, to attempt his determined enterprise; when apt time should Wyat's return into Kent. serve. Which done, he returned into Kent: not of purpose then to proceed; but, understanding his strength, practised there by his agents to set things in order, and so to return to London; abiding the time appointed therefore by him and his complices.

But, so it befell, in the mean time, that, at his being in the country, the [Privy] Council committed a Gentleman of that Shire to ward, one to Wyat above all others most dear: whereby the common bruit grew that he, (suspecting his secrets to be revealed, and upon that occasion to be sent for Wyat preventeth the time. by the Council) felt himself, as it were for his own surety, compelled to anticipate his time. But whether that were the cause or no, doubtful it is.

But certain it was that Wyat, then proceeding in his detestable purpose, armed himself and as many as he could: and, giving intelligence of his determination to his complices, as well at London as elsewhere, the The first day of Wyat's stir, at Maidstone. Thursday after, at Maidstone, in the market time, being the 25th day of January [1554], in the first year of the Queen's reign, by Proclamation in writing, published his devilish pretence.

[Pg 47]

And considering with himself that to make the pretence of his Rebellion to be the restoring or continuance of the new and newly-forged Religion was neither agreeable to the nature of Heresy (which always defendeth itself by the name and countenance of other matter more plausible); neither so apt to further his wicked purpose, being not a case so general to allure all sorts to take part with him: he determined to speak no The colour of Wyat's Rebellion. word of Religion, but to make the only colour [pretence] of his commotion, only to withstand Strangers [i.e. the Spaniards], and to advance Liberty.

For as he made his full reckoning that such as accorded with him in religion would wholly join with him in that rebellion; so he trusted that the Catholics for the most part would gladly embrace that quarrel against the Strangers; whose name he took to become odible to all sorts by the seditious and malicious report which he and his had maliciously imagined and blown abroad against Wyat's preparative to his Rebellion. that nation, as a preparative to their abominable treason.

His Proclamation therefore published at Maidstone, and so in other places, persuaded that quarrel to be taken in hand in the defence of the realm from overrunning by Strangers and for the advancement of Liberty: where, in very deed, his only and very matter was the continuance of heresy: as by his own words at sundry times shall hereafter appear.

And to the end the people should not think that he alone, with a few other mean Gentlemen, had taken that traitorous enterprise in hand without comfort or aid of higher powers, he untruly and maliciously added further to his Proclamation, by persuasion to the people:

That all the Nobility of the realm and the whole [Privy] Council (one or two only except) were agreeable to his pretensed treason, and would with all their power and strength further the same; (which he found most untrue, to his subversion): and That the Lord Abergavenny, [Sir Thomas Cheyney,] the Lord Warden [of the Cinque Ports], Sir Robert Southwell, High Sheriff, with all other Gentlemen would join with him in this enterprise, and set their foot by his, to repel the Strangers.

[Pg 48]

This Proclamation and such annexed persuasions made at Maidstone on the market day, and in other parts of the Shire, had so wrought in the hearts of the people that divers (which before hated him, and he them) were now, as it seemed, upon this occasion, mutually reconciled; and said unto him, "Sir, is your quarrel only to defend us from overrunning by Strangers and to advance Liberty; and not against the Queen?"

"No," quod Wyat, "we mind nothing less than any wise to touch her Grace; but to serve her and honour her, according to our duties."

"Well," quod they, "give us then your hand. We will stick to you to death in this quarrel!"

That done, there came to him one other, of good wealth, saying, "Sir," quod he, "they say I love potage well. I will sell all my spoons, and all the plate in my house rather than your purpose shall quail; and sup my potage with my mouth [see p. 72]. I trust," quod he, "you will restore the right religion again."

"Whist!" quod Wyat, "you may not so much as name religion, for that will withdraw from us the hearts of many. You must only make your quarrel for overrunning by Strangers. And yet to thee, be it said in counsel, as unto my friend, we mind only the restitution of GOD's Word. But no words!"

By these his words it appeared that his principal intent was not to keep out Strangers, which commonly do not invade to our hindrance but by rebellion amongst ourselves; nor to advance Liberty, which ever decayeth through treason: but to advance Heresy, the Lady Regent of his life and doings.

---

This same Thursday [25th January 1554] as Wyat, Thomas Isley, and others were occupied at Maidstone with Proclamations to stir the people and such like; so were others his confederates occupied in like manner by Proclamations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the east parts of the Shire. Through whose allurements, the multitude were grown so earnestly affected to Wyat's purpose that they suffered Master Christopher Roper, a man of good worship and so esteemed of them, to be taken of Wyat's ministers, and carried out of the market place, [Pg 49] without any manner of rescue: for that he, The apprehension of Master Christopher Roper by the rebels. having his heart and eye full fixed upon the Queen, not only withstood the reading of Wyat's traitorous Proclamation at Milton; but also in the same place proclaimed him and all his, traitors. And being roughly charged therewith by Wyat and others his gallants, Master Christopher Roper's words to Wyat. when he was brought to Rochester, he answered, "This tongue spake it, and doth now avow it."

They suffered Master Tucke also, and Master Dorrel of Calehill, being Gentlemen of good worship and Justices of Peace, to be taken out of their houses by the rebels; and conveyed, without any manner of rescue, in the day time, to Rochester, being twenty miles distant: where they, with Master Roper, were kept as prisoners in great danger of life.

---

In like manner, Sir Henry Isley, Anthony Knevet, William Knevet, with others, were at Tonbridge, Sevenoaks, and other towns in the west parts of the Shire, stirring the people by alarms, drums, and Proclamations.

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Now ye shall understand that the evening afore [24th January 1554] the publishing his pretence at How Wyat wrote to the Sheriff of his intent to stir. Maidstone, Wyat sent a letter, by one Thomas Monde, a man of much honesty, to Sir Robert Southwell, being Sheriff of the Shire: unto whom long before, as I can understand, he had neither spoken nor written other than in defiance; they being in contention for matters of religion as it was said. Nevertheless to serve his purpose, dissembling his great malice and haughty courage, he wrote a letter to him of such effect as followeth:

The effect of Wyat's letter to
Sir Robert Southwell, Sheriff of Kent.

AFter hearty commendations. There hath been between you and me many quarrels and grudges, and I ever the sufferer; and yet have you sought the end which is now friendly offered unto you, if you be willing to receive it.

But whatsoever private quarrel you have to me, I doubt [Pg 50] not but your wisdom is too much, seeing so many perils at hand to us both (this pretensed Marriage [of King Philip to Queen Mary] taking effect), to dissent from us in so necessary a purpose as wherein we now determine to enter for the common wealth of the whole realm. And that you may the better understand our pretence, I send you the copy of our Proclamation comprehending the sum and effect of our meaning: whereunto if the common wealth shall find you an enemy, say not hereafter but that you were friendly warned.

We forbear to write to the Lord Abergavenny; for what you may do with him, if you list, we know.

---

The style of Wyat's Proclamation.

A Proclamation agreed unto by Thomas
Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley,
Knights; and by divers of the best
of the Shire; sent unto the
commons of the same.

FOrasmuch as it is now spread abroad, and certainly pronounced by [Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester] the Lord Chancellor and others of the [Privy] Council, of the Queen's determinate pleasure to marry with a Stranger, &c. Because. We therefore write unto you, because you be our friends, and because you be Englishmen, that you will join with us, as we will with you unto death, in this behalf; protesting unto you before GOD, that no earthly cause could move us unto this enterprise but this alone: wherein we seek no Such Councillors he meaneth, as would favour heresy, &c. harm to the Queen, but better counsel and Councillors; which also we would have foreborne in all other matters, saving only in this. For herein lieth the health and wealth of us all.

For trial hereof and manifest proof of this intended purpose, lo now, even at hand, Spaniards be now already arrived at Dover, at one passage, to the number of a [Pg 51] hundred, passing upward to London in companies of ten, four, and six, with harness [armour] harquebusses and morians [helmets] with match light[ed]; the foremost company whereof be already at Rochester.

We shall require you therefore to repair to such places as the bearers hereof shall pronounce unto you, there to assemble and determine what may be best for the advancement of Liberty and common wealth in this behalf, and to bring with you such aid as you may.

The end of Wyat's Proclamation.

---

The messenger that brought the letter, with the Proclamation, from Wyat to the Sheriff, being not privy to the contents thereof and having charge, upon his life, to return an answer with all speed, importuned the Sheriff so much therefore (although he saw him greatly busied in giving advertisement throughout the Shire of Wyat's traitorous determination) as he nevertheless (to satisfy the messenger, whom he knew to be a right honest man; notwithstanding his diligence was abused in so lewd a message), made him answer out of hand as followeth:

---

The Sheriff's answer to the Messenger
that brought Wyat's letter.

"NEighbour monde, rather to satisfy your importunity than to answer Wyat's letter, whom in this case I disdain to answer, or to speak with you apart coming from a traitor, you may say unto him, That as indeed I have been desirous of his friendship for neighbourhood's sake, so have I much more desired his reformation in divers points of great disorder: whereby he certainly knew, as well by my speech to himself as other means coming to his knowledge, that I have sithens the beginning of the Queen's reign holden him and some of his colleges [colleagues] in this conspiracy vehemently suspected for like matters as now they have attempted.

[Pg 52]

"Wherein seeing he hath not deceived me, but by opening himself hath manifestly verified mine opinion conceived of him; I purpose not to purchase his friendship so dear[ly] as for the game of him to lose myself and my posterity in perpetual infamy. And if such things which his fond [foolish] head hath weighed for perils, to the condemnation of the whole wisdom of the realm (they allowing the same for good), had been indeed as perilous as he with others, for want of due consideration, deemeth them: his duty had been to have opened his opinion therein as a humble and reverent petitioner to the Queen's Highness, or to some of her Grace's Council. But to press his Sovereign, in any suit or upon any occasion, with weapon and armour, by stirring her subjects to rebellion; that is, and always hath been, accounted the part of the most arrogant and presumptuous traitors: and so do I note him and his mates, as you may tell them; and shall, GOD willing, provide for them accordingly.

"Now good man Monde, it shall be in your choice whether you will carry this message or no. But, as your friend, I shall advise you to seek out better company."

The messenger excusing himself by ignorance, departed to Wyat with answer: and, soon after, returned to the Sheriff; under whom he served the Queen very faithfully.

---

The Sheriff being made privy, as ye have heard, by Wyat to his traitorous pretence the night before he stirred; and wanting no good will, as it should seem, with the help of the Lord Abergavenny who was as forward as he, to have resisted the reading of Wyat's Proclamation at Maidstone the day following and to disperse his force, sent for Gentlemen and yeomen in all haste to that end.

But before he could gather Power meet to attempt the repressing of such a force (sundry of his neighbours of greatest possessions, and towns most populous, which should have been his chief aid, being contrary bent), Wyat accompanied with a force well armed and weaponed marched to Rochester the same Thursday [25th January 1554]; Harper and others meeting him in the way. Where fortifying the east parts of the town, and breaking up the bridge towards the west; he abode the coming of his appointed strength: suffering all passengers to pass quietly through the town, to [Pg 53] London, or to the sea; taking nothing from them but only their weapons.

And being the Friday [26th January] all day at Rochester, and not hearing from Isley, the town of Tonbridge, and other his conjurates of the west part of the Shire; he addressed an earnest letter the Saturday morning [27th January] to Isley, the Knevets, and others, with the town of Tonbridge, requiring them to accelerate their coming unto him.

According whereunto Isley, the Knevets, with others, being newly returned from Penshurst (where they rifled Sir Henry Sidney [of] his armour; he being attendant upon the Queen's Highness as a faithful subject), perceiving Wyat to long for their coming, resolved to observe their promise and march forwards that night towards Wyat.

But understanding that the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and George Clarke had now gathered a force, and were prest to encounter them: first ere they departed out of the town, they thought it good by some kind of Proclamation, to alienate the people's hearts from them; as they did in the manner following:

The copy of the Proclamation made at Tonbridge,
by Sir Henry Isley, Antony Knevet
and his brother, with others.

YOu shall understand that Henry [Neville] Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell Knight, George Clarke Gentleman, have most traitorously, to the disturbance of the common wealth, stirred and raised up the Queen's most loving subjects of this realm to defend the most wicked and devilish enterprise of certain of the wicked and perverse Councillors, to the utter confusion of this her Grace's realm, and the perpetual servitude of all the Queen's most loving subjects. In consideration whereof, we Sir Thomas Wyat Knight, Sir George Harper Knight, Sir Henry Isley Knight, Antony Knevet Esquire, with all the faithful Gentlemen of Kent and trusty commons of the same, do [Pg 54] pronounce the said Henry Lord Abergavenny, Robert Southwell and George Clarke Gentleman, to be traitors to GOD, the Crown, and the common wealth.

This done, with all speed calling their company together by noise of drums, and leaving their direct way to Rochester, for that they would not come under the wing of the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, they marched that night [27th January] to Sevenoaks. Taking order with such as were left behind in the town [of Tonbridge], that they should be in a readiness to come whensoever they should be sent for by Wyat; and that by no ways they should believe any tales. "For," quod they, "the Council will now send abroad flying lies and tales to discredit us and discomfort you: for it is their policy."

Antony Knevet, after he was lept to his horse, took one by the hand, and said, "Fare you well. And if you hap to hear that I am taken, never believe it: for undoubtedly I will either die in the field or achieve my purpose." But within four and twenty hours he brake his promise, and ran away no faster than his legs could carry him.

---

Well, I shall now leave them marching to Sevenoaks; and return to Wyat at Rochester. This present Saturday [27th January] came unto him from the Queen's Highness a Herald and a trumpeter.

Wyat, at the sound of the trumpet, came to the bridge, where the Herald was with his coat armour carrying the Arms of England on his back. But Wyat, without using any reverence to him either for his coat or office, would not suffer him to come into the town to declare his message; and [the Herald] pressing to come in, he offered to strike him: whereupon the Herald stayed and did his message there, so that only Wyat with a few with him heard it. Which, as men could gather by the report of them that heard it, was promise of pardon to as many as would retire to their houses within four and twenty hours after the Proclamation, and become good subjects. But Wyat would not suffer his soldiers in anywise to hear it, nor any other Proclamation coming from the Queen.

In the mean time also, Sir Thomas Cheyney, Lord Warden,[Pg 55] being a most faithful and noble subject, had sent him such salutations as of honour ought to be used to a traitor. And being very desirous to be doing with him, and to prove on his body what in words of greeting he had affirmed, felt yet by his discretion and long experience great causes of stay. For Wyat desired nothing more than his coming forth; persuading [himself] that he wanted no friends about him, nor any others that would take in hand to repress him with force gathered in that Shire. And, undoubtedly, doubtful were the hearts of the people, and marvellously bent to favour Wyat and his purpose; as by daily events appeared.

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The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff who, the Saturday [27th January] next after Wyat's stir, were at Malling in the way towards Rochester (where Wyat lay); having with them a company of well appointed subjects. In whom notwithstanding for the more part they had good opinion of trustiness and honesty: yet having the general case of the people's disposition in their eye; and not without cause suspecting in their Band, amongst so many faithful and good, some such to be, upon trust of whose trustless and brittle aid it were no good policy to adventure far—pondering therewith that this illusion of the people, whereby they were so far drawn from their right course and duty, grew chiefly by such crafty and false persuasions as Wyat and his mates had set forth in sundry parts of the Shire, by way of Proclamation in writing: wherein, amongst other gross lies they had set forth also matters of untruth to discredit the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; as Wyat, in his persuasions, that they would join with him; and Isley, in his Proclamation that they had traitorously assembled the Queen's loving subjects against her Grace and the realm.

It seemed unto them very good and necessary to spend some time at Malling in advising and lessening [lessoning] the multitude; and by way of exhortation to impugn those traitorous Proclamations, and refell such gross and false lies therein contained; and finally to dissuade the people, which, that day being market day, were assembled to a great number of all sorts, from the traitors and their attempts.

[Pg 56]

And accordingly the Sheriff had penned an Exhortation to that purpose, which was pronounced out of writing in Malling; and sent after by him into other parts. The hearing whereof did undoubtedly much move the people, as after shall appear.

I shall report the same in substance truly; howbeit not fully in the same form and manner as I found it, and as it was penned and pronounced by the Sheriff: who, in the utterance and setting forth thereof, spared not to speak plainly and touch sharply, as then the present time and case employed vehement occasion.

---

An Exhortation made by Sir Robert Southwell
Knight, Sheriff of Kent, at Malling, the Satur-
day being the 27th day of January, and
market day there, to a great assembly
of people; refelling and confuting
Wyat and his complices'
traitorous Proclama-
tions. Wyat being
at Rochester,
four miles
distant.

LOving neighbours and friends. Where of late there hath been most pestilent and traitorous Proclamations, as ye have heard, set forth by Thomas Wyat, George Harper, Henry Isley, and others, as most arrant traitors to the Queen and the realm; some of them the Queen's ancient enemies aforetime, and double traitors: yet notwithstanding accounting themselves to be the best of the Shire in their Proclamations; and in the same reputing and pronouncing others as traitors whom ye can witness to have been, from time to time, true and faithful subjects to the Queen and this our common weal, as the Lord Abergavenny here [Pg 57] present, myself, and other Gentlemen now prest and ready with you, according to our duty, to serve our noble Queen. I shall need to spend the less time to declare unto you how evil they be, or how evil their enterprise is that they have taken in hand: forasmuch as this their arrogant presumption and presumptuous pride in advancing themselves so far from all truth, and in depraving of others so maliciously for executing their bounden duty, ought abundantly to persuade what they be, to all of consideration, without further circumstance.

"But forasmuch as in their Proclamations they fill the ears of the Queen's liege people with gross and manifest lies to stir them against her Grace, in the utterance whereof they use this demonstration, "Lo!" signifying some notable thing near at hand, for credit worthy impression in their memory, as:—

'Lo, a great number of Strangers be now arrived at Dover in harness [armour] with harquebusses morians and matchlight.'

"I say unto you, neighbours and friends, upon pain to be torn in pieces with your hands, that it is untrue; and a manifest lie invented by them to provoke and irritate the Queen's simple people to join with them in their traitorous enterprise. And therefore I have perfect hope that you, being afore time abused with their crafty and deceitful treason, will not now once again (having experience of their former evil) be trapped, for any persuasion, in so heinous a snare as this most vile and horrible crime of treason.

"Do you not see and note that, as in the beginning of the Queen's most gracious reign, some of them sought to deprive her Grace of her princely estate and rightful dignity, minding to advance thereunto the Lady Jane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolk; so are they and others newly confedered [confederated] with the Duke and his brethren, being in arms at this present for the same purpose, and daily looking for aid of these traitors and others of their conspiracy: as by the Queen's most gracious letters, signed with her own hand, and ready to be read here, may plainly appear unto you? And will you now nevertheless aid them any ways, or sit still whilst they go about thus [Pg 58] wrongfully and traitorously to depose their, and our, most gracious Sovereign Lady and Queen! the comfort of us all! the stay of us all! the only safeguard of us all! to whom can no displeasure or danger chance, but the same must double [doubly] redound to all and every of us!

"No, friends and neighbours, I trust never to live to see you so far abused. They go about to blear you with matters of Strangers, as though they should come to overrun you and us also. He seemeth very blind, and willingly blinded, that will have his sight dimmed with such a fond [foolish] mist! For if they meant to resist Strangers, as they mind nothing less: they would then prepare to go to the sea coasts; and not to the Queen's most royal person, with such a company in arms and weapon[s].

"Ye can consider, I trust, this noble Gentleman, the Lord Abergavenny here present, being of an ancient and great parentage, born among you; and such other Gentlemen as you see here, which be no strangers unto you; myself also, although a poor Gentleman (who I trust at no time hath abused you), hath somewhat to lose as well as they; and would be as loth to be overrun with Strangers as they; if any such thing were meant. But for that we know most certainly that there is meant no manner of evil to us by those Strangers; but rather aid profit and comfort against other strangers, our ancient enemies [the French]; with whom they, as most arrant and degenerate traitors, do indeed unkindly and unnaturally join: we, in her Grace's defence, will spend both life and what we have beside, to the uttermost penny, against them.

"Well, I can no more now say unto you, but (understanding the Queen's Highness, as a most merciful Princess, to be once again determined to pardon as many as, by their traitorous and deceitful Proclamations and other illusions, were allured to this last treason; so they repair to their habitations within four and twenty hours after her Grace's Proclamation read, and become true subjects to her Grace) to advise such as hath taken part with those traitors, or have withdrawn themselves (contrary to their allegiance) from aiding and serving of their Sovereign, according to their duties, against her enemies, thankfully to accept and embrace her most gracious pardon; and use [Pg 59] means of themselves to apprehend those arrant and principal traitors, and make a present of them to the Queen's Highness; or leave them to themselves, as most detestable traitors: who being once so graciously and mercifully forgiven could not but carry the clemency of the same in their hearts to the furtherance of all obedience whiles they lived, if there had been any spark of grace in them.

"And further I have to say unto you that as these traitors, by their Proclamations without authority, have moved you to stir against the Queen your Sovereign; and appointed you places where to meet and consult for the furtherance of their traitorous purpose and to bring with you such aid as you can: so shall I require you, and in her Grace's name charge you that be here present, not to come there; but that you, and such as be absent, taking knowledge hereby, repair to such places as I, the Queen's Sheriff and Officer, shall appoint you, with such aid as you can bring for the better service of the Queen and the Shire: where you shall be assured to receive comfort, thanks, and honesty to the end of your lives and your posterity. And the other way but endless shame and utter undoing to you and yours; which shall be worst to yourselves, and yet a great grief to us your neighbours: whose advice in all other your private causes you have been content to follow; and now in this weightiest that hath, or may, happen to you will refuse us, and follow them that hath ever abused you to your and their utter confusion.

At Malling, the 27th of January [1554], anno Mariæ primo.
GOD save Queen Mary and all her well willers!"

---

The Sheriff reading this Exhortation, caused one Barram, a Gentleman and servant to the Lord Abergavenny, to pronounce it, as he read it, so loud and so distinctly as the people assembled round about him, to a very great number, in manner of a ring, might easily hear and understand every word proceeding from Barram: who of his own head cried out unto them, "You may not so much as lift up your finger against your King or Queen!"

And after the people had heard the Sheriff's Exhortation; [Pg 60] and cried "GOD save Queen Mary!" which they did most heartily, spending therein a convenient time; the Sheriff used these words unto them:

"Masters," quod he, "although I alone did speak unto you; yet what words were spoken to you by me were also spoken to you by the Lord Abergavenny and all the Gentlemen here present: in whose persons I then spake; and now require at your hands a plain and resolute answer. Will you now therefore join with such as you see evidently to be arrant traitors; or else with the Lord Abergavenny and such Gentlemen as you see here present, that will live and die with you in defence of our rightful Queen against these traitors?"

The people with one voice defied Wyat and his complices as arrant traitors, and said that they now well espied they had but abused them. Wherefore in defence of Queen Mary, they would die upon them: expressing their minds with such earnest shouts and cries as shewed to proceed unfeignedly from their hearts; which after was confirmed by a better experience the day following, as ye shall anon hear.

But by the way ye shall understand that Wyat hearing of this Proclamation, said, "I know that Barram well; but yet I never took him to have so wide a throat. If I live, I may happen to make him crow a higher note in another place." What trow you should then have become of the author?

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In the Sunday following [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen were determined to have marched in the morning early The Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham's coming to Gravesend. towards Rochester, to have aided the Duke of Norfolk and Sir Henry Jerningham Captain of the Guard, then being at Gravesend, towards Wyat; with a certain Band [Regiment] of White Coats, to the number of 600, sent unto them from London; whereof Bret and others were their Captains.

Roger Appulton Gentleman was also at Gravesend with the Duke, attendant to serve: wherein likewise was Thomas Swan Gentleman.

[Pg 61]

This Saturday [27th January] at night, the Lord Abergavenny suspecting Wyat and his complices (living within four miles of them; and being so much provoked in that they were, in the day, so rightly set forth in their colours [illusions] at Malling) would, for revenge, work some annoyance to them or his Band that night, either by a camasado [night attack] or by some other means; did therefore, to prevent the same, set a strong watch in the market place at Malling and other parts of entry into the town: and gave the watch-word himself before he would take any rest.

But between one and two of the clock in the night, when everybody was taken to rest save the watch, there happened a larom [an alarm], sundry crying, "Treason! Treason! We are all betrayed!" in such sort that such as were in their beds or newly risen thought verily that, either Wyat with his Band had been in the town, or very near.

The thing was so sudden and happened in such a time as men not acquainted with like matters were so amazed that some of them knew not well what to do: and yet in the end it proved to [be] nothing.

For it grew by a messenger that came, very late in the night, desiring to speak with the Lord Abergavenny or Master Sheriff, to give them certain advertisement, That Sir Henry Isley, the two Knevets, and certain others, with 500 Wealdish men [i.e., from the Weald of Kent] were at Sevenoaks; and would march in the morning early from thence towards Rochester, for the aid of Wyat A meaning of the rebels to burn Master George Clarke's house. against the Duke of Norfolk: and in their way, burn and destroy the house of George Clarke aforesaid.

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Whereupon the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, by the advice of the Gentlemen before named, for that the said Clarke had been a painful [painstaking] and serviceable Gentleman, changed their purposed journey from Rochester, to encounter with Isley and his Band, to cut them [off] from Wyat and save Clarke from spoil.

And so, in the morning early, being Sunday [28th January 1554], the Lord Abergavenny; the Sheriff; Warram Sentleger, [Pg 62] Richard Covert, Thomas Roydon, Antony Weldon, Henry Barney, George Clarke, John Dodge, Thomas Watton, Hugh Catlyn, Thomas Henley, Christopher Dorrel, Hugh Cartwright, John Sybil, Esquires; John Clarke, Darsie of Wrotham, Thomas Chapman, James Barram, Jasper Iden, John Lambe, Walter Heronden, Walter Taylor, John Raynoldes, Thomas Tuttesham, John Allen, and Thomas Holdiche, Gentlemen; with yeomen to the number of 600 or thereabouts; marched out of Malling in order till Wrotham Heath. they came to Wrotham Heath: where they might easily hear the sound of the traitor's drums; and so, making haste, pursued them till they came to a place Barrow Green. called Barrow Green [Borough Green] through which lay their right and ready way that the traitors should take, marching from Sevenoaks towards Master Clarke.

The Lord Abergavenny, being very glad that he had prevented [anticipated] them in winning the Green, sent out spials [spies] to understand their nearness, and to discrive [ascertain] their number: reposing themselves there till the return of his spials: who at their coming said, That he needed not to take further pains to pursue them, for they were at hand, coming towards him as fast as they could march. Which was glad tidings to the Lord Abergavenny and his Band. And taking order forthwith to set his men in array; he determined to abide their coming, and there to take or give the overthrow.

Which the traitors understanding, Whether it was for that they misliked the match, or the place to fight; whiles the Lord Abergavenny and his Band were busy in placing themselves; they shrank as secretly as they could by a bye-way. And were so far gone before the Lord Abergavenny understood thereof by his spials; as for doubt [fear] of overtaking them afore their coming to Rochester, he was driven to make such haste for the overtaking of them as divers of his footmen were far behind at the onset giving.

The first sight that the Lord Abergavenny could have of them, after they forsook their purposed way, was as they [Pg 63] ascended Wrotham Hill, directly over [against] Yaldarn, Master Peckham's house. Where they, thinking to have The displaying of the rebel's Ensigns. great advantage by the winning of the Hill, displayed their Ensigns bravely: seeming to be in great ruff. But it was not long after ere their courage was abated. For the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the rest of the Gentlemen, with such other of the Queen's true and faithful subjects, as with great pains taking to climb the Hill and to hold way with the Horsemen, overtook the rebels at a field Blacksoll Field. called Blacksoll Field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the very top of the Hill; where the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, the Gentlemen aforenamed, and others the Queen's true and faithful subjects, The Skirmish. handled them so hot and so fiercely that, after a small shot with long bows by the traitors, and a fierce brag shewed by some of the Horsemen, they took their flight away as fast as they could. Yet of them were taken prisoners above three score.

In this conflict Warram Sentleger, who brought with him a good company of soldiers and [was] always a serviceable Gentleman, also George Clarke, Antony Weldon, and Richard Clarke did very honestly behave themselves. William Sentleger, hearing of a fray towards between the Queen's true subjects and the traitors, came to the Lord Abergavenny into the field, with all haste, not an hour before the Skirmish; who with the rest of the Gentlemen, with certain of the Lord Abergavenny's and [the] Sheriff's servants, being all The chase of the Horsemen. well horsed, served faithfully: and from thence chased the Horsemen till they came to a wood called Hartley Wood, four miles distant from the place where the onset began.

The Queen's true subjects did so much abhor their treason, and had the traitors in such detestation, as with great difficulty any escaped with life that were taken prisoners; and yet were they all very well armed and weaponed, and had also great advantage by the place of fight. Sir Henry Isley lay all that night in the Wood, and fled after into Hampshire. The two Knevets, being well horsed, were so hastily pursued as they were driven [Pg 64] to leave their horses, and creep into the Wood; and for haste to rip their boots from their legs and run away in the vampage of their hose. The chase continued so long as night came on before it was full finished.

Thus were Isley, the Knevets, and their Band overthrown by the faithful service of divers Gentlemen and yeomen serving under the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff; whose forwardness courage and wisdom in this traitorous broil no doubt was very much praiseworthy; as well for their speedy acceleration of their strength which (considering how they were every way [en]compassed with the traitors) was no small matter in so little space; and for their wise and politic handling also in keeping them together from Wyat, who marvellously and by sundry ways sought to allure them away. For had not they, in their own persons, to the encouraging of their company adventured far; and by their wisdom, discretion and great charge, politically handled the matter: some think that Wyat had been at London before he was looked for by any good man, with no small train; whose journey was greatly hindered, and his company very much discomfited by this repulse given to Isley and his Band. Where, amongst other things, GOD's secret hand was greatly felt, to the great comfort and present aid of true subjects against the traitors: who having such advantage of the place, as indeed they had, were like rather to give, than receive, so foul an overthrow. But this it is, you see, to serve in a true cause; and her whom GOD so favoureth that he will not suffer the malice and rage of her enemies at any time to prevail against her: to whom he hath given so many notable victories and so miraculous that her enemies might seem rather to have been overthrown Spiritu DEI than vanquished humano robore.

The Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and the Gentlemen with them, after they had given humble thanks to GOD for the victory, which they did very reverently in the Field, and taken order for the prisoners, were driven to divide themselves for want of harborough [lodging] and vittaile [victuals] for the soldiers, that had well deserved both. The Lord Abergavenny and certain [Pg 65] with him went to Wrotham. The Sheriff and certain with him to Otford, where they had much to do to get vittaile for their soldiers.

The Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff (suspecting that some of those Gentlemen lately discomfited in this Skirmish would not long tarry in the realm, but make shift to pass the seas; yea, by spial [spies], understanding that Wyat himself with some of his company thereunto bent) devised to lay [warn] the country [round] about, that they might not escape. And considering that they would not do it at Dover, nor in that coast [district]; they knowing [Sir John Cheyney] the Lord Warden to have Thomas Dorrell of Scotney the younger. such watch unto them: but rather, for sundry respects, at Rye, or more southward. And having great proof of Thomas Dorrell the younger his fidelity; he returned the same Dorrell, being newly come unto him with 80 men well appointed, into Sussex: giving him strait charge that, consulting with Sir John Guildford, they should, both day and night, set a sure watch for the passing of any that way to the seacoast; and further to take such order as no munition, fish, wine, or other vittaile coming out of these parts, should pass to the relief of the traitors.

Antony Knevet, notwithstanding great and strait watch laid round about the country by the Sheriff for the apprehension of him and others that fled, arrived that Sunday [28th January 1554] at night late at Rochester: where Harper's running away from Wyat. his news was so joyful that Harper forthwith found the mean[s] to rid himself out of their company, without any leave taking; and ran to the Duke of Norfolk. To whom he seemed so greatly to lament his treason, that the Duke, pitying his case, the rather for the long acquaintance between them in times past, received him to grace. But, within a day after, he ran from the Duke and returned to his old mate; as hereafter shall appear.

Wyat hearing of Isley his overthrow, and understanding by the proceeding at Malling the day before, that those things set forth in his Proclamations whereby he thought his strength at home to be most surely knit unto him, were now become rather a weakening than otherwise; [Pg 66] the people there being ready to fall from him for his so abusing of them: he fell into so great extreme anguish and sorrow, as writing a letter of expostulation to some of his Wyat bewailing his case with tears. familiars abroad, in reprehension of their infidelity in that they sticked not to him so fast as they promised, he bedewed the paper whereupon he wrote with tears issuing so abundantly from his eyes as it would bear Wyat's coat of fence quilted with angels. no ink. And so leaving to write, calling for a privy coat [of armour] that he had quilted with angels [a gold coin of the value of 10s.] not long afore; which might serve both for his defence, and [also be] a refuge for his necessity being in another country: he Wyat's practice to fly by sea. practised with such as were near unto him, where they might have ready passage, and most for their surety to take the sea. "For England," said he, "is no place for us to rest in."

His company also shrank from him as fast as they could devise means to escape: whereunto Thomas Isley and others had a greater respect than himself; he seeming to take care for nothing but how he might safely convey himself [away]; being well friended, it was thought, with some of the ship-masters.

Thus was Wyat so mated by the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and their Band as he was at his wits' end, as ye have heard: and chiefly by keeping him from that, which by spial about him they afterwards understood him specially to desire; which was offer of battle. He and his being fully persuaded that there could be no great force raised against him in the Shire; whereof the most part should not be his when it should come to the shew. Wherein although he might be deceived, as indeed he was; yet his quarrel, with the disposition of the people thereunto well considered, with the end of his travail which could be but spoil and ravin (ready means and lures to draw the careless multitude unto him): it seemed to the Lord Abergavenny and such as served with him, better policy for to weary Wyat, and weaken him by the cutting away of his strength from him; than to offer him battle till the Duke of Norfolk's coming: whom the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff knew to be at hand towards Wyat; unto whom they and all the [Pg 67] Gentlemen of their Band, after their Skirmish with Isley, made the haste possible they might.

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But before their coming, the case was wonderfully changed, to the great discomfort of all the Queen's true subjects: and that came to pass that [which] of all men was least feared. For who was it that suspected such cruel and malicious disposition to remain in any English heart towards his country, in any subject's thought towards his Sovereign, that, receiving her Grace's armour weapons and money, would have played so traitorous a part as these Captains did with their Band? It is so strange a case as the world never saw. It is so malicious a part as the Jew would not have done the like, having received his hire to serve.

So it was that the noble Duke, being an ancient and worthy Captain (and yet, by long imprisonment, so diswonted from the knowlege of our malicious World and the iniquity of our Time, as he suspecting nothing less than that which followed; but judging every man to accord The Duke's marching from Stroud to Rochester. with him in desire to serve truly, marched forth the Monday [29th January 1554], about ten of the clock in the morning, from Gravesend to Stroud towards Rochester; and about four of the clock in the afternoon of the same day, he arrived at Stroud, near The names of the Gentlemen serving under the Duke. unto Rochester: having with him the Captain of the Guard; Maurice Griffith, now Bishop of Rochester; Sir Edward Braye, Sir John Fogge, Knights; John Coverte, Roger Appulton, Esquires; and Thomas Swan, Gentleman: with certain of the Guard, and others, to the number of 200 or thereabout.

Besides Bret and other five Captains: who, with their Band, being 600, all in white coats, tarried behind at a hill called Spittle [Hospital] Hill, near unto Stroud; whiles the Duke went to Stroud to see the planting of the ordnance. Which being ready charged and bent upon the town of Rochester; and perceiving Wyat and the other traitors, by hanging out their flags upon the bridge wall, to be in great bravery; which considering the miserable state they were in the night before, could not be, had they not received some new comfort [Pg 68] by some traitorous mean[s]: the Duke commanded one of the pieces to be fired for shot into Rochester.

And, as the gunner was firing the piece, Sir Edward Bray's eldest son came in all haste to the Duke saying, "Sir, did I not tell your Grace, this morning, that yonder false wretches would deceive you?"

"How know you that?" quod the Duke.

"Why, Sir," quod Braye, "you may see them, as false traitors [ready] bent against you."

And immediately Bret and other Captains of the White Coats with their Band, being upon the Hill and at the back of the Duke, made great and loud shouts sundry The revolt of the Captains of the White Coats and their Band. times, crying "We are all Englishmen! We are all Englishmen!": fashioning themselves in array, ready bent with their weapons to set upon the Duke, if he had made any resistance.

Whereupon the Duke and the Captain of the Guard commanded the pieces that were bent upon the town, to be turned upon Bret and his Band. But, upon further consideration, the shot was spared: and the Duke's Grace with the Captain of the Guard Sir Henry Jerningham, considering (not without bleeding hearts) their chief strength thus turned upon them, so that they were now environed both behind and before with traitorous enemies, shifted themselves away; as did also their company.

After whose departure, Wyat, accompanied with two or three and not many more, came out of Rochester half a mile from the town at the least, to meet the six Captains Harper returned to his old mate. of the White Coats. Amongst whom was Harper, notwithstanding his crouching and kneeling before the Duke; and fair promises that he would undertake that Wyat should have yielded. Who, footing afore the other Captains, with his sword drawn, said to Wyat, "I promised you good turn, and say not now but I have paid it."

Who had seen the embracing, clipping, and congratulation used at this meeting from traitor to traitor, might justly wonder thereat. Shortly after they had well clawed one another, they went together like themselves into Rochester.

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When this, of all other most infortunate chance[s], came to [Pg 69] the knowledge of the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and their friends; they were not a little troubled with the strangeness of the case: much doubting that the people, which before seemed brought to good frame, would be impaired by this alteration; and such as were afore evil disposed would not be greatly amended thereby.

The Sheriff, being the same night at Maidstone, that had come the same day from Otford, fourteen miles distant, to meet Thomas Guildford, Steven Dorrell, Edward Horden, John Robartes, and John Finch, Esquires, to march towards the Duke. And in the morning, so far from any mistrust of that which followed the same day [Monday, 29th January 1554], as having no sure place to convey the prisoners, taken the day before in the Skirmish with Isley, he left the chiefest and trustiest of his servants and friends, both Gentlemen and yeomen, of all his Band at Malling, for the safeguard of the prisoners; where also lay the Lord Abergavenny and his Band: doubting [fearing] that Isley and the rest that escaped would have made some means that night to have recovered the prisoners; sundry of whom, being men of good wealth and well friended, and [at that moment] living within four miles of Wyat.

Upon these news, whether it were for the absence [from Maidstone] of the Lord Abergavenny and his strength, or mistrusting false measure in the town The Sheriff's secret return to Malling. [of Maidstone], or moved with example of the revolt of the White Coats: he thought, it should seem, Maidstone no meet place for him to make any abode; nor yet good policy, all parts considered, to disclose the time of his removing. But judging plainly himself the only mark of these parts whereat the traitors shot; or falling any ways into their hands, so newly after the case of the Duke, one part of the tragedy to be then ended: he returned to his strength; giving knowledge to the Gentlemen remaining in Maidstone to repair to his house for consultation, What was to be done for the redubbing of that unhappy chance?

In which consultation there did rise so many different opinions; some saying, They would to the Queen; and some, to the Earl of Pembroke being her Grace's Lieutenant: that the Sheriff, without further debating, [Pg 70] intreating the Lord Abergavenny and certain Gentlemen to remain and entertain such of their Bands as they could hold till his return, which he promised should be without delay, [and then] went to the [Privy] Council for knowledge of their pleasure; where he tarried uneth [scarcely] two hours, but returned in post the same night [to Malling]. And at his coming, the Lord Abergavenny and he assembled as many of their force as they could call together.

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The traitors and their friends were grown as men revived from death to life, flattering themselves that a thing so far above men's expectation could not have happened to them so fortunately but by GOD's miraculous provision, as favouring greatly their case: and so it blew abroad, as well by wind as by writing; the more part of the people being ready to believe it, as the case, in the heads of the multitude, was wonderfully changed both for strength and opinion.

Wyat advertised by his letter the Duke of Suffolk of his victory "by GOD's provision" as he termed it: whose letter was intercepted in Essex, as the messenger passed the ferry, by a servant of Sir Robert Southwell's; and brought to the Council.

He wrote also to the Duke of Norfolk, but in another style; his letters being open and importing such matter as follloweth:

"Be it known to all men, and especially to the Duke of Norfolk, that I have taken nothing in hand but what I will maintain with the expense of my life; which, before it depart out of my body, shall be sold full dear, &c."

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Such of those parts as hung in the wind, as Neuters, (whereof were no small number that had lurked in caves An Invective against the Neuters. all the tempest, watching but where should come the victory, that for example of the evil were nothing inferior to the arrantest traitors but rather for a number of respects much worse), began to appear very cheerful, giving themselves great thanks for handling the matter so finely, that conveying themselves out of the way by their policy could avoid charge and peril so wittily. [Pg 71] And as they met with such as had served faithfully, with whom they durst be frank, they spared not to open their mouths largely, pouring out such language as could be but lamentable, or rather odible, to every true ear, to understand any subject so far perverted from his allegiance and duty that, for gain or security of their own persons, would rejoice in sitting still as indifferent where the Crown is a party; or to persuade security to themselves, be they never in so strong a hold, where their Sovereign is in peril. Which, all things rightly weighed, seemed a strange persuasion to account either gain or saving in sparing some part of the accidents by sitting still to adventure the loss of the principal whereupon life and the whole dependeth; or by affecting a little corruption inordinately, to lose both honest fame and good opinion of his country [County]; which every honest man ought to seek to preserve as tenderly as the well-doing of himself and his whole posterity.

Thus may we evidently see the divers effects of divers inclinations according to truth and untruth of perfect obedience prevailing in men's hearts. These Neuters, or counterfeits (that would be neither open foes nor adventurous friends; but as wily vultures, hovering in the wind to catch and gripe some part of the prey, although they would no part of the fray) persuaded themselves to save that which in their opinion the true hearty subject should lose by giving such adventure; that was security of body and goods. Which grant they saved; yet, in the just judgment of the honest, they deserved thereby the same blot of infamy that is due to the open enemies.

On the other side, the true and faithful, whose hearts and hands such dim colour [illusion] of unthankful policy could not withhold from the utterance of needful service in such general case of danger, thought it rather a gain to adventure body and goods; whereby either to preserve the head and the whole, which was cruelly pursued; or at least by defence of the same to purchase unto them and their names the honest opinion of unspotted members, and the immortality of good fame wherewith truth always rewardeth unfeigned service. For such an incomparable virtue is faithful loyalty, so much abhorring all corruptible allurements, that whose hearts she hath in governance; with such, neither savour of [Pg 72] gain nor hope of security, neither persuasion of friendship ne other enticement, can so much prevail as, for any respect, they will digress from the right course of true service. Where the contrary, wanting that perfection (to taste of Fortune's corruptible members, whereafter they gape; to obtain quiet to the restive carcase, and lucre to themselves, the thing they only seek), are easily drawn to run a clean contrary race.

The naughty [worthless] brood therefore of Counterfeits, of all others not tolerable in a common weal, are specially to be looked to in their beginning; lest their evil example by long sufferance grow to such a precedent at the last, that the common saying "Good to sleep in a whole skin," being espied to escape without danger of reprehension, be taken for a policy; and thereby outweigh the just peize [weight] of bounden duty.

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After this most unhappy chance, the traitors with their new adjuncts fell to a great and solemn council that same night at Rochester for their proceeding in their pretensed [intended] treason. In discourse whereof proceeded such unfitting talk, as well towards the Queen's Highness as her honourable Council, tending to the alteration of the whole State, as abhorred the ears of some of the self traitors; that, understanding by that talk the end of their purpose, whereof before they were ignorant, wished themselves under the earth for being so unhappy as to be so much as acquainted with so damnable an enterprise. Such an opinion had they, as they deemed very few Councillors, or Officers of authority or of Nobility, within the realm worthy the places whereunto they were called: and persuading great choice to be amongst themselves for the supplying of that want, such overweening had they of themselves and made so sure a reckoning of the victory, as they disposed the honourable Offices of the Realm among themselves.

Wyat thought himself now so sure of the victory as seeing him that offered "to sell his spoons and all the plate that he had rather than his purpose should quail, and sup his pottage with his mouth" [p.48], warranted him, That he should eat his pottage with silver, as he did. [Pg 73] England, when good counsel should stand it in most available steed, needed no better counsellors than such as they were, if they had half the wit they thought themselves to have, coupled with grace and honesty. But what they had indeed, their acts declare plainly to their own confusion; as it hath always, and ever hereafter shall, to as many as be of like disposition.

One of them, that had some wit indeed, although he wanted grace, perceiving by their talk in what fond [foolish] frenzy they were entered; to interrupt them therein, he said, That such matters were good to be treated of at further opportunity: but for the present it were meet to devise upon their next journey [expedition]; and whether it should be good policy in them, minding to march towards London, to leave the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff at liberty (that annoyed their friends, and by all likelihood would not so cease as they may or dare) at their back, being left at large.

One of them, taking upon him first to answer, thought nothing more necessary than their sequestration: and if his A device to apprehend the Sheriff. advice might have been heard in the beginning [of the Rebellion], the Sheriff should have been in hold, as I have heard, before anything should have been attempted.

But the Captains to the White Coats (meet counsellors for such an enterprise!), having the spoil of London in their eyes, would not dispute that was past: but for the present they persuaded clean contrary to the former opinion; saying That their going about the apprehension of the Sheriff The misreckoning of the rebels upon London. should be but a loss of time. "For London," said they, "longed sore[ly] for their coming; which they could by no means protract without breeding great peril and weakness to themselves." And having London at their commandment, whereof they were in no manner of doubt, if it were not lost by their sloth; their revenge to the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, with others [of] their enemies, would easily follow.

Wyat, savouring full well their disposition, and understanding their meaning by their arguments, and knowing also that without his assenting thereto he could not long have their company, yielded to their counsel.

[Pg 74]

And so, being out of measure exalted into haughty courage and pride by the revolt of the White Coats, he marched the day after, being Tuesday [30th January 1554], in great pomp and glory, carrying with him six pieces of ordnance which they had gotten of the Queen's, besides their own, to Cowling Castle, a hold of the Lord Cobham's, four miles distant from Rochester; and not much out of their way towards London: where the Lord Cobham was.

Wyat at his coming to Cowling Castle, bent his ordnance against the gate; and with great and sundry shots and fire brake and burned up a way through the gate. The Lord Cobham defended his Castle as stoutly as any man might do, having so few against so great a number; and so little munition; [he] himself discharging his gun at such as approached the gate right hardily. And in that assault two of his own men were slain.

After this assault, and talk with the Lord Cobham, Wyat marched to Gravesend; where he reposed that night.

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From Gravesend, he and his Band marched, the Wednesday next after [31st January 1554], to Dartford, where he reposed that night.

Whither came Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the Queen's Horse, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis Knights, both of her Grace's honourable Privy Council, sent from the Queen to Wyat to understand the cause of his commotion; and also, as it was said, finding any repentant submission in him, to promise pardon, or at the least great hope thereof.

Wyat, understanding [of] their coming and taking with him certain of his Band, went to the west end of the town, where he had planted his ordnance; and at the [a]lighting of Master Hastings and Sir Thomas Cornwallis from their horses, Wyat, having a partisan [halberd] in his hand, Pride. advanced himself somewhat afore such Gentlemen as were with him; and, using but little reverence due from a subject to [Privy] Councillors, traced near them.

To whom, the Master of the Horse spake in substance as followeth:

"The Queen's Majesty requireth to understand the very cause wherefore you have thus gathered together in arms her [Pg 75] liege people, which is the part of a traitor; and yet, in your Proclamations and persuasions, you call yourself a true subject: which cannot stand together."

"I am no traitor," quod Wyat, "and the cause whereof I have gathered the people is to defend the realm from our overrunning by Strangers; which follows, this Marriage taking place."

"Why," quod the Queen's Agents, "there be no Strangers yet come whom either for power or number ye need to suspect. But if this be your only quarrel, because, ye mislike the Marriage: will ye come to communication touching that case? and the Queen, of her gracious goodness, is content ye shall be heard."

To whom Wyat shaped such answer as clearly might declare his malicious intent and traitorous heart to the Queen's own person and royal estate. "I yield thereto," quod Wyat, "but for my surety I will rather be trusted than trust. And therefore I demand the custody of the Tower, and [of] her Grace in the Tower; the displacing of certain Councillors, and placing others in their rooms as to me shall seem best."

Upon this lewd answer, long and stout conference was between them: insomuch that the Master of the Horse said unto him, with a stout courage, "Wyat, before thou shalt have that thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die and 20,000 with thee!"

Shortly after, the Master of the Horse with Master Cornwallis, finding him an arrant traitor and desperately set to all mischief, returned to the Queen's Majesty.

The common people being with him, and calling to their remembrance how Wyat, in all appearance, made his whole matter of stir for Strangers, and no ways against the Queen; and perceiving how unreverently he used himself as well to the Queen's Herald at Rochester as to the Privy Council[lors] at Dartford; and considering within themselves also that he would suffer none of the Queen's Proclamations to be read among them: their hearts began to rise against him. And among themselves sundry of them much murmured, wishing with the loss of all they had they had never been acquainted with Wyat nor his doings; and indeed sought as many ways as they could to be rid of him.

[Pg 76]

Which perceived by Wyat and his mates, they devised a bruit [rumour] to be sounded in his Band, that the Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff did cause to be hanged as many as they could take, coming from Wyat's Band: wherewith the people, standing in a great maze what to do, were wonderfully perplexed.

---

The Queen understanding by the Master of the Horse and Sir Thomas Cornwallis the arrogancy of Wyat, and notwithstanding that she perceived her merciful inclination rather to provoke him than otherwise: yet seemed she nothing willing, even then, by violence and force, as she easily might, to suppress him: but yet a longer time to suffer and abide, if by delay and mercy her enemy might be won to reconciliation.

The Nobility (which were at that time with her Grace, perceiving such surmounting mercy rather to increase than any ways to abate courage and malice in the insolent and proud heart of the traitors; and further understanding that the traitors deemed the contation or forbearing to proceed rather of debility or fear than of mercy and clemency) counselled with her Grace that, with her gracious leave and licence, they might set upon him and his Band before he should pass Blackheath: declaring that to suffer such an arrogant traitor, being but a mean member, to approach thus contemptuously so near her royal person, as it were in defiance of her Grace and her true subjects, should greatly redound to their dishonours in the opinion of all faithful men throughout the world.

The Queen gave them all most hearty and loving thanks saying That she nothing doubted of their true hearts towards her: yet was she loth to make any proof or trial thereof in such quarrel as should be with loss of blood. "For to repress them with violence, and subdue them by the sword could not have so happy success but many of my poor subjects" quod she, "should dearly bye [abide] it with the loss of their lives." Wherefore she determined to suffer as long as she might; and to forbear that practice till there were no other hope ne remedy. For albeit in the capital traitors there could be but great default: yet in the multitude she was persuaded to be no malice, but only misled by their [Pg 77] Captains; and rather seduced by ignorance than upon any evil purpose meant to her Grace. Wherefore she desired them to be contented: for she was fully determined to continue her merciful sufferance and other her gentle means so long as she might; and [to] vanquish her enemies without the sword, if any sparkle of obedience or natural zeal remain in their hearts. Notwithstanding, she required them to prepare and retain their force in a readiness, if their [the rebels'] stony hearts should drive her to use extremity.

But her Highness doubting [fearing] that London, being her Chamber and a city holden of dear price in her princely heart, might, by Wyat and such ruffens [ruffians] as were with him, be in danger of spoil, to the utter ruin of the same: her Highness therefore, as a most tender and loving Governess, went the same day [31st January 1554] in her royal person to the Guild Hall to foresee those perils.

Where, among other matter proceeding from her incomparable wisdom, her Grace declared how she had sent that day two of her Privy Council to the traitor Wyat: desirous rather to quiet their tumult by mercy than by the justice of the sword to vanquish: whose most godly heart fraight[ed] with all mercy and clemency, abhorred from all effusion of blood.

Her Highness also there shewed the insolent and proud answer returned from Wyat: whereat the faithful citizens were much offended; and in plain terms defied him as a most rank traitor, with all his conjurates.

And touching the Marriage, her Highness affirmed that nothing was done herein by herself alone, but with consent and advisement of the whole Council, upon deliberate consultation, that this conjunction and Second Marriage should greatly advance this realm (whereunto she was first married) to much honour, quiet, and gain.

"For," quod her Grace, "I am already married to this Common Weal and the faithful members of the same; the spousal ring whereof I have on my finger: which never hitherto was, nor hereafter shall be, left off. Protesting unto you nothing to be more acceptable to my heart, nor more answerable to my will, than your advancement in wealth and welfare, with the furtherance of GOD's glory." And to declare her tender and princely heart towards them, she [Pg 78] promised constantly not to depart from them, although by her Council she had been much moved to the contrary: but would remain near and prest to adventure the spense [shedding] of her royal blood in defence of them.

Such matter passed from her besides as did so wonderfully enamour the hearts of the hearers as it was a world to hear with what shouts they exalted the honour and magnanimity of Queen Mary.

This done her Grace returned towards Whitehall, and passing through the streets, being full of people pressing to behold her Grace wherein they had singular delight and pleasure, one amongst all, most impudent of all others, A malepert Artificer. stepped forward saying, "Your Grace may do well to make your Foreward [Vanguard] in battle, of your Bishops and Priests: for they be trusty, and will not deceive you!"

For which words, he was commanded to Newgate: who deserved to be hanged at the next bough, for example to all others, so impudently and arrogantly to assault his Sovereign and Queen with such seditious and traitorous language. The voice went that he was a Hosier. Out of all doubt, he was a traitor and a heretic; whose heart was wholly in Wyat's bosom, although his body were absent. For it was not possible any faithful subject, or true Christian, to utter such shameless speech to his liege Lady and Princess as he did then. But such is the fruit of heresy, Contempt of GOD and man; as by daily experience is seen.

---

The Thursday next after [1st February 1554], Wyat having fourteen Ensigns in his Band and not past four thousand men, although they were accounted of a far greater number, marched to Deptford strand, eight miles from Dartford and within four miles of London. Where, upon such advertisement as he received by espial of the Queen's being in the Guild Hall and the order of the people to her, he remained that night and the next whole day: divers of his own company doubting [suspecting] by his longer tarrying there than he did in other places, with other presumptions, that he would have passed the water [i.e. the Thames] into Essex.

His prisoners, as Master Christopher Roper, George Dorrel of Calehill [and] John Tucke Esquires, who were kept very straitly, The departure of Master Christopher Roper and Master Dorrel from Wyat. [Pg 79] being sickly and having within the town no convenient harborough or attendance, were licensed by Wyat, upon promise of their worship to be true prisoners, to provide for themselves out from the town, where they best might. But they, thinking no part of their worship stained in breaking promise with a traitor, sought ways to escape; and came no more at him.

---

On the Saturday following [3rd February 1554], very early, Wyat marched to Southwark: where approaching the Gate at London Bridge foot, [he] called for the opening of the same; which he found not so ready as he looked for.

After he had been a little while in Southwark, divers of the soldiers went to Winchester Place [the town residence of the Bishop of Winchester]. Where one of them, being a Gentleman, began to shew his game before all the cards were full[y] dealed; I mean, to rifle and spoil: which indeed was the determinate end of their purpose; but the time was not yet come, nor they come to the place, where they should begin it.

Whereunto Wyat, having further respect than the young Gentleman had, shewed himself, with stern and fiery visage, so much to be offended with his doings that he made divers believe that he would have hanged him upon the wharf. Which whereof it grew, either of hatred to the evil, or of policy to purchase credit for a further mischief, as well the nature and course of rebellion, as also Wyat's own words, may easily let us understand.

Who, the Monday [22nd January 1554] next afore this stir, devising with two of his friends for the execution of his pretensed [intended] purpose; one of them at length said unto him, "I have no doubt but you shall be able to assemble a great force: but how you shall be able to continue the same with you, having not sufficient treasure and money, the only bait wherewith the multitude is holden, I stand much in doubt."

"What then?" quod Wyat.

"Marry," said the other, "methinketh a good way for your provision thereof, after your force is once gathered, that ye [Pg 80] apprehend [Sir John Cheyney] the Lord Warden, the Lord Abergavenny, Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Thomas Moyle, with others; of whose hearts and affections towards you and your case you stand in doubt: whereby ye shall not only have them in safety which are most like[ly] within the Shire to withstand your enterprise; but also provide you both treasure and money, which they want not, for the relief of your Band."

"Ah," quod Wyat, "is this the best counsel ye can give? If we pretend to keep out Strangers, and begin our quarrel with the spoil of our own country [County] men; what will the whole realm, trow ye, then deem of us? Nay, your advice is naught; and your way, the next way to accelerate our confusion. For if we will go forwards in our matter and make the best of it to our purpose, Spoil and Tyranny may not be our guides. We must, by all means, devise, and all little enough, to continue good opinion in the heads of the multitude of some plausible [praiseworthy] end to succeed by our stir: otherwise we undo ourselves. For perceiving at our entry that our minds run of spoil: who will not rather resist us, and abide the adventure of that whereof we bear them in hand; than to be in certain to be spoiled by us? And I see no cause why you should doubt of money; seeing ye know that such Gentlemen as are confedered with us, keeping appointment; their soldiers shall come ready furnished to bear their own charges for nine days: and our hap shall be very hard if we be not at London shortly after we stir; and that with so great a company as shall be out of danger to be stopped by any of the Shire upon such a sudden, or letted [hindered] of entry into London finding half the Wyat's reckoning of the spoil of the Tower and London. friends there as we think to have. And being once in London, and having the Tower in our hands; I trust you think we shall not lack money long after if any be to be had there, or in the Aldermen's coffers."

To that said another, that had spoken as yet never a word, "I know Commoners in London that have more ready money than some of the Aldermen."

"Soft," quod Wyat, "I pray you in any wise forbear all such talk till we come to the place where we would be. In mean time let us work secretly; and by all tokens and signs [Pg 81] shew ourselves to favour and maintain our pretence of Strangers only."

Such and the like communication was between Wyat and two others the Monday [22nd January] before his rising. Whereby it is evident that their final intent was to advance themselves by spoil of other men's goods: although they pretended otherwise.

And to colour [make pretence of] the same, Wyat so fell out with this Gentleman for rifling the Lord Chancellor's House [i.e., the House in Southwark of Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester,] that he made a number believe he would have hanged him out of hand: had not Bret and others entreated for him.

---

When they had lien in Southwark a day or two, and found themselves deceived in London: which (by the great diligence and politic handling of that worthy and faithful Knight, the Lord William Howard, Admiral of England, that had the special charge thereof; with the aid of Sir Thomas Wight, Knight, Mayor of London, his brethren [the Aldermen] and citizens) was so well preserved as the traitors thereby were disappointed of that they looked most certainly for—Wyat, as a man desperate and setting all at sixe[s] and seven, adventuring the breaking down of a wall out of a Wyat's coming into the Porter's Lodge at the Bridge foot. house joining to the Gate at the Bridge foot, whereby he might enter into the leads over the Gate, came down into the Lodge about eleven of the clock in the night: where he found the Care away. Porter in a slumber; [and] his wife with others waking, watching a coal.

But seeing Wyat, they began suddenly to start as greatly amazed.

"Whist!" quod Wyat, "as you love your lives, sit you still! You shall have no hurt!"

Glad were they of that warranty, pardye! What should they do, people better accustomed with the tankard of beer to pass forth the night, than acquainted with target and spear to endure the fight.

Wyat and a few with him went forth as far as the Drawbridge [in the middle of London Bridge]: on the [Pg 82] further side whereof he saw the Lord Admiral, the Lord Mayor, Sir Andrew Judd, and one or two others in consultation for ordering of the Bridge: whereunto he gave diligent ear a good time, and [was] not seen. At length [he] conceived by their talk more than he could digest; and, perceiving the great ordnance there bent, returned, saying to his mates, "This place is too hot for us."

---

And when he was come to his colleges [colleagues], and declared upon his exploit what he had heard and seen; they then all together fell to a new council what was to be done.

Some would then return to Greenwich, and so pass the water into Essex (whereby their company as they thought should increase), and enter into London by Ald Gate.

And some would to Kingston-upon-Thames, and so further west[ward].

And some, of the which Wyat himself was chief, would return into Kent to meet with the Lord Abergavenny, the Sheriff, Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir Thomas Kemp, Sir Thomas Finch, that were at Rochester, coming on Wyat's back with a great company well appointed: falsely persuading himself that he should find among them more friends than enemies. But whether his desire to return into Kent grew upon hope he had to find aid there; or whether it was to shift himself away; it was much doubted of his own company. And some of them that knew him well, except they were much deceived, reported not long before their execution, that his desire to retire into Kent was only to shift himself over the sea.

---

The Lord Warden [Sir John Cheyney] being now come to Rochester, as ye heard, and very honourably furnished with horse and men well appointed, to no small number, entering into consultation with such Gentlemen as were there, for the better proceeding in their service, shewed a great desire to accelerate the onset upon the traitors: lest malice should impute both his former and present stay rather to want of forwardness than to good policy. Wherefore he desired to pursue after them with all expedition.

[Pg 83]

Whereunto the Gentlemen, being then in arms with him, said, "As for your Lordship's contation [delay] hitherto, it shall be weighed not as fools by fancy and malice deem; but as wise men shall measure it by their discretion of wisdom. We see not but unadvised hardiness [rashness] and preproperous [? preposterous] haste in most matters have these two companions: Error in the beginning, and Repentance in the end. And for this our case, whoso understandeth the same cannot but confess your Lordship's deliberate forbearing to have proceeded of great wisdom, as wherein haste could little prevail. And whereas your Lordship is so desirous to pursue after Wyat and his Band, you see how they have lien in Southwark and within four miles of London these four days [Thursday 1st, to Sunday 4th February 1554]; and yet not meddled with by the Queen's army, being so near: which is neither for want of men, nor of forwardness in that noble Gentleman, The Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's Lieutenant. the Earl of Pembroke, the Queen's Lieutenant; but upon great policy and further respect no doubt than we seem to conceive.

"Wherefore your Lordship may do better to pause, and first to advertise the Queen's Majesty and the Lord Lieutenant [the Earl of Pembroke] both what your Lordship, upon grave and deep consideration, hath conceived in this doubtful time, and also in what readiness your Lordship is, and other Gentlemen with you: whose pleasures known, we may then happily proceed in service; both with good contentation to them above [us], and best surety for ourselves. Otherwise if fortune should not favour our journey [expedition], there may be thought in us more impotent will to haste than provident policy to speed. And danger hereby can none follow, our enemies lying between her Grace's army and us: considering withal that London is so well furnished, and so willing to resist their entry."

Whereupon the Lord Warden went in post to the Queen; leaving the Lord Abergavenny and the rest of the Gentlemen with his and their Bands until his return: which was very shortly after. [See Vol. IV. p. 92.]

Who, according to his first purpose, with the rest of the Gentlemen, marched forth towards Wyat. Which who had seen so well appointed, and with what willing hearts [Pg 84] they went; and had known withal the faithful dealing of sundry Gentlemen besides in other parts of the Shire, ought to say, That notwithstanding there were many evil; yet were there many worthy, Gentlemen and honest faithful yeomen in Kent, free from Wyat's conspiracy: and that the same [would] receive some injury at his hand that, taking upon him to set forth any Chronicle, should name only four Gentlemen of this Shire to be workers against Wyat. For though every man pursued him not in the beginning, many of them dwelling far from him: yet were they as well occupied where they were, and as much towards Wyat's confusion, by staying and withholding [a] great force, through their earnest persuasions and labour, that else would have been with Wyat.

---

Now to return to Wyat: whom in this meantime Bret and the other Captains espying to have a desire to be gone, dissembling the knowledge thereof, [they] wrought all the secret means they could devise to stay his going; as having the weight of their lives depending upon this enterprise as well as he.

One of them, by agreement in their consultation, said to him: "You see," quod he, "with what difficulty you keep your soldiers here: notwithstanding they be in a town where they are in a manner as pent in, and thereby the more uneasy to get away; being so narrowly looked to. And now if you shall leave the town and retire into Kent, as some of your company suspect you will, whereby they and all others shall judge you to be in despair of the aid of London; the hope whereof hath been hitherto the greatest occasion of stay of such as be already here, and the comfort for the coming of others to the increase of your power: you may assure yourself that such as be here will not tarry long after with you, finding time to escape as they shall easily enough, being at large; nor such as be absent will have haste to repair unto you, when they shall perceive you to be in despair of London. And so you shall weaken yourself, to the comfort of your enemies and discomfort of your friends."

Bret, under colour [pretence] of singular affection to Wyat, devising an apt occasion to avoid suspicion (which [Pg 85] wanted not among them), required to speak with him apart; and having him alone, said:

"It shall not be amiss that, for your own surety, you have in remembrance the effect of the several Proclamations made at Dartford: the one by Master William Roper, wherein you were betraitored; the other by Master Appulton, which, as I hear, was also made at London and in other parts of the realm, wherein is promised the inheritance of One Hundred Pounds [in] land to such as can apprehend and present you to the Queen.

"Now what fantasies may grow into the heads of your own fellows, for the safeguard of themselves; of whom you have had already some experience, it is to be doubted: or what may grow in the heads of your soldiers when, failing of the aid of London, they shall be in despair of your enterprise, it is also to be doubted. On the other part, when such of Kent, on whom it seemeth you repose some trust, shall hear of your retire: their disposition perhaps will be much changed. And therefore it standeth you in hand to look to the matter substantially."

Wyat (having the same confidence in Bret, that Bret would Wyat to have had in others; remembering his most deceitful treason to the Queen, contrary to the trust reposed in him for the conduct of the White Coats; and feeling his grief doubled, and his desire to convey himself away so much the more increased, by Bret's secret talk with him); as a stricken deer, wandereth aside, all alone complaining with himself [of] his most unhappy fate.

And soon after calling Thomas Isley unto him, said, "Ah, cousin Isley, in what extreme misery are we? The revolt of these Captains with the White Coats seemed a benefit in the beginning; and as a thing sent by GOD for our good, and to comfort us forward in our enterprise: which I now feel to our confusion. Ah, cousin, this it is to enter such a quarrel, which notwithstanding we now see must have a ruthful end; yet of necessity we must prosecute the same."

Wyat as desperate (finding others to accord with Bret's opinion, upon his conference with them: by whom for direction of his traitorous journey [expedition] he was chiefly advised; although for this shifting away there were others Wyat's marching to Kingston. [Pg 86] whom he better trusted) marched, the Tuesday being Shrove Tuesday [6th February 1554], out of Southwark to Kingston upon Thames, ten miles distant; where they arrived about four of the clock in the afternoon.

And finding thirty feet or thereabouts of the bridge taken away, saving the posts that were left standing; Wyat practiced [bargained] with two mariners to swim over to convey a barge unto him. Which the mariners, tempted with great Wyat's passage at Kingston. promises of preferment, did. Wherein Wyat and certain with him were conveyed over: who, in the time that the number of the soldiers baited [lunched] in the town, caused the bridge to be trimmed with ladders planks and beams, the same tied together with ropes and boards as, by ten of the clock in the night, [it] was in such plight that both his ordnance and Band of men might pass over without peril.

And so, about eleven of the clock in the same night, Wyat with his Band, without either resistance or peril, marched over the bridge towards London; having such a loving heart in his body to the Queen as before day he meant to have been at the Court Gate [of Whitehall]. Which he could never have attempted, having any sparkle of that good zeal in his breast to the Queen's surety as, to further his treason, he outwardly pretended to the World; considering the danger that might have grown, by the fear thereof, to her Grace.

But, as GOD would, partly by weariness of his soldiers, and partly by the breach [break down] of the wheels that carried his ordnance; it was nine of the clock of the day following, being Ash Wednesday [7th February 1554], before he came so far as Hyde Park: where his courage, being tofore as ye have heard not very lusty, began now utterly to die; beholding as it were before his face the present bane and confusion whereunto his malicious intent was shaped.

Yet desperation being his lewd guide, he marcheth forward; and cometh within the power of Sir William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke; being, that day, the Queen's Lieutenant General in the field. Who yet (with divers other Noblemen and faithful subjects, being then in arms with him [Pg 87] prest and ready to receive so impudent a race of traitorous rebels to their deserved breakfast) understanding, partly by sure spial, partly by their own view, that the rebels exceeded not the number of four thousand, and most of them naked [unarmed], void of all policy and skill; considering withal that they could not set upon Wyat and his whole Band but great effusion of blood should follow, the Queen's army being so greedy to be revenged and the other so impotent to resist, determined rather by policy to achieve the victory than by bloodshed to confound the rebels. Wherein they should please GOD, answer the Queen's merciful expectation, and purchase unto themselves most renown and honour of that day's service.

Upon these resolutions, they permitted Wyat with the fore part of his Band to pass quietly along; and through between the Queen's Majesty's Horsemen: the Lord Clinton being Marshal of the Field and Captain of the barbed horses and Demi-lances on the south side; Jack of Musgrave being Captain of the Light Horsemen on the north side. The great ordnance being charged to shoot full upon the breast of the rebels coming eastward: the Earl of Pembroke with the Main Battle of footmen as well for handguns, morishpikes, bows, and bills, standing in goodly array on the north-east side, behind the said great ordnance, ready to set upon the rebels in the face coming towards Holborn.

---

Wyat, coming in the forefront of his Band, perceiving that he was thus beset with horsemen on both sides, the great ordnance and the footmen before his face north-eastward; so that he could no ways escape, but necessarily must fall into their hands, although for policy he was suffered and a great part of his men to pass so far quietly and without resistance through the Horsemen—he suddenly forsook his way intended through Holborn; and, with might and main, as fast as they could, he and his mates ran down underneath the Park Wall of brick adjoining to the Queen's Manor House, called St. James's.

The Lord Clinton, observing his time; first with his Demi-lances brake their array, and divided Wyat's Band in two parts. Then came the Light Horsemen, who so hardly [Pg 88] pursued the tail of his Band, that they slew many, hurt more, and took most of them.

---

Whilst the said Horsemen were thus in fight with the tail of his Band; Wyat himself and 500 men or thereabouts peked [pushed] on still all along under St. James's Park Wall until he came to Charing Cross: where divers of the Queen's Household servants and others fought with them, and in the end killed 16 of the rebels.

Nevertheless Wyat, having escaped with a part of his company, marching along in battle [ar]ray, entered into Fleet street, and came over Fleet Bridge towards Lud Gate.

And although no man resisted his passage through the streets thus far: yet, when at length he perceived that he had no help of friends at London and the suburbs as he looked for, [he] left his men standing still in battle array; and rode back as far as the Temple Bar Gate, with a naked [drawn] sword in his hands the hilts upward, as some report.

At which Gate, he would have gone through towards Charing Cross, to the residue of his men: but he was then stopped by force, of the Queen's true subjects; who would not suffer him to pass without Temple Bar.

At length came one Sir Maurice Berkeley Knight unto him, and required him to consider that he could not prevail in this wicked purpose; and that his men were all taken and slain in the Field: and therefore willed him to cease off from any further occasion of bloodshed; exhorting him to yield himself prisoner, and to stand to the Queen's mercy.

Which to do, Wyat refused; and said That he would rather be slain than yield to any man.

And yet, nevertheless, as it chanced, there came a Herald of Arms immediately, riding in the Queen's Coat Armour to this place: to his Coat shortly after Wyat submitted himself prisoner; and so went to the Court at Westminster, and there was brought before the Privy Council; and shortly after, within one hour, sent from thence to the Tower of London [a] prisoner.

---

Amongst other things this is to be remembered, that whiles the said Wyat and certain of his men, as aforesaid, [Pg 89] were coming thus towards Fleet street; a certain Captain of the said rebels, with divers of his soldiers, returned from Charing Cross down to the Court Gate at Whitehall, and gave a larum [an alarm] before the Gate: and shot divers arrows into the said Court, the Gate being open. Insomuch that one Master Nicholas Rockewood, being a Gentleman of Lincoln's Inn and in armour at the said Court Gate, was shot through his nose with an arrow by the rebels. [See Edward Underhill's account of this fright at Vol. IV., p. 92.]

For the coming of the said rebels was not looked for that way: but [it was] thought that the Queen's army should have joined battle with them in the Field; according to promise made by the said Wyat on his behalf: who promised that he would come to the Queen's Foot Battle [Infantry], and fight with them pike against pike and man to man. Which, when it came to the very point, he refused; and shrank [by] a bye way by Saint James's Park Wall for his refuge, as you have heard before: where many of them were slain by Horsemen, so that they came not nigh the Queen's power of the Foot Battle. Which increased some desperate boldness in the despairing rebels: not without great discomfiture to all the Court and the city of London; perceiving that he was himself, and so many rebels with him, come through the Queen's army thus far.

Whereupon grew great admiration [wonderment] amongst them that knew not their doings in the Field: how for policy, and to avoid much manslaughter, Wyat was suffered purposely to pass along. Insomuch divers timorous and cold hearted soldiers came to the Queen, crying, "All is lost! Away! Away! A barge! A barge!"

Yet her Grace never changed her cheer, nor removed one foot out of the House: but asked for the Lord of Pembroke, in whom her Grace had worthily reposed great confidence.

Answer being made, That he was in the Field.

"Well then," quod her Grace, "fall to prayer! and I warrant you, we shall hear better news anon. For my Lord will not deceive me, I know well. If he would, GOD will not: in whom my chief trust is, who will not deceive me." [Pg 90] And indeed, shortly after, news came all of victory, [and] how that Wyat was taken.

---

This day [7th February 1554], the Judges in the Common Place [Common Pleas] at Westminster sat in armour. The Mayor, Aldermen, and the householders of the city, by four of the clock in the morning, were in armour: the Lord William Howard, High Admiral, being amongst them. Who, as I have tofore said, was by the Queen's Majesty appointed Captain General and Lieutentant for the time, to confer in counsel and join in execution with the Lord Mayor and his Brethren [the Aldermen] for the sure and speedy guarding and warding of the city: to the preservation whereof the Queen's Grace had special regard. The Gates were diligently watched; every Gate with 100 men: Moor Gate being closed up and rampired.

---

Thus was this wily heretic and open traitor Wyat, and his complices, brought to their confusion; and to the end which never missed all such malicious[ly] disposed wretches. Partly by the wisdom and policy of him that was armed in the Field, the worthy Earl of Pembroke; but chiefly by the mighty hand of GOD, at the contemplation of her high merits and virtues; who remaining in the closet of stedfast hope and confidence, being appointed with the armour of faith, fought with ardent and continual prayer, in perfect devotion, under the banner and ensign of GOD: who indeed alone gave this victory, and alone without policy or might of man overthrew her enemies; yet so that he therewith declared his special favour and pleasure towards his servant, that noble Knight, the Earl of Pembroke, in appointing him chief champion this day to defend his chosen and elect Virgin; whose faith hath not been wavering in his Catholic religion nor his truth and service doubtful at any time towards his Prince.

---

Wyat, as is said, was committed to the Tower. So were divers other Gentlemen: as, soon after, was Henry Grey Duke of Suffolk and his two brethren.

The Duke, being so hardly pursued by the Lord [Pg 91] Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, was by him apprehended in Leicestershire. Whereby he declared himself, as well in honour and unspotted loyalty as in parentage and patrimony, to succeed his great grandfather the Lord Hastings; whose fidelity and stedfast truth towards King Edward IV. and his children, the Chronicles report to his immortal honour.

---

Of the common people there was such a number taken in the chase by the Earl of Pembroke that besides the usual gaols, sundry churches in London were made places for their safeguard, till order was taken for their enlargement.

---

The Duke [of Suffolk] was arraigned by his Peers, and by verdict found guilty of Treason, before the Duke of Norfolk, being Lord Constable, and that day his Judge. Both he, and his brother Thomas, at several days, made their end at Tower Hill, by loss of their heads.

---

Sundry others of Wyat's complices, being arraigned, and condemned upon their confession of treason, suffered in divers parts of the Shire, as:

Henry Isley Knight, Thomas Isley his brother, and Walter Mentel, at Maidstone; where Wyat first displayed his standard.

Anthony Knevet, William his brother, with another of the Mantels, at Sevenoaks.

Bret, at Rochester, hanging in chains.

And of the common sort very few were executed, save only of the White Coats; that, to say truth, deserved it trebly.

Wyat himself, last of all, was arraigned at Westminster; the Earl of Sussex, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas Cornwallis being his Judges: where and before whom, he most earnestly craved life; not by plea of his matter or justifying of himself, but by earnest suit, in humble submission, for the Queen's mercy.

---

It seemeth not amiss here to make report of such special words as by him were uttered at his arraignment: which I myself heard, standing not ten feet from [Pg 92] him at that time. By the which words may appear both what he himself thought of his doings, how much he misliked the same, and also how penitent and sorrowful he was therefor.

---

Certain-words proceeding from Wyat
at his arraignment.

MY Lords, I must confess myself guilty; as, in the end, truth must enforce me to say: and that I am justly plagued for my sins, which most grievously I have committed against GOD; who hath suffered me to fall into this beastly brutishness and horrible offence of treason. And lo, in me the like end; as all such that have attempted like enterprizes, from the beginning have had. For peruse the Chronicles throughout, and you shall find that rebellion never from the beginning prospered. For the love of GOD, all you Gentlemen that be here present remember! and be here taught by the examples past, and also by this my present infelicity and heinous offence!

"O most miserable, mischievous, brutish, and beastly furious imagination of mine! For I thought that by the marriage of the Prince of Spain, this realm should have been in danger: and that I, that have lived a free born man, should, with my country, have been brought to bondage and servitude by aliens and Strangers. Which brutish beastliness then seemed reason; and wrought so far and to such effect as it led me to the practice and use of this committed treason: that now understanding the great commodity honour and surety which this realm shall receive by this marriage; if it shall please the Queen to be merciful to me there is no man living that shall be more trusty and faithful to serve her Grace; no, nor more ready to die at her Highness's foot, whatsoever the quarrel be."

Thus far touching Wyat's words at his arraignment, I thought not superfluous here to report, to the end that all others blindly fallen into the same error, would by the [Pg 93] example of Wyat rise also to repentance; as well confessing to the World with open voice their detestable mischief, as also from the very heart with tears detesting the same; as, in utterance of the former words, he plentifully did.

---

He lost his head at Tower Hill; and his body, divided, was set up in divers parts about London.

---

Other poor men, being taken in Wyat's Band, and kept a time in divers churches and prisons without the Of such as did penance by wearing halters before the Queen. city [of London], kneeling all, with halters about their necks, before the Queen's Highness at Whitehall; her Grace mercifully pardoned, to the number of 600: who immediately thereupon, with great shouts, casting their halters up into the air, cried "GOD save your Grace! GOD save your Grace!"

Howbeit sundry of them that did wear halters afore the Queen's Highness were afterwards, by means, called before the Justices in the country to be arraigned: but her Grace, being moved thereof by the Sheriff, would them to be no further vexed.

---

Thus have ye heard of Wyat's end, and [of] some of his complices: by whose lamentable tragedy, and others of like sort that happened in our Age, not only we, but such as shall succeed us, may be abundantly taught to foresee what it is to enter into rebellion. For neither could Wyat with his stoutness, nor yet with the pretence of his quarrel coloured with a meaning to defend his country from overrunning by Strangers, nor yet through the aid of sundry conspirators of great power, ne by any other policy, prevail.

---

Six of the Gentlemen that were offenders were pardoned, going to their execution, by the Queen's clemency, at Rochester: as were also all the others of the whole Kentish Gentlemen remitted; a few of the rankest excepted, that, only for example, suffered.

---

The Queen's Highness, not long after, sent out her Commission to Sir Thomas Moyle, Sir John Guildford, [Pg 94] Sir Thomas Kemp; Warram Sentleger, Thomas Roydon, Christopher Roper, George Dorrell of Calehill, George Fane, John Tucke, John Robarts, Thomas Lovelace, John Leonard, Esquires; with others: not only to bail and set at large such as were in prison in the country [County of Kent] for that offence, being of no small number; but also to compound [fine] with the offenders, according to the quality of their offences. Which manner of order, being not heard of in the like case, or at the least very rarely, declared a singular clemency and benignity in the Queen: that, being followed so cruelly, would yet be so moved with pity as to vouchsafe to answer them with so much lenity, in the executing of so few, in comparison to so great a number and so large a cause; being all in her Grace's mercy to dispose at her pleasure. And besides [to] suffer the rest to escape with so small abashment of their countenance [small amount of fine] after so heinous [an] offence.

---

He that shall peruse this Story diligently, and consider all parts thereof exactly, with remembrance of things past since the beginning of the Queen's most happy reign, must of force recognize, of what condition soever he be, the magnificence mercy and fortitude of this most noble Princess, as from time to time with such patience to endure so great malice of her own subjects, with such lenity to forbear the revenge of so intolerable outrage, with such mercy in the end to pardon and remit so heinous and great offenders. Happy was it with those heinous offenders that her Grace's most worthy and honourable Council were so agreeable to her virtuous inclination! as inclined rather to pursue merciful pardon for continuance of life than to prosecute revenge by execution of death.

It is to be wished by all good men with one assent that, provoked with so great clemency, these degenerates reform themselves! and forbear thus to attempt so gracious a Princess! unto whom, by GOD's authority, the sword is not vainly committed; lest thereby they procure to themselves damnation in seeking by such outrage their own death and confusion. From the desire whereof we see, by a number of [Pg 95] evident arguments, the Queen's Highness and her honourable Council to be so far as, by all means they can imagine, they seek to eschew that they by most wilful and malicious means follow to their subversion.

[The following are omitted for want of space.]
An earnest Conference with the Degenerates
and Seditious, for the search of the cause
of their great disorder.

A Table [or Index].

Imprinted at London by Robert Caley within the
Precinct of the late dissolved House of the
Grey Friars, now converted to a Hospital
called Christ's Hospital
[The present Blue Coat
School],

The 10th day of January 1555.

Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.

---

[Pg 96]

---

[Pg 97]

Love's Garland:

OR

Posies for Rings, Handkerchers, and
Gloves; and such pretty Tokens that
Lovers send their Loves.

Read, Skan, then Judge.

LONDON
Printed by N. O. for John Spencer, and
are to be sold at his shop on London
Bridge. 1624.

---

Love's Garland.

1.

The Posy of a Handkercher
from a young Man to his Love.

2.

Another signifying the mutual love
that should be between Man and Wife.

In love this good doth still remain,
Though both do give, yet both doth gain.

3.

Another from a doubtful Lover.

By Cupid's bow, by weal or woe!

4.

A Posy sent with a Pair of Gloves,
showing what a young Man should most
respect in his choice.

I love thy Beauty, Virtue most!
For Virtue's found when Beauty's lost.

5.

A Posy of a Ring, from a crossed Lover.

No hap so hard as love debarred!

6.

Another.

A happy breast where love doth rest!

7.

All perfect love is from above.
The sight of this deserves a kiss.

8.

A young man to his Love, wrought in a Scarf.

A constant heart within a woman's breast,
Is Ophir gold within an ivory chest.

9.

Her kind Answer.

Of such a treasure then are thou possesst,
For thou hast such a heart in such a breast.

10.

The Posy of a Ring.

To me till death, as dear as breath.

11.

Another.

In thee a flame, in me the same.

12.

Where once I choose, I ne'er refuse.

13.

Another.

No cross so strange, my love to change.

14.

The Posy of a Handkercher from a young Man
to his Love.

Pray take me kindly, Mistress! kiss me too!
My master swears he'll do as much for you!

15.

A passionate Lover's Posy.

Till that from thee I hope to gain:
All sweet is sour; all pleasure, pain!

16.

Another of the same cut.

Thy love, my light; disdain, my night.

17.

Another.

Tell my Mistress that a Lover
True as Love itself, doth love her.

18.

Another where the Lover doth protest and request.

Hand, heart, and all I have, is thine!
Hand, heart, and all thou hast, be mine!

19.

Another.

As you find me, mind me!

20.

The Posy of a young Man to his Love showing the
simplicity and truth of Love.

Two hands, two feet, two ears, two eyes:
One tongue, one heart, where true love lies.

21.

Another from a Lover, far from his Love.

Though from mine eye; yet from my heart,
No distance e'er can make thee part!

22.

Another of the same mark.

Though absence may annoy:
To me, 'tis a double joy.

23.

A Posy in a Ring.

Be true to me, as I to thee.

24.

Another.

God above increase our love!

25.

Another.

All thine is mine.

26.

Another.

Ne'er joy in heart that seeks to part.

27.

Another sent with a pair of Bracelets.

Fair as Venus; as Diana
Chaste and pure is my Susanna.

28.

The Posy of a young Man to his Love, shewing
what a Woman should be.

If Woman should to Man be woe,
She should not be what GOD did make her:
That was to be a helper; so
GOD then did give, Man now doth take her.

29.

The Posy of a Maid cast off, expressing how
light[ly] she takes it.

Tell him that had my heart in chase,
And now at other games doth fly:
Green Sickness ne'er shall spoil my face;
Nor puling "Heigh Ho's!" wet mine eye!

30.

The Posy of a Ring.

I do rejoice in thee my choice.

31.

A Posy of a scornful Lover.

Since thy hot love so quickly's done:
Do thou but go, I'll strive to run!

32.

A Posy shewing Man and Wife to be one.

Flesh of my flesh, bone of my bone;
From one made two are two made one.

33.

Posies for Rings.

As true to thee, as death to me.

34.

Another.

If thou deny, I wish to die.

35.

Another.

In trust, be just.

36.

Another.

I live if "I [Ay]": If "No," I die.

37.

Another.

No bitter smart can change my heart!

38.

Another.

Rather die than faith deny!

39.

Another.

Not lust, but love; as time shall prove.

40.

Another.

To love as I do thee,
Is to love none but me.

41.

A Posy sent by a young Man to his Love in a
Handkercher, in which was wrought the
fashion of a Heart with wings.

Of all bad things, a heart with wings is still the worst;
And he that meets with one so fleet, of all's accurst.

42.

The Maiden's reply in a Handkercher, in which was
the shape of a Heart with an arrow through it.

A flying Heart, a piercing dart doth well deserve:
So be it with me, if I from thee shall ever swerve!

43.

Thou mine, I thine.

44.

Another.

Be true to me as I to thee.

45.

A young Maid to her Love in a Scarf.

She that of all doth love thee dearest,
Doth send thee this; which as thou wearest
And oft dost look on, think on me!
As I by thine do think on thee.

46.

From a young Man to his Love
wrought in a Silk Girdle.

Till death divide, whate'er betide!

47.

Another.

The World's a Lottery! My prize
A love that's fair, as chaste, as wise.

48.

A young Man to his Love,
describing the power and
ever flourishing virtue of Love.

Love till Doomsday in his prime;
Like Apollo robed in gold:
Though it have been as long as Time;
Yet still is young, though Time be old.

49.

Another.

My promise past shall ever last.

50.

From a young man to his Love shewing that Virtue
and Beauty should be together.

Thy beauty much, thy virtue such, my heart hath fired:
The first alone is worse than none; but both, admired.

51.

The Posy of a pitiful Lover writ in a Riband Carnation
three pennies broad, and wound about a fair branch
of Rosemary; upon which he wittily plays thus:

Rosemary, Rose, I send to thee;
In hope that thou wilt marry me.
Nothing can be sweet, Rose!
More sweeter unto Harry,
Than marry Rose:
Sweeter than this Rosemary.

52.

The Sweet Reply, in a conceit of the same cut, sent
by Rose, with a vial of Rosewater of her making.

Thy sweet commands again, my sweetest Harry!
My sweet Rosewater for thy sweet Rosemary:
By which, sweet Hal, sweet Rose doth let thee see,
Thy love's as sweet to her as hers to thee.

53.

A wanton Lover's wish sent in a Handkercher with a
Cupid wrought in the middle.

To me by far more fair is my fair Anne
Than sweet-cheeked Leda, with her silver swan:
That I ne'er saw, but have the picture seen;
And wished myself between thine arms, sweet Nan.

54.

For a Ring.

Desire like fire doth still aspire.

55.

A Posy sent with a pair of Bracelets.

Mine eye did see, my heart did choose;
True love doth bind till death doth loose.

56.

Another sent with a silk Girdle.

Accept of this, my heart withal;
My love is great, though this be small.

57.

Another sent with a rich pair of Gloves.

This for a certain truth true love approves.
"The heart's not where it lives, but where it loves."

58.

For Rings.

Heart's content can ne'er repent.

59.

Another.

My heart and I until I die.

60.

Not two but one till life be gone.

61.

A Lover's conceit upon a Bracelet and Partlet
[neck-kerchief, or ruff]; sent with
a pair of amber Bracelets.

Bracelets I'll give, embrace let's ever!
Let Partlets go, for part let's never.

62.

Love ever, or love never.

63.

A Posy sent by a young Man to his Love, with a
Looking Glass.

Be true as fair, then past compare!

64.

For a Ring.

A woman kind, all joy of mind.

65.

As I to thee, so wish to me!

66.

A drooping Lover's conceit, playing upon the word.

Hard and Heart in sound are near;
And both within thy breast I fear.

67.

Her coy and nipping Reply, in his own invention.

The sound's as near in Brace and Brass,
In Hose and Horse, in Ace and Ass.

68.

The Posy of a young Man, sent with a Scarf.

For one and love, some say are blind:
I say they see, if thou prove kind.

69.

The Posy of a Handkercher.

Love and Wine in this degree,
The elder better still they be:
So our long suit then shall be true,
"Change not thy old Love for a new!"

70.

A Posy sent by a young Maiden to her Love, plaited
in a Bracelet of her own hair.

When this about thine arm doth rest,
Remember her that loves thee best!

71.

Another from a young Man to his Love
protesting constancy.

To thee as constant as the sun to day:
Till from this light, I must be forced away.

72.

A Posy sent with a silk Girdle.

Venus naked in her chamber,
Wounds more deep than Mars in armour.

73.

The Maid's Answer.

If such a wound you fear;
Take heed you come not there!

74.

A drooping Lover's Posy, sent with a pair of Gloves.

'Tween hope and sad despair I sail;
Thy help I crave!
My grief the sea, thy breath the sail
May sink or save.

75.

Another of the same kind.

Hope and despair attend me still:
Hope strives to save; despair, to kill!

76.

Lust loves to range:
Love knows no change.

77.

Thine mine, mine thine.

78.

Both must be one, or one be none.

79.

Love ever, or love never!

80.

A neglected Lover, to his Mistress.

'Tis true as old, "Hot Love, soon cold!"

81.

Another expressing the power of Love.

Who is't withstands,
When Love commands?

82.

Short Posies for Rings in prose.

The loadstone of Love is love.

83.

Be true to the end!

84.

I live in hope.

85.

I like my choice.

86.

No change in Virtue's choice!

87.

Keep me in mind!

88.

Desire hath no rest.

89.

I present, thee absent.

90.

Not the gift but the giver.

91.

Be firm in faith!

92.

This and myself.

93.

I choose thee, not to change.

94.

Advisèd choice admits no change.

95.

Accept my goodwill!

96.

I love no lack.

97.

The heart lives where it loves.

98.

Not me, nor mine; but ours.

99.

Thy [?], my wish.

100.

Love is the bond of Peace.

101.

No life to Love!

102.

Remember this, and give a kiss!

103.

Thy love I crave, mine thou shalt have.

Good Counsel.

On the World.

On a Good Woman.

FINIS.

---

[Pg 109]

Jeremiah xviii. [7, 8.]
I will speak suddenly against a Nation, or against a Kingdom,
to pluck it up, and to root it out, and destroy it. But if that
Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their
wickedness; I will repent of the plague that I
thought to bring upon them.

Imprinted at London, at the
West end of Paul's Church, at
the sign of the Hedgehog,
by William Seres.

Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.
Anno 1561, the 10th of June.

---

[Pg 111]

The True Report of the burning of
the Steeple and Church of
Paul's in London.

ON Wednesday, being the 4th day of June in the year of our Lord 1561 (and in the 3rd year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queen of England France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.), between one and two of the clock at afternoon, was seen a marvellous great fiery lightning; and immediately ensued a most terrible hideous crack of thunder, such as seldom hath been heard; and that, by estimation of sense, directly over the city of London. At which instant, the corner of a turret of the Steeple of St Martin's Church within Lud Gate was torn; and divers great stones casten down; and a hole broken through the roof and timber of the said Church by the fall of the same stones.

For divers persons (in time of the said tempest, being on the river of Thames; and others being in the fields near adjoining to the city) affirmed that they saw a long and spear-pointed flame of fire, as it were, run through the top of the broche [or spire] or shaft of Paul's Steeple; from the East, westward. And some of the parish of St Martin's, then being in the street, did feel a marvellous strong air or whirlwind, with a smell like brimstone, coming from Paul's Church; and withal heard a rush of the stones which fell from their Steeple into the Church.

[Pg 112]

Between four and five of the clock, a smoke was espied by divers to break out under the bowl of the said shaft of Paul's; and namely [particularly] by Peter Johnson, Principal Registrar to the Bishop of London; who immediately brought word to the Bishop's House.

But, suddenly after, as it were in a moment, the flame brake forth in a circle, like a garland, round about the broche, about two yards, to the estimation of sight, under the bowl of the said shaft; and increased in such wise that, within a quarter of an hour, or little more, the Cross and the Eagle on the top fell down upon the South cross Ile [Aisle].

---

The Lord Mayor being sent for, and his Bretheren [the Aldermen], came with all speed possible; and had a short consultation, as in such a case might be, with the Bishop of London and others, for the best way of remedy. And thither came also [Sir Nicholas Bacon] the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and [William Paulet, Marquis of Winchester] the Lord Treasurer: who, by their wisdom and authority, directed as good order as in so great confusion could possibly be.

---

Some there were, pretending experience in wars, that counselled the remnant of the Steeple to be shot down with cannons; which counsel was not liked, as most perilous both for the dispersing [of] the fire, and [the] destruction of houses and people.

Others (perceiving the Steeple to be past all recovery; considering the hugeness of the fire, and the dropping of the lead) thought best to get ladders, and scale the Church; and with axes to hew down a space of the roof of the Church to stay the fire, at the least to save some part of the said Church: which was concluded [decided upon]. But before the ladders and buckets could be brought, and things put in any order (and especially because the Church was of such height that they could not scale it, and no sufficient number of axes could be had: the labourers also being troubled with the multitude of idle gazers); the most part of the highest roof of the Church was on fire.

First, the fall of the Cross and Eagle fired the South cross Ile [Aisle]; which Ile was first consumed. The beams and [Pg 113] brands of the Steeple fell down on every side, and fired the other three parts: that is to say, the Chancel or Quire, the North Ile, and the body of the Church. So that, in one hour's space, the broche [or spire] of the Steeple was burnt down to the battlements; and the most part of the highest roof of the Church likewise consumed.

---

The state of the Steeple and Church seeming both desperate; my Lord Mayor was advised, by one Master Winter of the Admiralty [i.e. Admiral Sir William Winter], to convert the most part of his care and provision to preserve the Bishop's Palace adjoining to the north-west end of the Church; lest from that House, being large, the fire might spread to the streets adjoining. Whereupon the ladders, buckets, and labourers were commanded thither; and, by great labour and diligence, a piece of the roof of the North Ile was cut down, and the fire so stayed: and, by much water, that part quenched; and the said Bishop's House preserved.

---

It pleased GOD also, at the same time, both to turn, and calm, the wind: which afore was vehement; and continued still high and great in other parts without the city.

There were above 500 persons that laboured in carrying and filling water, &c. Divers substantial citizens took pains as if they had been labourers; so did also divers and sundry Gentlemen, whose names were not known to the Writer hereof: but amongst others, the said Master Winter, and one Master Stranguish, did both take notable pains in their own persons; and also much directed and encouraged others, and that not without great danger to themselves.

---

In the evening, came the Lord Clinton, [the] Lord Admiral, from the Court at Greenwich; whom the Queen's Majesty (as soon as the rage of the fire was espied by Her Majesty and others in the Court, of the pitiful inclination and love that her gracious Highness did bear both to the said Church and the city) sent to assist my Lord Mayor, for the suppressing of the fire: who, with his wisdom authority and diligent travail, did very much good therein.

[Pg 114]

About ten of the clock, the fierceness of the fire was past, the timber being fallen and lying burning upon the vaults of stone; the vaults yet (GOD be thanked!) standing unperished. So as only the timber of the whole Church was consumed, and the lead molten: saving the most part of the two low Iles of the Quire, and a piece of the North Ile, and another small piece of the South Ile in the body of the Church.

Notwithstanding all which, it pleased the merciful GOD, in his wrath, to remember his mercy; and to enclose the harm of this most fierce and terrible fire within the walls of this one Church: not extending any part of his wrath in this fire upon the rest of the city, which to all reason and sense of man was subject to utter destruction. For in the whole city, without the Church, no stick was kindled surely. Notwithstanding that, in divers parts and streets, and within the houses both adjoining and of a good distance, as in Fleet Street and Newgate Market, by the violence of the fire, burning coals of great bigness fell down almost as thick as hailstones; and flaws of lead were blown abroad into the gardens without the city, like flaws of snow in breadth: without hurt (GOD be thanked!) to any house or person.

---

Many fond talks go abroad of the original cause of this. Some say, It was negligence of plumbers: whereas, by due examination, it is proved that no plumbers or other workmen laboured in the Church for six months before. Others suspect that it was done by some wicked practice of wild fire or gunpowder: but no just suspicions thereof, by any examination, can be found hitherto. Some suspect Conjurors and Sorcerers, whereof there is also no great likelihood: and if it had been wrought that way; yet could not the Devil have done it without GOD's permission, and to some purpose of his unsearchable judgments, as appeareth in the story of Job.

---

The true cause, as it seemeth, was the tempest, by GOD's sufferance. For it cannot be otherwise gathered, but that, at the said great and terrible thunderclap, when St Martin's Steeple was torn, the lightning (which by natural order smiteth the highest) did first smite the top of Paul's Steeple; [Pg 115] and entering in at the small holes, which have always remained open for building scaffolds to the works, and finding the timber very old and dry, did kindle the same: and so the fire increasing, grew to a flame, and wrought the effect which followed; most terrible then to behold, and now most lamentable to look upon.

---

On Sunday following, being the 8th day of June [1561], the reverend [Father] in GOD [James Pilkington] Bishop of Durham, at St Paul's Cross, made a learned and fruitful Sermon; exhorting the auditory to a general repentance, and namely [especially] to humble obedience to the laws and Superior Powers, which virtue is much decayed in these our days: seeming to have intelligence from the Queen's Highness, that Her Majesty intendeth more severity of laws shall be executed against persons disobedient, as well in causes of Religion as Civil; to the great rejoicing of his auditors.

He exhorted also his audience to take this as a general warning to the whole realm, and namely [especially] to the city of London, of some greater plague to follow if amendment of life in all [e]states did not ensue. He much reproved those persons which would assign the cause of this wrath of GOD to any particular [e]state of men; or that were diligent to look into other men's lives, and could see no faults in themselves: but wished that every man would descend into himself and say with David, Ego sum qui peccavi. "I am he that hath sinned." And so forth to that effect, very godly.

He also not only reproved the profanation of the said Church of Paul's, of long time heretofore abused [in Paul's Walk] by walking, jangling, brawling, fighting, bargaining, &c., namely [particularly] in Sermon and Service time: but also answered by the way to the objections of such evil-tongued persons which do impute this token of GOD's deserved ire to alteration, or rather, Reformation of Religion; declaring out of ancient records and histories the like, yea, and greater matters, [that] had befallen in the time of superstition and ignorance.

For, in the 1st year of King Stephen [1135-6 A.D.] not only the said Church of Paul's was burnt: but also a great part of the city: that is to say, from London Bridge [Pg 116] to St Clement's [Church] without Temple Bar, was by fire consumed.

And in the days of King Henry VI., the Steeple of Paul's was also fired by lightning: although it was then stayed by diligence of the citizens; the fire being then, by likelihood, not so fierce.

Many other such like common calamities he rehearsed, which happened in other countries, both nigh to this realm and far off, where the Church of Rome hath most authority. And therefore [he] concluded the surest way to be, that every man should judge examine and amend himself; and embrace believe and truly follow the Word of GOD; and earnestly to pray to GOD to turn away from us his deserved wrath and indignation; whereof this his terrible work is a most certain warning, if we repent not unfeignedly.

The which GOD grant may come to pass in all estates and degrees, to the glory of His name, and to our endless comfort in Christ our Saviour.   Amen.

GOD save the Queen.

---

[Pg 117]

---

SIX IDILLIA,

THAT IS,

SIX SMALL, OR PETTY, POEMS,
OR ÆGLOGUES,

chosen out of the right famous Sicilian Poet

THEOCRITUS,

And translated into English verse.

Dum defluat amnis.

PRINTED

At Oxford by Ioseph Barnes.
1588.

---

[Pg 118]

E. D.
Libenter hic, et omnis exantlabitur
Labor, in tuæ spem gratiæ.
[Horace, Epodes i. 23-24.]

---

[Pg 119]

chosen out of the famous Sicilian Poet
THEOCRITUS,
and translated into English verse.

THE EIGHTH IDILLION.

Argument.

BUCOLIASTÆ.

Daphnis, Menalcas, Goatherd.

Menalcas first, beholding Daphnis, thus bespake:

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

[Pg 122]

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Menalcas.

Daphnis.

Goatherd.

Daphnis his Emblem.
Me tamen urit Amor.

Menalcas his Emblem.
At hæc Daphne forsan probet.

Goatherd's Emblem.
Est minor nemo nisi comparatus.

---

[Pg 125]

THE ELEVENTH IDILLION.

Argument.

CYCLOPS.

Polyphem's Emblem.
Ubi Dictamum inveniam?

---

[Pg 129]

THE SIXTEENTH IDILLION.

Argument.

CHARITES, or HIERO.

Emblem.

Si nihil attuleris, ibis Homere foras.

---

[Pg 134]

THE EIGHTEENTH IDILLION.

Argument.

Helen's Epithalamion.

Emblem.
Usque adeo latet utilitas.

---

[Pg 137]

THE TWENTY-FIRST IDILLION.

Argument.

NEATHERD.

Emblem.
Habitarunt Dii quoque sylvas.

---

[Pg 139]

THE THIRTY-FIRST IDILLION.

Argument.

ADONIS.

Emblem.
Raris forma viris, secula prospice,
Impunita fuit.

FINIS.

---

[Pg 141]

The Spoil
of
Antwerp.

Faithfully reported by a
true Englishman, who was
present at the same.

November 1576.

Seen and allowed.

Printed at London by Richard Jones.

---

[Pg 142]

[The first thing here is to settle the authorship of this anonymous tract; which was also anonymously entered at Stationers' Hall, probably from political reasons. From internal evidence at pp. 149, 155, 161, it is clear that the Writer was not one of the Fellowship of the English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp; but was an Englishman who had arrived in that city on the 22nd October 1576. Who this Writer was would seem to be clearly settled by the following extracts from documents in the State Paper Office, London.

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vols. 139-140.
915. George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 15 September 1576.

The troubles and news of Flanders have set all the soldiers of this realm in a triumph....

But now I mean to become an eyed-witness of the stir in Flanders; and from thence your honour shall shortly (GOD willing) hear of me.

951.George Gascoigne to Lord Burghley.
From Paris, 7 October 1576.

Whereof I trust shortly to understand more, for to-morrow (GOD willing) I go towards the Low Countries; and mean to spend a month, [or] two, or three, as your Honours shall like, in those parts.

For I mean to spend this winter (or as long as shall be thought meet) in service of my country. I beseech your Honour to confer with Master Secretary [Sir Francis Walsingham] who can more at large make you privy to my intent.

955. Sir Amias Paulet, Ambassador for England
in France, to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Paris, 12 October 1576.

Master Gascoigne is departed towards Flanders; having prayed me to recommend him unto you by my letters, and also to convey these letters enclosed unto you.

[Pg 143]

If this George Gascoigne, who, as his handwriting shows, is doubtless the Soldier-Poet, left Paris on the 8th October, he could very well have come to Antwerp, as the Writer of this narrative states, at page 149, he did, by the 22nd of that month.

Gascoigne the Poet was a very tall man, so that he was called "long George." This he seems to refer to at page 155, where he says, "I got up like a tall fellow."

For further confirmation of Gascoigne being the Author, see pp. 164-6 .

2. The best Plan of Antwerp, about the time of the Spanish Fury, that we have met with, is that of George Braun's Civitates Orbis Terrarum, Vol. I., Plan 17.

3. All the dates in the following narrative are Old Style.

4. It is to be specially noted that Antwerp was a Roman Catholic city that had never, in the least way possible, rebelled against Philip II.; and that its awful destruction was made, without the least provocation, by the soldiers of its Sovereign, that should have protected it. Its only crime was its great wealth. 5,000 merchants met in its Bourse, or Exchange, every week. It was then the Venice of the North, with about 125,000 inhabitants.

The following extract will explain the general position of affairs in Flanders about this time.

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr [Thomas] Wilson [Ambassador for
England in Flanders] to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.

And except despair drive the Prince [of Orange], I do not think that ever he will yield that to [the Duke of Anjou, the] Monsieur [of France] which he hath in his power; being now in better case since these late troubles than ever he was before: having Zierikzee and Haarlem again; and Tergoes also, which he never had before.

There are in the Spaniards' possession, Antwerp; Lierre, 8 English miles from thence; [Den]dermonde, 18 miles distant; and Maestricht, 50 miles distant; and more they have not in their power....

The States, so far as I can understand, have none other intention, but that the Spaniards may be sent out of the country; and then they offer to live in all obedience to their King and Sovereign. The Spaniards will not depart except the King expressly command them. In the mean season, they do mind nothing but spoil and ravin.]

(Continued at page 164.)

---

[Pg 144]

To the Reader.

I Shall earnestly require thee, gentle Reader, to correct the errors passed and escaped in printing of this pamphlet according to this Table.[2]

And furthermore to understand that this victory was obtained with loss of but five hundred Spaniards, or six [hundred] at the most; of whom I heard no man of name recounted [as killed] saving only Don Emanuel.

Thus much, for haste, I had forgotten in this treaty [treatise]; and therefore thought meet to place it here in the beginning. And therewithal to advertise thee, that these outrages and disordered cruelties done to our Nation proceeded but from the common soldiers: neither was there any of the Twelve which entered the English House [see pp. 161, 164], a man of any charge or reputation. So that I hope, these extremities notwithstanding, the King their master will take such good order for redress thereof as our countrymen, in the end, shall rest satisfied with reason; and the amity between our most gracious Sovereign and him shall remain also firm and unviolate: the which I pray GOD speedily to grant for the benefit of this realm. Amen.

---

[Pg 145]

The Spoil of Antwerp.

SINCE my hap was to be present at so piteous a spectacle as the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp, a lamentable example which hath already filled all Europe with dreadful news of great calamity, I have thought good, for the benefit of my country, to publish a true report thereof. The which may as well serve for profitable example unto all estates of such condition[s] as suffered in the same: as also answer all honest expectations with a mean truth set down between the extreme surmises of sundry doubtful minds; and increased by the manifold light tales which have been engendered by fearful or affectionate [prejudiced] rehearsals.

And therewithal if the wickedness used in the said town do seem unto the well disposed Reader, a sufficient cause of GOD's so just a scourge and plague; and yet the fury of the vanquishers do also seem more barbarous and cruel than may become a good Christian conqueror: let these my few words become a forewarning on both hands; and let them stand as a lantern of light between two perilous rocks; that both amending the one, and detesting the other, we may gather fire out of the flint and honey out of the thistle.

To that end, all stories and Chronicles are written; and to that end I presume to publish this Pamphlet; protesting that neither malice to the one side, nor partial affection to the other, shall make my pen to swerve any iote [jot or iota] from truth of that which I will set down, and saw executed.

For if I were disposed to write maliciously against the vanquishers: their former barbarous cruelty, insolences, rapes, spoils, incests, and sacrileges committed in sundry other places, might yield me sufficient matter without the lawful remembrance of this their late Stratagem. Or if I would [Pg 146] undertake to move a general compassion by blazing abroad the miseries and calamities of the vanquished: their long sustained injuries and yokes of untollerable bondage, their continual broils in war, their doubtful dreads in peace, their accusations without cause, and condemnations without proof, might enable a dumb stone to talk of their troubles, and fetch brinish tears out of the most craggy rock to lament and bewail the burning houses of so near neighbours.

But as I said before, mine only intent is to set down a plain truth, for the satisfying of such as have hitherto been carried about with doubtful reports; and for a profitable example unto all such as, being subject to like imperfections, might fall thereby into the like calamities.

---

And to make the matter more perspicuous; I must derive the beginning of this Discourse a little beyond the beginning of the Massacre: that the cause being partially opened, the effect may be the more plainly seen.

---

It is then to be understood that the Sacking and Spoil of Antwerp hath been, by all likelihood, long pretended [designed] by the Spaniards: and that they have done nothing else but lie in wait continually, to find any least quarrel to put the same in execution. For proof whereof, their notable Rebellion and Mutiny began in the same [city, on 26th April 1574]; when their watch-word was Fuora villiacco! [This is apparently old Spanish for Out with the townsfolk!] might sufficiently bewray their malicious and cruel intent. And though it were then smoothly coloured over [explained away] and subtilly appeased by the crafty devisers of the same: yet the coals of the choler, being but raked up in the embers of false semblance, have now found out the wicked winds of wiliness and wrath; which meeting together have kindled such a flame as gave open way to their detestable devices.

For the Estates of the Low Countries, being over-wearied with the intolerable burden of their tyrannies; and having taken arms to withstand their malice and rebellious mutinies: the town of Antwerp, being left open and subject unto the Citadel, did yet remain quiet; and entered not into any martial action.

[Pg 147]

Whereat the Spaniards (being much moved; and having not yet opportunity to work their will so colourably [with a sufficient pretence] as they wished) bestowed certain cannon shot out of the said Castle, and slew certain innocent souls; with some other small harm and damage done to the edifices: thinking thereby to harden the hearts of the poor Flemings, and to make them take arms for their just defence; whiles they thereby might take occasion to execute their unjust pretence. And this was done on the 19th, or 20th, of October [1576] last.

---

Now to answer all objections; I doubt not but it will be alleged that the Castle bestowed the said cannon shot at the town; because they of the town did not shoot at the Prince of Orange's ships, which lay within sight thereof: but alas it is easy to find a staff when a man would beat a dog.

For the truth is, that those ships did no greater hurt either to the town or Castle than friendly to waft up [convoy] all manner of grain and victuals for the sustenance of the said town: which even then began to want such provisions by reason that the said Spaniards had built a Fort on [the] Flanders side upon the same river [the Scheldt]; and thereby stopped all such as brought victual to the said town; burning and destroying the country near adjoining, and using all terror to the poor people, to the intent that Antwerp might lack provision[s].

---

And about the same time also, the Spaniards cut off a bridge, which was the open passage between Antwerp and Machlen [Malines], at a village called Walem [Waelhem], a manifest proof of their plain intent to distress the said town, and to shut up the same from the rest of Brabant: since they were walled in with the river on the one side; and on that other the Spanish horsemen occupied all the country, and so terrified the poor people as they durst not bring their commodities to the same.

All this notwithstanding, the chief rulers of the said town of Antwerp appeased the people; and put up [with] these injuries until they might be better able to redress them.

---

Soon after, the Spaniards, assisted by the treason of certain [Pg 148] High Duches [Germans], entered the town of Maestricht upon a sudden; and put the same to sack: killing and destroying great numbers of innocent people therein. A thing to be noted. For that Maestricht had never revolted; but stood quiet under their garrisons, as faithful subjects to their King [Philip II]: and the one half thereof pertained also unto the Bishop of Liege, who had yet meddled nothing at all in these actions.

---

The chief rulers and people of Antwerp (perceiving thereby the cruel intent of the Spaniards; and doubting [fearing] their Duche [German] garrison, which was of the Count Oberstein's Regiment, as they were also which betrayed Maestricht) began to abandon the town, leaving their houses and goods behind them; and sought to withdraw themselves into some place of safer abode.

Whereat the Estates, being moved with compassion, and doubting that the town would shortly be left desolate, levied a Power of 3,000 Footmen and 800 or 1,000 Horsemen [mostly Walloons and Germans]; and sent the same, under the conduct of the Marquis D'Havré, the young Count [Philip] d'Egmont, Monsieur de Capres, Monsieur de Berselle [or Berselen], Monsieur de Gogines, and other Nobles and Gentlemen, to succour and defend the town of Antwerp against the cruel pretence [designs] of the said Spaniards.

And they came before the Gates thereof, on Friday the 2nd of this instant [November 1576], at a Port on the east or south-east side thereof, called Kipdorp Port. Whereat the Spaniards, being enraged, discharged sundry shot of great artillery from the Castle; but to small purpose.

At last, Monsieur [Frédéric Perrenot, Sieur] de Champagney, who was Governor of the town, and the Count Oberstein, which was Colonel of the garrison, demanded of the States' [troops], Wherefore they approached the town in such order?

Who answered, That they came to enter the same as friends, and to entrench and defend it from the Spaniards: protesting further, That they would offer no manner of violent damage or injury to the persons or goods of any such as inhabited the same.

Hereupon the said Monsieur [the Sieur] de Champagney [Pg 149] and Count Oberstein went out unto them, and conferred more privately together by the space of one hour: and returned into the town, leaving the Estates' Power at a village called Borgherhout.

---

On the morrow, being the 3rd of this instant [November 1576], they were permitted to enter, and came into the town: 21 Ensigns of Footmen and 6 Cornets of Horsemen.

Immediately after their entry, the inhabitants brought them sacks of wool and other such provision; wherewith they approached the Yard or plain ground which lieth before the Castle: and, placing the same at the ends of five streets which lie open unto the said Castle Yard [Esplanade], entrenched under them with such expedition that in less than five hours those streets' ends were all reasonably well fortified from the Castle, for any sudden [attack].

---

At this time and twelve days before [i.e. from 22nd October 1576], I was in the said town of Antwerp, upon certain private affairs of mine own; so that I was enforced to become an eyed-witness [see page 142] of their Entry [i.e. of the States' troops] and all that they did: as also afterwards—for all the Gates were kept fast shut, and I could not depart—to behold the pitiful Stratagem which followed.

---

The Castle thundered with shot at the town: but it was a very misty day; so that they could neither find their marks very well, not yet see how the streets' ends were entrenched.

It was a strange thing to see the willingness of the inhabitants, and how soon many hands had despatched a very great piece of work. For, before midnight, they had made the trenches as high as the length of a pike; and had begun one trench for a Counterskarf [Counterscarp] between all those streets and the Castle Yard: the which they perfected unto the half way from St George's Churchyard unto the water's side by St Michael's; and there left from work, meaning to have perfected it the next day.

That Counterscarf had been to much purpose, if it had been finished: as shall appear by a Model [Plan] of the whole place which I have annexed to this treaty [treatise]; by [Pg 150] view whereof the skillful Reader may plainly perceive the execution of every particularity.[3]

---

These things thus begun and set in forwardness; it is to be noted that the Spaniards (having intelligence of the States' Power, when it set forward from Brussels; and perceiving that it bent towards Antwerp) had sent to Maestricht, Lierre, and Alost to draw all the Power that could be made, unto the Castle of Antwerp. So that on Sunday, the 4th of this instant [November 1576], in the morning, they all met at the said Castle. And their Powers, as far as I could gather, were these:

There came from Maestricht, very near to 1,000 Horsemen, led by Alonzo de Vargas who is the General of the Horsemen; and 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, Francesco de Valdez.

There came from Lierre, 500 Footmen or more, governed by the Camp Master, Juliano de Romero.

There came from Alost, 2,000 Footmen, which were the same that rebelled for their pay and other unreasonable demands, immediately after the Winning of Zierikzee [J. de Rodas, at page 168, states that these 2,000 soldiers were "desperate men."] These had none other conductor than their Electo [or Eletto, i.e., their elected Chief; at this time a man named Navarette], after the manner of such as mutiny and rebel: but were of sundry Companies, as Don Emanuel's, and others. Nevertheless I have been so bold in the Model [Plan] as to set down the said Don Emanuel, for their leader: both because I think that, their mutiny notwithstanding, he led them at the exploit; and also because he was slain amongst them at their entry.

Thus the number of [the] Spaniards was 4,000 or thereabouts; besides some help that they had of the garrison within the Castle. And besides, 1,000 High Almains [Germans] or more; which came from Maestricht, Lierre, and those parts. And they were of three sundry Regiments:

[Pg 151]

Charles Fugger's, Polwiller's, and Frondsberger's: but they were led all by Charles Fugger. So that the whole force of the Spaniards and their complices was 5,000 and upwards.

The which assembled and met at the Castle, on the said 4th day [of November 1576], about ten of the clock before dinner: and, as I have heard credibly reported, would neither stay to refresh themselves, having marched all night and the day before; nor yet to confer of anything but only of the order how they should issue and assail: protesting and vowing neither to eat nor drink until they might eat and drink at liberty and pleasure in Antwerp: the which vow they performed, contrary to all men's reason and expectation.

---

Their order of entry into the Castle Yard [Esplanade], and their approach to the trenches I did not see: for I could not get out of the town; neither did I think it reasonable to be Hospes in aliena republica curiosus.

Yet, as I heard it rehearsed by sundry of themselves, I will also here rehearse it for a truth:

The Horsemen and Footmen which came from Maestricht and Lierre, came through a village on the east side of the town called Borgerhout about ten of the clock before noon, as beforesaid. The Governor and Estates, being thereof advertised, sent out presently part of their Horsemen and Footmen to discover and take knowledge of them. But before they could issue out of the Gates, the Spaniards were passed on the south-east side of the town ditch, and entered at a Gate which standeth on the Counterscarf of the Castle Yard [Esplanade], called the Windmill Port. There entered the Horsemen and all the Footmen; saving the High Almains [Germans] who marched round about the Castle, by a village called Kiel; and, trailing their pikes on the ground after them, came in at a small Postern on the Brayes by the river, and on the west side of the Castle.

Those which came from Alost, came through the said village called Kiel, and so, through the Castle, [and] issued out of the same at the Fore Gate, which standeth towards the town.

Being thus passed, and entered into the Castle Yard, about eleven of the clock; they of Alost and of the Castle [Pg 152] cast themselves into four Squadrons; they of Maestricht and Lierre into two Squadrons, and their Horsemen into a Troop behind them; and the High Almains [Germans] into a Squadron or Battalion by the river's side.

---

Being thus ordered, and appointment given where every Squadron should charge and endure; they cast off certain Loose Shot [Skirmishers] from every Squadron, and attacked the Scarmouch [? Piquet]. The which continued not one hour; before they drew their Squadrons so near unto the Counterscarf and Trenches, that they brake and charged pell mell.

The Castle had, all this while, played at the town and trenches with thundering shot: but now, upon a signal given, ceased to shoot any more, for fear to hurt their own men; wherein I noted their good order, which wanted no direction, in their greatest fury.

The Walloons and Almains [Germans] which served in the Trenches, defended all this while very stoutly. And the Spaniards with their Almains continued the charge with such valour, that in fine they won the Counterscarf, and presently scaled the Trenches with great fury. The Walloons and Almains, having long resisted without any fresh relief or supply, many of them in this meanwhile being slain and hurt, were not able any longer to repulse the Spaniards: so that they entered the Trenches about twelve of the clock, and presently pursued their victory down every street.

In their chase, as fast as they gained any cross street, they flanked the same with their Musquet[eer]s until they saw no longer resistance of any Power; and they proceeded in chase, executing all such as they overtook. In this good order they charged and entered; in this good order they proceeded; and in as good order, their lackays and pages followed with firebrands and wild fire, setting the houses on fire in every place where their masters had entered.

The Walloons and Almains which were to defend the town [being chiefly those commanded by the Marquis d'Havré] being grown into some security by reason that their Trenches were so high as seemed invincible; and, lacking sufficient generals or directors, were found as far out of order as the [Pg 153] Spaniards were to be honoured for the good order and direction which they kept.

For those which came to supply and relieve the Trenches came straggling and loose. Some came from the furthest side of the town. Some, that were nearer, came very fearfully! and many, out of their lodgings, from drinking and carousing; who would scarcely believe that any conflict was begun, when the Spaniards now met them in the streets to put them out of doubt that they dallied not.

To conclude, their carelessness and lack of foresight was such that they never had a Corps du Gard [Block House] to supply and relieve their Trenches; but only one in the Market Place of the town, which was a good quarter of a mile from their fortifications: and that also was of Almains [Germans commanded by that double-dyed traitor Cornelis Van Einden, or Van Ende]; who, when they spied the Spaniards, did gently kneel down, letting their pikes fall, and crying, O liebe Spaniarden! O liebe Spaniarden! ["O dear Spaniards!" That is, Van Einden traitorously joined with the invading Spaniards.]

---

Now I have set down the order of their entry, approach, charge, and assault, together with their proceeding in victory; and that by credible report, both of the Spaniards themselves and of others who served in their company: let me also say a little of that which I saw executed.

---

I was lodged in the English House, ut supra: and had not gone abroad that morning by reason of weighty business which I had in hand the same day. At dinner time [which was then about 11 a.m.], the Merchantmen of my country, which came out of the town and dined in my chamber, told me, That a hot scarmouch [skirmish] was begun in the Castle Yard, and that the fury thereof still increased. About the midst of dinner, news came, That the shot was so thick, as neither ground, houses, nor people could be discerned for the smoke thereof: and before dinner were fully ended, That the Spaniards were like[ly] to win the Trenches.

Whereat I stept from the table, and went hastily up into [Pg 154] a high tower of the said English House: from whence I might discover fire in four or five places of the town towards the Castle Yard; and thereby I was well assured that the Spaniards indeed were entered within the Trenches.

So that I came down, and took my cloak and sword, to see the certainty thereof: and as I passed towards the Bourse [Exchange] I met many; but I overtook none. And those which I met were no townsmen, but soldiers: nether walked they as men which use traffic, but ran as men which are in fear.

Whereat, being somewhat grieved, and seeing the townsmen stand every man before his door with such weapons as they had; I demanded of one of them, What it meant?

Who answered me in these words, Helas, Monsieur, il n'y a point d'ordre; et voilà la ruine de cette ville! [Alas, Sir, there is no order; and behold the ruin of this town!]

Ayez courage, mon ami! [Have courage, my friend!], quoth I; and so went onwards yet towards the Bourse: meeting all the way more and more [of those] which mended their pace.

At last, a Walloon Trumpeter on horseback, who seemed to be but a boy of years, drew his sword, and laid about him, crying Où est ce que vous enfuyez, canaille? Faisons tête, pour l'honeur de la patrie! [Where are you flying to, rascals? Make head, for the honour of our country!] Wherewith fifty or threescore of them turned head, and went backwards towards the Bourse.

The which encouraged me, par compagnie, to proceed.

But alas, this comfort endured but a while. For by that time I came on the farther side of the Bourse, I might see a great troop coming in greater haste, with their heads as close together as a school of young fry or a flock of sheep; who met me, on the farther side of the Bourse, towards the Market Place: and, having their leaders foremost (for I knew them by their javelins, boar spears, and staves), [they] bare me over backwards; and ran over my belly and my face, [a] long time before I could recover on foot.

At last, when I was up, I looked on every side, and seeing them run so fast, began thus to bethink me, "What, [Pg 155] in God's name, do I hear? which have no interest in this action; since they who came to defend this town are content to leave it at large, and shift for themselves."

And whilst I stood thus musing, another flock of flyers came so fast that they bare me on my nose, and ran as many over my back, as erst had marched over my stomach. In fine, I got up like a tall fellow; and went with them for company: but their haste was such as I could never overtake them until I came at a broad cross street, which lieth between the English House and the said Bourse.

There I overtook some of them grovelling on the ground, and groaning for the last gasp; and some others which turned backwards to avoid the tickling of the Spanish Musquets [Musketeers]: who had gotten the ends of the said broad cross street, and flanked it both ways. And there I stayed a while till, hearing the shot increase and fearing to be surprised with such as might follow in tail of us; I gave adventure to pass through the said cross street: and, without vaunt be it spoken, passed through five hundred shots before I could recover the English House.

---

At my coming thither, I found many of the Merchants standing before the gate: whom I would not discomfort nor dismay but said, That the Spaniards had once entered the town, and that I hoped they were gone back again.

Nevertheless I went to the Governor: and privily persuaded him to draw in the company; and to shut up the gates.

The which he consented unto: and desired me, because I was somewhat better acquainted with such matters than the Merchants, to take charge of the key.

I took it willingly, but before I could well shut and bar the gate, the Spaniards were now come forwards into the same street; and passing by the door, called to come in; bestowing five or six musquet shot at the gate, where I answered them; whereof one came very near my nose, and piercing through the gate, strake one of the Merchants on the head, without any great or dangerous [Pg 156] hurt. But the heat of the pursuit was yet such, that they could not attend the spoil; but passed on in chase to the New Town, where they slew infinite numbers of people: and, by three of the clock, or before, returned victors; having slain, or put to flight, all their enemies.

---

And now, to keep promise and to speak without partiality, I must needs confess that it was the greatest victory, and the roundliest executed, that hath been seen, read, or heard of, in our Age: and that it was a thing miraculous to consider how Trenches of such a height should be entered, passed over, and won, both by Footmen and Horsemen.

For immediately after that the Footmen were gotten in, the Horsemen found means to follow: and being, many of them, Harquebussiers on horseback, did pass by their own Footmen in the streets; and much hastened both the flight of the Walloons, and made the way opener unto speedy executioners.

But whosoever will therein most extoll the Spaniards for their valour and order, must therewith confess that it was the very ordinance of GOD for a just plague and scourge unto the town. For otherwise it passeth all men's capacity to conceive how it should be possible.

And yet the disorder and lack of foresight in the Walloons did great[ly] help to augment the Spanish glory and boast.

---

To conclude. The Count d'Oberstein was drowned in the New Town. The Marquis d'Havré and [Sieur de] Champagney escaped out of the said New Town, and recovered the Prince of Orange's ships.

Only the young Count [Philip] of Egmont was taken, fighting by St Michael's. Monsieur de Capres and Monsieur de Gogines were also taken. But I heard of none that fought stoutly, saving only the said Count of Egmont; whom the Colonel Verdugo, a Spaniard of an honourable compassion and good mind, did save: with great danger to himself in defending the Count.

[Pg 157]

In this conflict there were slain 600 Spaniards, or thereabouts. And on the Thursday next following [8th November 1576], a view of the dead bodies in the town being taken, it was esteemed at 17,000 men, women, and children. [This would be apart from those drowned in the Scheldt.] A pitiful massacre, though GOD gave victory to the Spaniards.

And surely, as their valiance was to be much commended; so yet I can much discommend their barbarous cruelty in many respects. For methinks that as when GOD giveth abundance of wealth, the owner ought yet to have regard on whom he bestow it: even so, when GOD giveth a great and miraculous victory, the conquerors ought to have great regard unto their execution. And though some, which favour the Spanish faction, will alledge sundry reasons to the contrary: yet, when the blood is cold and the fury over, methinks that a true Christian heart should stand content with victory; and refrain to provoke GOD's wrath by [the] shedding of innocent blood.

These things I rehearse the rather, because they neither spared Age nor Sex, Time nor Place, Person nor Country, Profession nor Religion, Young nor Old, Rich nor Poor, Strong nor Feeble: but, without any mercy, did tyrannously triumph, when there was neither man nor means to resist them.

For Age and Sex, Young and Old; they slew great numbers of young children; but many more women more than four score years of age.

For Time and Place; their fury was as great ten days after the victory, as at the time of their entry; and as great respect they had to the Church and Churchyard, for all their hypocritical boasting of the Catholic Religion, as the butcher had to his shambles or slaughter house.

For Person and Country, they spared neither friend nor foe, Portugese nor Turk.

For Profession and Religion, the Jesuits must give their ready coin; and all other Religious Houses, both coin and plate: with all short ends that were good and portable.

[Pg 158]

The Rich was spoiled because he had; and the Poor were hanged because they had nothing. Neither Strength could prevail to make resistance, nor Weakness move pity for to refrain their horrible cruelty.

And this was not only done when the chase was hot; but, as I erst said, when the blood was cold; and they [were] now victors without resistance.

---

I refrain to rehearse the heaps of dead carcases which lay at every Trench where they entered; the thickness whereof did in many places exceed the height of a man.

I forbear also to recount the huge numbers drowned in the New Town: where a man might behold as many sundry shapes and forms of man's motion at [the] time of death as ever Michael Angelo did portray in his Tables of Doomsday [Picture of the Last Judgment].

I list not to reckon the infinite number of poor Almains [Germans], who lay burned in their armour. Some [with] the entrails scorched out, and all the rest of the body free. Some [with] their head and shoulders burnt off; so that you might look down into the bulk and breast, and there take an anatomy of the secrets of Nature. Some [were] standing upon their waist; being burnt off by the thighs. And some no more but the very top of the brain taken off with fire; whiles the rest of the body did abide unspeakable torments.

I set not down the ugly and filthy polluting of every street with the gore and carcases of horses; neither do I complain that the one lacked burial, and the other flaying, until the air, corrupted with their carion, infected all that yet remained alive in the town.

And why should I describe the particularity of every such annoyance as commonly happens both in camps and castles where martial feats are managed?

But I may not pass over with silence the wilful burning and destroying of the stately Town House, and all the muniments and records of the city: neither can I refrain to tell their shameful rapes and outrageous forces presented unto sundry honest dames and virgins.

It is also a ruthful remembrance, that a poor English [Pg 159] Merchant, who was but a servant, having once redeemed his master's goods for 300 crowns, was yet hanged until he were half dead, because he had not 200 more to give them. And the halter being cut down, and he come to himself again; [he] besought them on knees, with bitter tears, to give him leave to seek and try his credit and friends in the town, for the rest of their unreasonable demand. At his return, because he sped not, as indeed no money was then to be had, they hung him again outright: and afterwards, of exceeding courtesy, procured the Friars Minor to bury him.

To conclude. Of the 17,000 carcases which were viewed on the Thursday: I think, in conscience, 5,000, or few less, were massacred after their victory; because they had not ready money wherewith to ransom their goods at such prices as they pleased to set on them. At least, all the World will bear me witness, that ten days after, whosoever was but pointed at, and named to be a Walloon, was immediately massacred without further audience or trial.

For mine own part, it is well known that I did often escape very narrowly; because I was taken for a Walloon. And on Sunday, the 11th of this instant [November 1576], which was the day before I gat out of the town, I saw three poor souls murdered in my presence, because they were pointed [at] to be Walloons: and it was well proved, immediately [after], that one of them was a poor artificer, who had dwelt in the town eight years before, and [had] never managed arms, but truly followed his occupation.

Furthermore, the seed of these and other barbarous facts brought forth this crop and fruit, That, within three days, Antwerp, which was one of the richest towns in Europe, had now no money nor treasure to be found therein, but only in the hands of murderers and strumpets. For every Don DIEGO must walk, jetting up and down the streets, with his harlot by him, in her chain and bracelets of gold. And the notable Bourse, which was wont to be a safe assembly for merchants and men of all honest trades, had now none other merchandise therein but as many dicing tables as might be placed round about it, all the day long.

[Pg 160]

Men will boast of the Spaniards, that they are the best and most orderly soldiers in the World: but, sure[ly], if this be their order, I had rather be accounted a Besoigner [French for an indigent beggar] than a brave soldier in such a Band: neither must we think, although it hath pleased GOD (for some secret cause only known to his divine Majesty) to yield Antwerp and Maestricht thus into their hands; that he will spare to punish this their outrageous cruelty, when his good will and pleasure shall be to do the same. For surely their boasting and bragging of iniquity is over great to escape long unscourged.

---

I have talked with sundry of them; and demanded, Why they would command that the Town House should be burned?

And their answer was, Because it was the place of assembly where all evil counsels were contrived.

As though it were just that the stocks and stones should suffer for the offence of men. But such is their obstinate mind and arrogancy that, if they might have their will, they would altogether raze and destroy the towns, until no one stone were left upon another. Neither doth their stubborn blindness suffer them to perceive that in so doing they should much endamage the King their Master; whom they boast so faithfully to honour, serve, and obey.

---

As for the injuries done by them unto our own Nation particularly; I will thus set down as much as I know.

We were quiet in the House appointed for the Mansion of English Merchants, under safe Conduct, Protection, and Placard [Placcaet=Proclamation] of their King: having neither meddled any way in these actions; nor by any means assisted the Estates of the country with money, munition, or any kind of aid. Yea, the Governor [Thomas Heton] and Merchants, foreseeing the danger of the time, had often demanded passport[s] of the King's Governors and Officers to depart.

And all these, with sundry other allegations, we propounded and protested unto them before they entered the English House; desiring to be there protected, according to our Privileges and Grants from the King their Master; [Pg 161] and that they would suffer us there to remain, free from all outrage spoil or ransom, until we might make our estate known unto [Sancho d'Avila] the Castellan [of Antwerp Castle] and other Head Officers which served there for the said King.

All which notwithstanding; they threatened to fire the House unless we would open the doors: and, being once suffered to enter, demanded presently the ransom of 12,000 crowns of the Governor. Which sum, being not indeed in the House, neither yet one-third part of the same; they spared not with naked swords and daggers to menace the Governor, and violently to present him death; because he had not wherewith to content their greedy minds.

I will not boast of any help afforded by me in that distress: but I thank the Lord GOD! who made me an instrument to appease their devilish furies. And I think that the Governor and all the Company will confess that I used mine uttermost skill and aid for the safeguard of their lives, as well as [of] mine own.

But in the end, all eloquence notwithstanding; the Governor [Thomas Heton], being a comely aged man and a person whose hoary hairs might move pity and procure reverence in any good mind; especially the uprightness of his dealing considered: they enforced him, with great danger, to bring forth all the money, plate, and jewels which were in the House; and to prepare the remnant of 12,000 crowns at such days and times as they pleased to appoint.

And of the rest of our Nation, which had their goods remaining in their several pack-houses and lodgings elsewhere in the town; they took such pity that four they slew, and divers others they most cruelly and dangerously hurt: spoiling and ransoming them to the uttermost value that might be made, or esteemed, of all their goods. Yea, a certain one, they enforced to ransom his goods twice; yea, thrice: and, all that notwithstanding, took the said goods violently from them at the last.

And all these injuries being opened unto their chief Governors in time convenient; and whiles yet the whole sum, set for [the] several ransoms of our countrymen and the English House in general, were not half paid; so that [Pg 162] justice and good order might partly have qualified the former rigours proferred by the soldiers: the said Governors were as slow and deaf, as the others were quick and light, of hearing to find the bottom of every bag in the town. So that it seemeth they were fully agreed in all things: or, if any contention were, the same was but [a] strife who, or which, of them might do greatest wrongs. Keeping the said Governor and Merchants there still, without grant of passport or safe conduct, when there are scarcely any victuals to be had for any money in the town; nor yet the said Merchants have any money to buy it, where it is. And as for credit; neither credit nor pawn can now find coin in Antwerp.

In these distresses, I left them the 12th of this instant November 1576; when I parted from them: not as one who was hasty to leave and abandon them in such misery; but to solicit their rueful causes here, and to deliver the same unto Her Majesty and [the Privy] Council in such sort as I beheld it there.

---

And this is, in effect, the whole truth of the Sacking and Spoil of so famous a town. Wherein is to be noted—that the Spaniards and their faction being but 5,000; the Trenches made against them of such height as seemed invincible; the Power within the town, 15,000 or 16,000 able fighting men well armed, I mean the townsmen ready armed being counted: it was charged, entered, and won in three hours; and before six hours passed over, every house therein sacked, or ransomed at the uttermost value.

The which victory (being miraculous and past man's capacity to comprehend how it should be possible) I must needs attribute unto GOD's just wrath poured upon the inhabitants for their iniquity, more than to the manhood and force of the Spaniards. And yet I mean not to rob them of their deserved glory; but to confess that both their order and valour in charging and entering was famous: and had they kept half so good order, or shewed the tenth part of such manly courage, in using their victory and parting of their spoil; I must then needs have said that Cæsar had never any such soldiers. And this must I needs say for them that, as their continual training in service doth make them expert [Pg 163] in all warlike stratagem[s]; so their daily trade in spoiling hath made them the cunningest ransackers of houses, and the best able to bring a spoil unto a quick market, of any soldiers or master thieves that ever I heard of.

But I leave the scanning of their deeds unto GOD, who will bridle their insolency when he thinketh good and convenient. And let us also learn, out of this rueful tragedy, to detest and avoid those sins and proud enormities which caused the wrath of GOD to be so furiously kindled and bent against the town of Antwerp.

Let us also, if ever we should be driven to like occasion, which GOD forbid! learn to look better about us for good order and direction; the lack whereof was their overthrow. For surely the inhabitants lacked but good guides and leaders: for (having none other order appointed, but to stand every man armed in readiness before his door) they died there, many of them, fighting manfully; when the Wallooners and High Duches [Germans] fled beastly.

Let us also learn to detest the horrible cruelties of the Spaniards, in all executions of warlike stratagems; lest the dishonour of such beastly deeds might bedim the honour wherewith English soldiers have always been endowed in their victories.

And finally let us pray to GOD for grace to amend our lives, and for power and foresight to withstand the malice of our enemies: that remaining and continuing in the peaceable protection of our most gracious Sovereign, we may give Him the glory; and all due and loyal obedience unto Her Majesty, whom GOD now and ever prospect and preserve. Amen.

Written the 25th day of November 1576,
by a true Englishman, who was
present at this piteous Massacre,
ut supra.

---

[Pg 164]

5. The following illustrative documents, now in the State Paper Office, London, carry on the story of the Spanish Fury to a somewhat later date.

The spelling of the word Gascon is so important, that we took the opinion of several experts at the State Paper Office upon it. They were all unanimous that the word is written Gascon, and not Gaston as printed in Volume 140 of the Calendar of those Foreign State Papers. That being so and the Christian name being given as George: it is clear that Thomas Heton, in the flurry in which he wrote the Memorial from the Company, wrote George Gascon phonetically for George Gascoigne.

6. The next two documents are the letters which the Soldier-Poet brought to England, when he got out of Antwerp on 12th November 1576, as stated at page 162.

---

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,009. Thomas Heton to Sir Francis Walsingham.
From Antwerp, 10 November 1576.

Right Honourable, the 3rd of this month the States' men, Horsemen and Footmen, entered this town with consent: and on the morrow, which was Sunday the 4th of this present, the Spaniards with certain Almains, out of the Castle, entered the town and drave away the States' Power and they fled as they could: the town [being] put to sack, with a pitiful slaughter and a miserable spoil.

Our House [was] entered by Twelve Spaniards, soldiers, who put me and the rest of the Company in great fear. We were put to ransom first at 12,000 crowns; and since it is grown one way and [an]other to 3,000 more: and what the Company have lost, that had their chambers and pack-houses in the town in burghers' houses, at this present, I know not; but they are spoiled of all.

In the name of the Company there is a letter written to the honourable [Privy] Council of our state [See next document] most humbly beseeching that their Honours would be a mean[s] for us to Her Majesty, as to their Honours in this case they shall think good.

If we might have had passport[s] when I required it, first of the States, then of Monsieur [DE] Champagney [Pg 165] Governor of this town, and after of the Lords of this town, as both by the Intercourse [of 1507] and Privileges we ought in right to have had; then had we avoided this great peril of life and miserable spoil which we have sustained.

And now I most humbly beseech you to move my good Lords that some [persons and money] may be sent over for our comfort, that we may be permitted to pass out of this town in person, and [also] such goods as we have remaining. For in this town we shall lack both victuals and fuel; and also be daily in fear of the like spoil that we have sustained.

And thus, what for the great peril that I have sustained, and the burden and charge of my Office; I must crave pardon though my writing be not as it should be.

I do perceive they [the Spaniards] stand here in doubt how Her Majesty will take this doing to us.

The Lord send me and my wife into England, if it be his good will.

At Antwerp, the 10th of November 1576.

Thomas Heton.

---

1,010 The Merchant Adventurers to the Privy Council.
From Antwerp, [10] November 1576.

Right Honourable our good and gracious Lords, &c. In all humbleness these are showing to your Honours that in respect of the troubles all over this country, and especially the danger in this town of Antwerp; such of our Society as are here remaining did purpose, and some attempted, to have, in due time, removed from this place both their persons and goods; some by water and some by land, as well towards England as for Duchland [Germany.] And being letted [hindered] of their purpose and attempts both the ways, and not suffered to pass their goods out of this town; whereupon [they] sought to have had free passage and passport here, according to the Intercourse and Safe Conduct.

But after many delays, from time to time; the 3rd day of this month, our requests were plainly denied, either to be granted, or by writing answered.

[Pg 166]

So as, the 4th day, we are fallen into great peril of our lives; divers of our Company being hurt, and some slain. And by sacking of this town ever since, we are not only spoiled of our money and goods that were in private houses thereof; but also we are further forced, for ransom and safeguard of our persons and goods within the principal House of our residence here, to answer and content the Spanish soldiers and others who, in the Fury, entered our said House, accounting charges, above the sum of £5,000 Flemish.

Towards furniture [furnishing] whereof, we have been constrained to give them all the money and plate that was in our said House; and also to use our credit for so much as we could get besides. And yet all accounted and delivered to them doth not discharge the one half of the sum; and for the rest we have given them Bills payable at a month, and some part at two months: so as now we have not money to provide for our needful sustentation.

Wherefore we most humbly beseech your good Lordships and Honours, of your accustomed clemencies, to have compassion upon us; and to be means to our most gracious Sovereign Lady, the Queen's Majesty, that speedy order may be given for our relief, and release out of this place: where presently [at present] we are void of money and credit; and shortly are like[ly] to be void of sustenance, and not able to get it for money.

The discourse of these tragedies we omit, and refer the same to be reported to your Lordships by this bringer, Master George Gascon; whose humanity, in this time of trouble, we, for our parts, have experimented.

And so leaving the further and due consideration of our case unto your Right Honourable wisdoms and clemencies; we beseech Almighty GOD to preserve your good Lordships and Honours in long health and felicity.

Written at Antwerp, this [10th] day of November 1576,
By your Lordships' and Honours'
Most bound and obedient.
The Governor and Fellowship of the
English Merchant Adventurers in Antwerp,
Thomas Heton.

---

[Pg 167]

7. In 1602, an anonymously written Play, based on this Narrative, was published in London, under the title, A larum for London, or the Siege of Antwerp, in 4to.

8. Five days after Gascoigne got out of Antwerp; the English Ambassador was there. No doubt he helped our Merchant Adventurers in their dire extremity.

Jeronimo de Rodas, or Roda, was the supreme villain in command of the troops that had sacked the town; as Sancho d'Avila was in charge of Antwerp Castle. Doctor Wilson thus reports a conversation that he had with Rodas on the 17th November 1576, thirteen days after the massacre began. This gives us the Spanish view of the matter; and also such miserable excuse as they could possibly offer for their villany, which however is no excuse at all.

We must remember that it would be the Ambassador's policy to keep fair with Rodas, who was master of the situation for the moment.

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 140.
1,021. Dr Thomas Wilson to the Privy Council.
19 November 1576.

And now, if it please your Honours, I am to declare my coming to Rodas, who did send unto me a Safe Conduct for me and mine, upon a letter that I did write to him from Ghent the 10th of this month: and the 17th of the same, I did speak with him; immediately after my coming to Antwerp.

And, delivering my Letters of Credit, [I] made him acquainted with all that I did at Brussels; and that my coming [to Flanders] was for the King's benefit and honour: assuring him that if either the Estates would alienate this country [of Flanders] to any foreign Prince, or would convert it to themselves in prejudice of the King [Philip II.]; Her Majesty would employ all her force to withstand such attempts.

These speeches he liked very well: and was persuaded, even by plain demonstration before my departure, that my coming was to none other end; as it was not indeed.

Hereupon he declared unto me at large, the whole doings at Brussels, the Mutinies made by the Spaniards at Alost and elsewhere after their victory had at Zierikzee; and blamed greatly the young heads at Brussels, and the fury of the people to use the King's Council, and to break up the door of his Palace, in such sort as they did: [Rodas was very nearly made prisoner in the Palace at Brussels [Pg 168] on 5th September 1576, by the Seigneur De Hèze:] clearing the Council from all intention of evil to the town, or people, of Brussels; making a very great discourse unto me of this matter.

"Well," quoth I, "you are well revenged of the people by your late victory here in Antwerp; which hath been very bloody."

"Can you blame us?" quoth he. "Is it not natural to withstand force with force; and to kill rather than to be killed? and not to lose the King's piece committed to our charge?"

All this I granted: and praised the Spaniards for their valiant courage; that, being so few, could, with policy and manhood, overcome so many.

"But now," quoth I, "I pray you give me leave to speak a little. After you were lords of the town—which you got wholly and quietly within two hours after your issuing forth—what did you mean, to continue still killing, without mercy, people of all sorts that did bear no armour at all; and to murder them in their houses? to fire the chiefest and fairest part of the city, after you were in full and quiet possession of all? And not contented to spoil the whole town, but to ransom those that were spoiled? And to spare no Nation: although they did bear no arms at all; nor yet were dealers in any practice at all against the King's Ministers, or the Spaniards?"

His answer was, That the fury of the soldiers could not be stayed: and that it grieved him much when the city was on fire; and [that there] was no sparing to kill, when all were conquered. The soldiers of Alost were adventurers, had no Captains, desperate persons: and would not be ruled by any Proclamation or commandment that could be given or made.

"Well," quoth I, "if the Fury could not be stayed; yet the Ransoming might be forbidden; which is an act against the Law of all Nations." And therefore I required him, in the name of the Queen's Majesty, to command restitution to be made to the English Nation....

To conclude, he told me, That he would be glad to do what he might for restitution; but he thought it would be hard. For that which is to be paid with Bills, which for the [Pg 169] Company amounteth to 5,000 crowns, at the month's end: the same [Bills], he saith, shall be discharged; and the bonds cancelled. Further he hath promised to grant a Safe Conduct for all English Merchants to go (with their goods remaining, ships, and merchandizes), without danger, withersoever they will: not aiding, or abetting, the King's enemies.

9. We next give the opinion of the Sieur de Champagney as to how the massacre came about.

In the following January, he was in England: and then presented a long Memorial in French, to our Privy Council; in which occurs the following reference to the Spanish Fury.

S. P. Foreign. Eliz. Vol. 142.
1,029. The Sieur de Champagney's Declaration.
At London, in January 1577.

That he undertook the Government of Antwerp most unwillingly, at the express desire and command of the King of Spain. That, during his Government, he did all in his power to restrain the excesses of the Spaniards in the Citadel; so far as to incur their odium and hatred. That he was unable to prevent the sack of the town, owing to the treachery of the Almain Colonels [Van Einden &c.] of the only troops under his command; who would not suffer the burghers to arm in their defence.

10. Edward Grimeston, in his General History of the Netherlands to 1608 (which is mainly based on J. F. Le Petit's Chronique, printed at Dordrecht in 1601) gives the following account of the destruction of Antwerp Castle, which had been built by the Duke of Alva.

The inhabitants of Antwerp being still in fear, by reason of their Castle, so long as the war was thus wavering, fearing they should be, at some time, again surprised (terming it a den of thieves, an invention of men full of cruelty, a nest of tyranny, a receptacle of all filthy villany abomination and wickedness) obtained leave of the States to dismantle it towards the town.

The which the burghers began the 28th of August [1577], [Pg 170] with such spleen as there was neither great nor small (wives children, gentlewomen, and burghers; and all in general) but would pull down a piece of it; men, women, and servants going thither, with their Ensigns displayed, having many victuallers on the plain before the Castle [the Esplanade]; so as it seemed a camp. And although the masons' work was great, strong, and thick; yet were they not long in beating it down on that side.

Soon after, in imitation of that of Antwerp, followed the dismantling of the Castles of Ghent, Utrecht, Valenciennes, Bethune, Lille, Aire, and others; and the Citadel of Arras was laid open towards the town. p. 647.]

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[Pg 171]

THE FIRST PART.

I.

II.

[Pg 276]

III.

IV.

[Pg 277]

V.

VI.

[Pg 278]

VII.

VIII.

[Pg 279]

IX.

X.

[Pg 280]

XI.

XII.

[Pg 281]

XIII.

XIV.

[Pg 282]

XV.

XVI.

[Pg 283]

XVII.

XVIII.

[Pg 284]

XIX.

XX.

[Pg 285]

XXI.

XXII.

[Pg 286]

XXIII.

XXIV.

[Pg 287]

XXV.

XXVI.

[Pg 288]

XXVII.

XXVIII.

[Pg 289]

XXIX.

XXX.

[Pg 290]

XXXI.

XXXII.

[Pg 291]

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

[Pg 292]

XXXV.

XXXVI.

[Pg 293]

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

[Pg 294]

XXXIX.

XL.

---

[Pg 295]

The Conclusion of the First Part.

---

[Pg 297]

LAURA.

THE SECOND PART.

I.

II.

[Pg 298]

III.

IV.

[Pg 299]

V.

VI.

[Pg 300]

VII.

VIII.

[Pg 301]

IX.

X.

[Pg 302]

XI.

XII.

[Pg 303]

XIII.

XIV.

[Pg 304]

XV.

XVI.

[Pg 305]

XVII.

XVIII.

[Pg 306]

XIX.

XX.

[Pg 307]

XXI.

XXII.

[Pg 308]

XXIII.

XXIV.

[Pg 309]

XXV.

XXVI.

[Pg 310]

XXVII.

XXVIII.

[Pg 311]

XXIX.

XXX.

[Pg 312]

XXXI.

XXXII.

[Pg 313]

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

[Pg 314]

XXXV.

XXXVI.

[Pg 315]

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

[Pg 316]

XXXIX.

XL.

[Pg 317]

The Conclusion of the Second Part.

---

[Pg 319]

THE THIRD PART.

I.

II.

[Pg 320]

III.

IV.

[Pg 321]

V.

VI.

[Pg 322]

VII.

VIII.

[Pg 323]

IX.

X.

[Pg 324]

XI.

XII.

[Pg 325]

XIII.

XIV.

[Pg 326]

XV.

XVI.

[Pg 327]

XVII.

XVIII.

[Pg 328]

XIX.

XX.

[Pg 329]

XXI.

XXII.

[Pg 330]

XXIII.

XXIV.

[Pg 331]

XXV.

XXVI.

[Pg 332]

XXVII.

XXVIII.

[Pg 333]

XXIX.

XXX.

[Pg 334]

XXXI.

XXXII.

[Pg 335]

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

[Pg 336]

XXXV.

XXXVI.

[Pg 337]

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

[Pg 338]

XXXIX.

XL.

[Pg 339]

The conclusion of the last Part.

---

[Pg 340]

A Friend's just Excuse about the Book
and [the] Author; in his absence.

WIthout the Author's knowledge, as is before said by the Printer [at pp. 271, 272]; this Poem is made thus publicly known; which, with my best endeavour, the Gentleman himself, suspecting what is now proved too true, at my coming up, earnestly intreated me to prevent. But I came at the last sheet's printing; and find more than thirty Sonnets not his, intermixt with his. Helped it cannot be, but by the well judging Reader: who will, with less pain distinguish between them, than I, on this sudden, possibly can. To him then, I refer that labour.

And for the Printer's faults passed in some of the Books; I have gathered them in the next page.[9]

With the Author, bear, I pray ye! whom I must intreat to bear with me.

R. B.

---

[Pg 341]

1589.

Est natura hominum novitatis avida.

THE SCOTTISH QUEEN's

Burial at Peterborough,

upon Tuesday, being Lammas Day

[1st August] 1587.

LONDON.

Printed by A. J. [Abel Jeffes] for Edward Venge;
and are to be sold at his shop
without Bishops Gate.

---

[Pg 342]

[The unique copy of this Tract is preserved in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh. As it is however, somewhat confusedly written; its information has been corrected and completed from other contemporary sources.

---

✝This is quite incorrect. The following is a truer account:

On Sunday, being the 30th of July, 1587, in the 29th year of the reign of Elizabeth the Queen's Majesty of England, there went from Peterborough Master William Dethick, alias Garter Principal King of Arms, and five Heralds, accompanied by 40 horse and men, to conduct the body of Mary, late Queen of Scots, from Fotheringhay Castle in Northamptonshire (which Queen had remained prisoner in England nineteen years): having for that purpose, brought a royal coach drawn by four horses, and covered with black velvet; richly set forth with escutcheons of the Arms of Scotland, and little pennons round about it.

The body (being enclosed in lead; and the same coffined in wood) was brought down, and reverently put into the coach.

At which time, the Heralds put on their Coats of Arms, and bare-headed, with torches' light, brought the same forth of the Castle, about ten of the clock at night: and so conveyed it to Peterborough [eleven] miles distant from Fotheringhay Castle.

Whither being come, about two of the clock on the Monday morning [31st July]; the body was received most reverently at the Minster Door of Peterborough, by the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, and [Robert Cooke] Clarenceux King at Arms.

And, in the presence of the Scots which came with the same, it was laid in a Vault prepared for the same, in the Quire of the said Church, on the south side; opposite to the tomb of Queen Katharine [of Arragon], Dowager of Spain, the first wife of King Henry the Eighth.

The occasion why the body was forthwith laid into the Vault, and not borne in the Solemnity; was because it was so extreme[ly] heavy, by reason of the lead, that the Gentlemen could not have endured to have carried it, with leisure, in the solemn proceeding: and besides, [it] was feared that the solder might rip; and, [it] being very hot weather, might be found some annoyance.

A Remembrance of the Order and Manner of the Burial of Mary, Queen of Scots. Printed in Archæologia, I., 155 [for 355], 1770.

---

The following additional details are given in the Account drawn up by [Doctor Richard Fletcher] the Dean of Peterborough. See S. Gunton, History of the Cathedral of Peterburgh, p. 78. Ed. 1686.

The body, with the closures, weighed nine hundred weight; which being carried, and attended orderly by the said persons, was committed to the ground in the Vault appointed: and immediately the Vault was covered, saving a small hole left open for the Staffs to [be] broken into.

There were at that time, not any Offices of the Church Service done: the Bishop being ready to have executed therein. But it was by all that were present, as well Scottish as others, thought good and agreed, that it should be done at the day and time of Solemnity.]

[Pg 343]

The Scottish Queen's Burial at Peterborough,
upon Tuesday, being Lammas Day
[1st August], 1587.

HEr body was brought in a coach, about 100 attending thereon, from Fotheringhay Castle, upon Sunday [30th July], at night.

[Richard Howland] the Bishop of Peterborough, [Richard Fletcher] the Dean [of Peterborough], the Prebends, and the rest [of the Chapter] met the same at the Bridge: being not far from the town: and so conveyed it to the Bishop's Palace, and from thence upon Tuesday being Lammas Day, [it] was carried to the Church, where she was buried[10] on the south side of the Hearse by torchlight. [See previous page ✝]

---

The Hearse [or Catafalque] was made field-bed wise; the valance of black velvet, with a gold fringe; [and] the top of [Pg 344] the imperial covered with baize. About it, were set ten Posies [of the Motto of the Arms of Scotland], In my defence, GOD me defend! with ten Scutcheons great and little; and, at the top, a double one with a crown imperial thereupon. The Supporters [were] Unicorns, with 100 pennons or little flags. It was impaled with baize; and in it [were] fourteen stools, with black velvet cushions.

Upon the pillars supporting the imperial of the Hearse, the which were all covered with velvet, were fixed Scutcheons: bearing either [the] Red Lion alone; or else parted with the Arms of France, or with the arms of the Lord Lenox.

The Church and Chancel were hanged with baize and Scutcheons, as at other funerals.

---

[Here must be inserted some additional information:

Upon Monday, in the afternoon, came to Peterburgh, all the Lords and Ladies and other Assistants appointed; and at the Bishop's Palace was prepared [at Queen Elizabeth's expense] a great supper for them: where all, at one table, supped in the Great Chamber; [it] being hanged with black.

Dean R. Fletcher, in S. Gunton's History, &c., p. 78, Ed. 1686.]

---

On Tuesday, being the 1st of August, in the morning, about eight of the clock, the Chief Mourner, being [Bridget Russell] the Countess of Bedford [now the Widow of her third husband], was attended upon by all the Lords and Ladies; and brought into the Presence Chamber within the Bishop's Palace: which [Chamber], all over, was hanged with black cloth.

She was, by the Queen's Majesty's Gentlemen Ushers, placed somewhat under a Cloth of Estate [canopy] of purple velvet: where, (having given to the [Gentlemen representing, on this occasion, the] Great Officers, their Staffs of Office (viz. to the Lord Steward; Lord Chamberlain; the Treasurer, and Comptroller [of the Household]), she took her way into the Great Hall.

---

A Remembrance of the Order, &c. Archæologia, I., 155 [for 355], 1770].

The Mourners came out of the Bishop's Palace; being set [Pg 345] in order by the Heralds thus:

First 100 Releevants; poor old women, for the most part widows: in black cloth gowns, with an ell of white holland over their heads; which they had for their labour, and nine shillings apiece in money. These divided themselves in the body of the Church; and stood half on the one side, and half on the other: and there stood during the whole Solemnity.

At the Church door, the Singing Men and Quiristers met the Mourners with a Psalm; and led them the way into the Chancel, continuing singing, with the Organ, until the Sermon began.

Then followed two Yeomen, viz.: the Sheriff [of Northamptonshire]'s Bailiff and the Bailiff of Peterborough; with black staves.

And after them [100 poor men, in] Mourning Coats.

Then Sir George Savile, in a Mourning gown, carrying the great Standard: viz. a Cross on a Field azure; the Streamer, a Unicorn argent in a Field of guiles; a Posy written, In my defence, GOD me defend!

Then followed Mourning Cloaks, two by two, a great number: whereof the first were the late Queen's Officers.

And after them, Mourning Gowns.

Among these Officers of her House was [Monsieur du Preau] a French Jesuit, her Confessor, with a golden crucifix about his neck; which he did wear openly: and being told, That the people murmured and disliked at it; he said, He would do it, though he died for it. Thus we may see how obdurate their hearts are in malice; and how obstinate they shew themselves in the vain toys and superstitious trifles of their own imaginations.

Then [Richard Fletcher] the Dean [of Peterborough].

Next the two Bishops: [Richard Howland] of Peterborough, and [William Wickham, of] Lincoln.

[Charles Willoughby,] the Lord Willoughby of Parham;

[Lewis Mordaunt,] the Lord Mordaunt [of Turvey];

[Henry Compton,] the Lord Compton;

Sir Thomas Cecil [afterwards Lord Burlegh, and later Earl of Exeter]:

[Pg 346]

All four, in gowns, with White Staffs; representing the [Lord] Steward; [the Lord] Chamberlain; [the] Treasurer, and [the] Controller [of the Queen's Household].

After these, 16 Scots and Frenchmen; which had been Officers in her [Queen Mary's] House.

Then Sir Andrew Noel alone, carrying the Banner of Scotland.

Then [William, afterwards Sir William, Segar] Percullis the Herald [Portcullis Pursuivant] bearing the Crown [or Helmet] and Crest: thereon a red lion rampant crowned, holding a sword the point upward; the Helmet overmanteled guiles powdered ermine.

Then the Target [or Shield, borne by John Raven,] Rouge Dragon [Pursuivant];

The Sword by [Humphrey Hales] York [Herald];

The Coat of Arms by [Robert Glover,] Somerset Herald.

Then [Robert Cooke] Clarenceux [King at Arms] with a Gentleman at Arms [or rather, a Gentleman Usher].

---

Then followed the Coffin [empty of course], covered with a pall of velvet; six Scutcheons fixed thereon, upon the head whereof stood a Crown of Gold.

Six Gentlemen bare [the supposed] corpse, under a velvet canopy borne by these four Knights:

Sir Thomas Manners,

Sir John Hastings,

Sir James Harington,

Sir Richard Knightley.

Eight Banerols [a Banner, about a yard square, borne at the funerals of great persons] borne by eight Squires; four on either side of the Coffin.

After the [supposed] corpse, came the Head Mourner [Bridget Russell,] the Countess of Bedford; assisted by the two Earls [John Manners,] of Rutland and [Henry Clinton, of] Lincoln: [Lucy,] the Lady St. John of Basing bearing her train.

[Pg 347]

Then followed, by two and two, other Ladies:

[William Dethick gives us a fuller List of these Ladies than this Tract. The brackets show those who went together.

Elizabeth Manners, the Countess of Rutland.
Elizabeth Clinton, the Countess of Lincoln.
Anne, the [? Dowager] Lady Talbot.
The Lady Mary Savile.
Elizabeth, the Lady Mordaunt.
Catharine, the Lady St. John of Bletsoe.
Theodosia, Wife of Sir Thomas Manners.
Dorothy, Wife of Sir Thomas Cecil.
Elizabeth, Wife of Sir Edward Montagu.
Mabel, Wife of Sir Andrew Noel.
Mistress Alington.		]
A Scottish Gentlewoman.
The other Gentlemen.

The ten Scottish and French Women of the [late] Queen's [Household]: with black attire on their heads, of Taffaty before; and behind, White Lawn hanging down, like French Hoods.

They, with the Scottish and French men, did all go out before the Sermon, except Master Melvin [i.e. Andrew Melville; and also Barbara Mowbray] who stayed; and came in when it was ended.

---

The Head Mourner and the [twelve] Ladies, with the two Earls assistant were placed within the Hearse [or Catafalque].

The two Knights, with their Banners, were set at the East end of the Hearse, without the pale: and the eight Squires, with their Bannerols, four of a side, in like manner without the pale.

All the rest of the Mourners were carried up by a Herald above the Hearse; and placed of each side, the women next the altar.

The Bishop and the Dean [of Peterborough] stood at the altar, with two gilded basons.

---

All which being placed and set, and the Church quiet; [Pg 348] [William Wickham,] the Bishop of Lincoln began his Sermon [out of Psalm xxxix. 5-7].[11]

And in his prayer [when he gave thanks for such as were translated out of this Vale of Misery, he] used these words:

"Let us bless GOD for the happy dissolution of Mary, late the Scottish Queen and Dowager of France. Of whose life and departure, whatsoever shall be expected, I have nothing to say: for that I was unacquainted with the one; and not present at the other. Of Her Majesty's faith and end, I am not to judge. It is a charitable saying of the Father Luther 'Many [a] one liveth a Papist; and dieth a Protestant.' Only this I have been informed, That she took her death patiently; and recommended herself wholly to Jesus Christ."

---

The Sermon ended, a long piece of velvet and a cushion were carried and laid before the Countess [of Bedford], to go and kneel upon; hard before the Bishop [of Peterborough]'s feet.

Then, by [Garter,] the King of Heralds, were carried the four Officers with their White Staffs; and placed two at the top of the stairs under the Bishop, and two beneath them.

Then the two principal Heralds [Garter and Clarenceux] fetched up the Countess; the two Earls [of Rutland and Lincoln] leading her, and the Lady St. John [of Basing] bearing up her train.

There she kneeled awhile.

And then all returned to their places.

This was the First Offering [for Queen Elizabeth].

Not[e] that Brakenbury went this time before her [the Countess of Bedford].

---

The two Earls [were] placed without the pale [of the Hearse], before the Countess.

One of the Kings of Heralds fetched from the Hearse, the Coat Armour; brought it down to the other King of Heralds; [Pg 349] and he delivered it to the two Earls. They carried it, obeisance being done to the Countess, to the Bishop [of Peterborough]; and kissed it in delivering of it. A third Herald took it of the Bishop; and laid it down on the altar.

The Sword, the Target, the Helmet, Crown, and Crest, in like sort was all done by the two Earls: kissing their hands before them.

Then were the two Banners carried, by one after another, severally by those that brought them; and so set upon the altar, leaning to the wall.

The other eight Bannerols were put into the Hearse as they stood.

---

Then went the Countess [of Bedford], Master John Manners [acting as Vice Chamberlain,] holding up her train the second time; and offered alone [for herself] to the Bishop.

---

Then the Ladies and Gentlemen, by two and two, went up and offered.

Then the [four] Officers with White Staffs offered.

And, last of all, came there a Herald to the pulpit; and fetched the Bishop of Lincoln.

And then the most part of the Mourners departed, in the same order they came in: and towards the door of the Chancel, stood the Scottish women, parted on both sides; and as the English Ladies passed, they kissed them all.

Then over the Vault, where the body lay; [Richard Fletcher] the Dean [of Peterborough] read the ordinary words of [the] Burial [Service].

And this being done: the four Officers brake their White Staffs over their heads; and threw them into the Vault.

---

[Dean Fletcher's The Manner of the Solemnity, &c., concludes thus:

And so they departed to the Bishop's House: where was a great feast appointed accordingly [at Queen Elizabeth's expense].

The concourse of people was of many thousands.

And, after dinner, the Nobles departed away; every one towards his own home.

The Master of the [Queen's] Wardrobe paid to the Church, for breaking of the ground in the Quire, and making the grave, £10; and for Blacks of the Quire and Church, £20.[12]]

FINIS.

---

[Pg 351]

CUPID's Posies,
For Bracelets, Handkerchers, and Rings;
With Scarfs, Gloves, and other things.

Verbum sat amanti.

LONDON.

Printed by E. C. for J. Wright, next to
the Globe in Little Britain.
1674.

---

[Pg 353]

To his Mother Venus,
Cupid dedicateth
his Posies.

---

[Pg 354]

---

[Pg 355]

CUPID's Posies.

1.
A Posy written on a pair of Bracelets, and
sent by a young Man to his Love.

My Love, these Bracelets take, and think of them no harm;
But since they Bracelets be, let them embrace thy arm!

2.
Another.

Receive this Sacrifice in part
From the Altar of my heart!

3.
I do owe both Love and Duty
To your Virtue and your Beauty.

4.
A Posy sent with a pair of Gloves.

You are that one
For whom alone
My heart doth only care:
Then do but join
Your heart with mine,
And we will make a pair.

5.
Another.

I send to you a pair of Gloves.
If you love me,
Leave out the G.!
And make a pair of Loves.

6.
Another.

Though these Gloves be white and fair,
Yet thy hands more whiter are.

[Pg 356]

7.
Another.

These Gloves are happy that kiss your hands,
Which long have held my heart in Cupid's bands.

8.
The Posy of a Lover to his disdaining Mistress.
Ut Stella in tenebris,
Sic Amor in adversis.

Englished.
As the Stars in darkest night, so Love despised shining.

9.
The Posy of a Handkercher sent from a young Man
to his Love, being wrought in blue silk.

This Handkercher to you assures
That this and what I have is yours.

10.
Another.

Love is like a hidden flame,
Which will at last blaze forth again.

11.
Another in Letters.

My love is true which I. O. U.:
As true to me, then C. U. B.

12.
The Posy of a Ring sent to a Maid from her Lover.

My constant love shall ne'er remove.

13.
Another.

This and I, until I die!

14.
Memento mei!

When this you see, remember me!

15.
Like to a circle round, no end in love is found:
Take me with it; for both are fit.

16.
A young Man's conceit to his dear Love, being
wrought on a Scarf.

This Scarf is but an emblem of my love;
Which I have sent, with full intent my service to approve.

[Pg 357]

17.
Another wherein the Lover seeketh her Love.

One was the Bow, one was the Dart,
That wounded us both to the heart:
Then since we both do feel one pain,
Let one love cure us both again!

18.
A young Man's Posy to his Sweetheart shewing
that love is most violent in absence.

Love is a flame that, with a violent desire,
Doth burn us most when we are farthest from the fire.

19.
As those that die are said for to depart;
So when you went away, all life forsook my heart:
For though with inward pain, I draw my very breath;
Yet this I will maintain, Departure is a Death.

20.
A Lover coming into a Maiden's chamber in her absence,
did write this Posy on her Looking-Glass.

In this same Looking-Glass, my watery eyes I see;
But I do wish that thou couldst shew her cheerful eyes to me.
Yet why do I accuse thee here?
'Tis not thy fault! for thou art clear!

21.
Posies of Rings for young Lovers, which have
newly discovered their affection.

Let me serve till I desire!

22.
Another.

Had I not spoke, my heart had broke!
The utmost scope of Love is Hope!

23.
Love's delight is to unite:
I now do sue for love to you!

24.
Love I have, yet love I crave!

[Pg 358]

25.
A Posy of a young Prentice sent to his Love, with
a pair of amber Bracelets.

Let these same bind
You to be kind
Unto me for love's own sake!
And when we meet,
With kisses sweet
We will Indentures make!
And I will bind myself to be
In love a Prentice unto thee!

26.
A young Man to his Sweetheart, setting forth the
better effects of a disdained love.

Love is like a Golden tree,
Whose fruit most pleasant seems to be;
Whiles Disdain doth never sleep
But this Tree of Love doth keep:
Yet I hope you will at last
Think upon my service past!

27.
A Posy sent by a young Man to a pretty young Maid
in the same town, with a very fair Point of
coronation [rose pink] coloured Ribbon.

My dearest Love, I send this Ribbon Point to thee,
In hope the young Men of the town shall not still point at me:
Because I am thy lover true;
Then grant me thy love, sweet Sue!

28.
The Posy of a Ring.

Thou art my heart.

29.
More dearer to me than life can be.

30.
Another.

Love is joy, without annoy.

31.
Another.

'Tis in your will, to save or kill.

[Pg 359]

32.
A Posy wrought in red silk Letters upon an
ash coloured Scarf.

Every Letter here doth show
That my heart is linked to you:
And by this token is exprest
That you are She whom I love best.

33.
The Posy of a Handkercher very fairly laced about,
with a flaming Heart wrought in the middle.

Great is the grief that I sustain,
Which is here figured by a flame
That doth torment me in each part,
But chiefly seizeth on my heart:
Yet rather than my heart shall turn
From my faith, in love I'll burn.

34.
From a young Man, to his offended Mistress.

Dearest, if I have offended;
Enjoin me then some penance hard,
That my fault may be amended
Ere your favour be debarred:
For if I must penance do,
I'll go unto no Saint but you!

35.
A Posy sent to a Maid, being cunningly interwoven
in a silk Bracelet.

Kindly take this gift of mine,
For Gift and Giver both are thine!

36.
Posies for Rings.

Faithful love can ne'er remove.

37.
Another.

If you consent, I am content.

38.
To his Sweetheart, that had objected against him
for want of means.

Come, my Love, if love you grant,
What is it that love can want?
In thee, I have sufficient store.
Grant me thy love, I wish no more!

[Pg 360]

39.
A Posy sent from a Maid to a young Man, with a
very fair wrought Purse.

My heart's Purse, you are my wealth!
And I will keep you to myself!

40.
The Posy of a Ring.

True love well placed is ne'er disgraced.

41.
I am your friend unto the end.

42.
Yours I am; be mine again!

43.
Love itself discloses by Gifts with Posies.

44.
A Posy sent with a pair of Gloves.

What should I write? Some words do move
Suspicion unto those that love:
Then, without any further art,
In one word, you have my heart!

45.
Her Reply.

Lest for a heart you should complain;
With mine I send yours back again!
For Love to me this power doth give,
That my heart in your heart doth live.

46.
A young Man's Posy wrought in a Handkercher.

A maiden virtuous chaste and fair
Is a jewel past compare:
And such are you, in whom I find
Virtue is with Beauty joined.

47.
A Maiden's Posy sent with a willow coloured Point
to a young Man that had forsaken her.

Your love was like a spark which in the ashes lies,
That shineth for a time, but afterwards it dies:
Since therefore you did faithless prove;
I do here renounce your love!

[Pg 361

48.
Posies for Rings.

Be true to me, as I to thee.
I love none but thee alone.
I do rejoice in thee my choice.
One love, one troth, between us both.
Constant true love comes from above.
You are my friend unto the end.

49.
To his Sweetheart, to whom he sent a Purse with
these verses in it.

Sweetheart, my love to you I commend;
And therewithal this purse to you I send:
Which is not filled with silver or with gold;
Only my heart it doth contain and hold.

50.
To a Maid these lines were sent, with a Scarf.

This scarf will keep off the rude wind
Which to your lips the way would find.
I would have none know the bliss
But myself, at your sweet kiss:
Which I would have none else to taste,
Lest your stock of kisses waste.

51.
On a Knife.

If you love me as I love you.
Nothing can cut our love in two.

52.
To a Gentlewoman who appointed one to buy her a
Mask; which he bought, and sent it
with this Posy.

It is a pity you should wear a mask!
This is the reason if you ask,
Because it hides your Face so fair
Where roses mixed with lilies are:
[Pg 362] It clouds your beauty so that we
Your cherry Lips can seldom see:
And from your Face keeps off our eyes;
Which is indeed Love's Paradise.

53.
Verses sent with a pair of Bracelets.

These bracelets like a circle shall
Environ round your arm.
Happy are they, whate'er befall,
That shall be kept warm.
And may they, like two Circles prove,
To charm your heart for to love me!
Let Cupid the Magician be,
To charm your heart for to love me!

54.
Posies for Rings.

I will remain always the same.

You and I will Lovers die.

My vow is past, while life doth last.

Lovers' knot once tied, who can divide?

Verbum sat amanti.

Amo te, si amas me.
I love thee, if thou love me.

55.
To a fair Maid, sent with a Posy of Flowers.

Beauty is like a flower, sweet Maid!
Which quickly doth decay and fade:
Then wisely now make use of time,
Since you are now even in your prime.

56.
Two lines embroidered on the top of a Pair
of Gloves.

I wish that we two were a pair
As these happy Gloves here are.

[Pg 363]

57.
Nick, a farmer's son, sendeth to Joan Hobson a yard
of blue Ribbon with these lines.

I send you here of ribbon a whole yard:
And money goeth with me very hard;
For else this yard, two yards should be,
Since I do hold nothing too dear for thee.
And part therefore my love, if that thou wilt,
In this same ribbon; which is made of silk.

58.
A Posy wrought on a Handkercher in silk Letters.

Do not too lightly of me think,
Who write in Letters 'stead of ink.
To send this token I made shift;
Esteem the giver, and not the gift!

59.
A Posy on a Thimble.

He that sent me, loveth thee.

60.
A Cabinet being sent to a Gentlewoman, these verses
were put in one of the drawers.

This little Cabinet will conceal
All things which you would not reveal;
Your letters and your other things,
As your jewels and your rings.
Let me know then in what part,
Or box, you will lay up my heart!
Which with it I do send; and pray
That in your heart you would it lay.
Let me such favour from you get:
Make your heart, my heart's Cabinet.

61.
To a Maid, a young Man sendeth a silk Girdle.

This girdle haply shall be placed
To compass round your neat small waist.
I were happy if, in this place,
I might thy slender waist embrace.

[Pg 364]

62.
A Posy of four lines, written in red letters, the
four sides of a Handkercher.

Things of most constancy still are
Resembled to solid Square;
So my triangular heart shall be
A four square figure of constancy.

63.
Posies for Rings.

Be thou mine, as I am thine.

In weal and woe, my love I'll show.

I will be true always to you.

There is no joy
Like love without annoy.

Love crossed is best,
And prospers best.

Joy doth abound, where love is found.

My vow that's past, till death shall last.

I love none but you alone.

To thee my heart I give, whilst I here do live.

Love joineth hands in wedlock's bands.

64.
A Posy engraven about a Jewel, sent to a Gentlewoman.

There is no jewel I can see
Like love that's set in constancy.

65.
A Posy to an unkind disdainful Maid.

Each frown of yours is like a dart
That woundeth me unto the heart.
[Pg 365] What conquest were it, if that I
By your cruel frown should die;
Since love my only trespass is?
And shall I die, alas, for this?

66.
Her Reply.

If alas, for love you chance to die;
'Tis your own folly kills your heart; not I.

67.
A Posy engraven on a gold Ring.

By this ring of gold,
Take me to have and hold!

68.
Another.

What joy in life to a good Wife?

69.
A Posy embroidered on a Scarf.

Fairest, wear this scarf that I do send,
That may your beauty from the wind defend;
For I do know the winds, if like to me,
To kiss your lips and cheeks desirous be.

70.
On the choice of a Wife.

If thou intend'st to choose a Wife,
With whom to lead a happy life;
Look not for Beauty, since there are
Few that can be chaste and fair.
But if thou do her Virtues find,
Which are the beauty of the mind,
Woo her then to gain consent!
For virtuous love can ne'er repent.

---

[Pg 366]

Cupid's Conclusion.