The Project Gutenberg eBook of

Earl Russell and the Slave Power

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Earl Russell and the Slave Power

Creator: England) Union and Emancipation Society (Manchester

Release date: July 3, 2021 [eBook #65753]

Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Credits: hekula03, Martin Pettit and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by the Library of Congress)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER ***

EARL RUSSELL

AND

THE SLAVE POWER.

[ISSUED BY THE EXECUTIVE OF THE UNION AND

EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, MANCHESTER.]

MANCHESTER:

THE UNION AND EMANCIPATION SOCIETY, 51, PICCADILLY.

1863.

President.

THOMAS BAYLEY POTTER, Esq.

Vice-Presidents.

The Mayor of Manchester.

Thomas Bazley, Esq., M.P.

E. A. Leathem, Esq., M.P.

P. A. Taylor, Esq., M.P.

James Kershaw, Esq., M.P.

W. Coningham, Esq., M.P.

Charles Sturge, Esq., Mayor of Birmingham.

G. L. Ashworth, Esq., Mayor of Rochdale.

Lieut.-General T. Perronet Thompson.

Professor J. E. Cairnes, A.M., Dublin.

|

R. Gladstone, Esq., Liverpool.

Professor Jno. Nichol, Glasgow.

|

John Patterson, Esq., Liverpool.

Professor Goldwin Smith, Oxford.

|

J. R. Jeffery, Esq., Liverpool.

Professor F. W. Newman, London.

|

C. E. Rawlins, jun. Esq., Liverpool.

Professor Beesly, London.

|

Charles Robertson, Esq., Liverpool.

Hon. and Rev. Baptist W. Noel, London.

|

Robert Trimble, Esq., Liverpool.

Rev. Thos. Guthrie, D.D., Edinburgh.

|

Charles Wilson, Esq., Liverpool.

Rev. Newman Hall, L.L.B., London.

|

Wm. Shaen, Esq. London.

Rev. James W. Massie, D.D., L.L.D.,

|

Duncan M’Laren, Esq., Edinburgh.

London.

|

Handel Cossham, Esq., Bristol.

John Stuart Mill, Esq., London.

|

S. C. Kell, Esq., Bradford.

Thomas Hughes, Esq., Barrister-at-law.

|

Richard C. Rawlins, Esq., Ruabon.

F. G. Haviland, Esq., Cambridge.

|

J. S. Barratt, Esq., Southport.

W. E. Adams, Esq., London.

|

Thomas C. Ryley, Esq., Wigan.

George Wilson, Esq., Manchester.

|

R. S. Ashton, Esq., Darwen.

Dr. John Watts, Manchester.

|

Eccles Shorrock, Esq., Darwen.

Mr. Edward Hooson, Manchester.

|

John Crosfield, Esq., Warrington.

Alderman Robert Kell, Bradford.

|

Jacob Bright, Esq., Rochdale.

Alderman Henry Brown, Bradford.

|

John Petrie, Esq., Rochdale.

Alderman William Harvey, J.P., Salford.

|

Oliver Ormerod, Esq., Rochdale.

Alderman Thomas Livsey, Rochdale.

|

J. C. Dyer, Esq., Burnage.

Councillor Murray, Manchester.

|

George Crosfield, Esq., Lymm.

Councillor T. Warburton, Manchester.

|

F. Pennington, Esq., Alderley.

Councillor Geo. Booth, Manchester.

|

J. B. Foster, Esq., Manchester.

Councillor Clegg, Manchester.

|

Jas. Galloway, Esq., Manchester.

Councillor Williams, Salford.

|

Charles Cheetham, Esq., Heywood.

Councillor Butterworth, Manchester.

|

J. Cowan, jun., Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne.

Councillor Ogden, Manchester.

|

Rev. Samuel Davidson, L.L.D., London.

Councillor Ryder, Manchester.

|

Rev. Francis Bishop, Chesterfield.

Max Kyllman, Esq., Manchester.

|

Rev. J. Parker, D.D., Manchester.

S. P. Robinson, Esq., Manchester.

|

Rev. J. Robberds, B.A., Liverpool.

H. M. Steinthal, Esq., Manchester.

|

Rev. M. Miller, Darlington.

Francis Taylor, Esq., Manchester.

|

Rev. T. G. Lee, Salford.

Thomas Thomasson, Esq., Bolton.

|

S. Pope, Esq., Barrister-at-law.

Joseph Leese, Esq., Bowdon.

|

E. Jones, Esq., Barrister-at-law.

Treasurer.

SAMUEL WATTS, Jun., Esq., Manchester.

Bankers.

MANCHESTER AND SALFORD BANK.

Authorized Agent of the Society.

Mr. PETER SINCLAIR.

JOHN C. EDWARDS, }

EDWARD OWEN GREENING,  } Hon. Secs.

Offices, 51, Piccadilly, Manchester.

EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER.

On the 20th December, 1860, South Carolina signed her address to the other Slave States, declaring her own secession from the Union on the ground that slavery must inevitably be overthrown if Abraham Lincoln’s party remained in power. After arguing on the certainty of that result, if the South submitted to him, she invites all the Slave States to join her in forming “a great Slave-holding Confederacy, larger than all Europe.” The result was, within twenty-two days, the seizure of thirteen fortresses, with great navy-yards and arsenals. To this they were emboldened by the fact that the garrisons had been purposely withdrawn by the treason of President Buchanan’s ministers, while the Northern forts and arsenals had been emptied of their arms and ammunition, expressly in order to afford a prize to the South. All the State authorities who ordered the attack, were under oath of allegiance to the Union.

Unless one could suppose the English ambassador at Washington guilty of unparalleled negligence, or to have no duties, he must have informed Earl Russell of these facts, which were notorious to us by the common newspapers.

No great power can afford to patronize official treasons in foreign governments. If the English government has no interest in republicanism, if it has become indifferent to freedom and slavery, it has interest in fidelity to official oaths. Earl Russell had a right, by International Law, without offending its minutest punctilio, to offer to Mr. Lincoln, on the day of his assuming the Presidential chair, any fifty ships of the British navy which he chose to pick, with all their accoutrements and stores, and any amount of Armstrong guns and Enfield rifles which he desired, to be paid for within twelve months, and delivered to the President in whatever parts he directed. It is more than possible, that this offer would have subdued the rebellion and have saved the bloodshed, before war became a reality. If not, it would at least have hindered the revolt of Virginia and seizure of Norfolk Harbour. It would have given to the North six valuable months, which they lost in making arms. It would have won for us for another century the warm attachment of the Free North, which for all defensive purposes we should have virtually annexed to the English empire. The immense discouragement to the South would have reinforced the Unionists of the Slave-States. The whole mountain population from Western Virginia to East Tennessee, and thence westward towards the Mississippi, might have resisted Jefferson Davis long enough for the North and the loyal Kentuckians to march into Eastern Tennessee before the summer of 1861. In that case the war could not have outlasted the year, nor would England have ever been gravely distressed for cotton.

But considering, on the one hand, the peculiar and unparalleled interest in a foreign market, which England has had in American cotton; on the other, the inhuman end avowed and the treasonable means employed, by the slave oligarchy in their revolt; no foreign power could or would have blamed England, if we had gone further into the war on the side of the North.

After we had received the great official speech of March 21st, 1861, made by the Confederate Vice-President, Mr. Stephens, in which he avows slavery to be the end of the new Confederacy, the sacred cornerstone of the new edifice; let us suppose that (with the consent of Parliament) the English government had made direct alliance with the government at Washington, to enter the war as secondary, on the following terms:—“If you cannot terminate it in three months, we will aid you with 50,000 infantry, and with a fleet of 80 ships; provided only, that you engage to abolish slavery for ever in all the rebel territories.” If anything can be certain in such calculations, it is certain that, unless the fact of this alliance forced Jefferson Davis to flee for his life, (and then there would have been no war,) the war would have been finished before Michaelmas, 1861, with freedom to the slaves, and very small bloodshed. For, no Liverpool merchants would have armed the South, no capitalist would have advanced 100 dollars to it; and without arms from England, it would long ago have been subdued.

As to the international question; Lords Russell and Palmerston,—who, (to the disgust of France,) took leave in 1840 to expel Ismael Pasha from Syria at the invitation of the Sultan,—could have no difficulty on this head. (Russell was in 1840 the Premier, and Palmerston Foreign Secretary.) Nor did these same ministers even remonstrate, when the Emperor Nicolas lent 200,000 men to Austria in 1849, in order to crush the freedom of Hungary, after Hungary had won her victory over Austria. Lord Palmerston then volunteered to say in Parliament, that Hungary was a nation fighting for its rights. Those were actually treaty-rights. Hungary had a national history as old as England. It was a cause of freedom, of free religion, and of hereditary law. The mass of the nobility and the church were as warm in the cause as the meanest gipsy, peasant, and Jew. England had actually mediated in 1710 the peace between Hungary and Austria, as between independent belligerents; which peace Austria broke in 1848 by treachery and massacre. Yet Lord John Russell refused to pronounce Hungary “belligerent,” and thereby hindered the Sultan from acknowledging her as such; which stopped Hungary from getting arms, and caused her overthrow. When he went so far in 1848 in the interest of Austria, who had called in Russian aid against the Hungarian nation, insurgent in a just cause; the same Russell cannot have imagined any international objection to England aiding the Government of Washington against a strictly traitorous conspiracy, organized in the worst of causes, inhuman and detestable.

Nevertheless, (what pre-eminently condemns English policy,) the idea of England aiding the North in this war was never even mooted as among things possible or imaginable. Contingent English interference was among all public men, assumed to mean, interference on the side of the South! The certainty, that we must at last help them, was urged among the Southern conspirators as a grand argument for secession; and if the English ministry had intended to lure them on, to the utmost possible bloodshed of North and South, it could not have conducted itself more skilfully.

The English campaign opened, by Earl Russell proclaiming the South “belligerent” when she had not a ship on the seas, and excluding the war-ships of the North from our harbours: at the same time the London press gave tongue with very few exceptions in favour of DISUNION as the great desideratum of America, and its inevitable destiny. The two daily papers which peculiarly have been regarded as under Lord Palmerston’s inspiration, (the Morning Post and the Times,) were not only no exception, but might seem to have been conducted by Southern agents; whose cue it was, to vilify the North by slander and disparagement cunningly tempered to English prejudices and English credulity. The tone then assumed has changed little to this day; and at a very early time gave immense encouragement to the South, with proportionate exasperation to the North, whose enemies and dangers it multiplied.

About the same time, Mr. Massey, a nominee of the Government, spoke at Salford a speech intensely hostile to the North, utterly ignoring the treason of the South and its execrable objects, and aiming to stir up the working men to desire hostilities against the North. It is not possible to blame Earl Russell primarily, but we must blame the Cabinet collectively and him as the second personage in it, for this speech. For inevitably the public, both here and across the Atlantic, understood it to be a ministerial effort to excite a war spirit against the North; and though it utterly failed with the working men, it must be counted among the causes which have made the ministerial press so pertinaciously hostile to the cause of freedom.

In 1856 at the Congress of Paris the allies who were making peace proposed in the cause of humanity to forbid Privateering. The powers there present renounced it in their own name, and undertook to endeavour to obtain a renunciation of it from all other maritime powers. They were successful with the smaller states; but not so with the great American Union. Mr. Marcy, in the name of the President, said that as they had a vast mercantile navy and no great war fleet, they could not renounce the right of defending their merchants by private war vessels, unless England would join in assuring safety to merchant vessels on the high seas in spite of war; in that case, but only in that case could he adopt the clause of the Congress. Earl Russell, who was already in his present post, accepted this reply as a refusal. But no sooner was Mr. Lincoln in power, than Mr. Seward sent to Earl Russell an unconditional acceptance of this clause for the extinction of privateering; not that Mr. Seward agreed with the English Government in thinking privateering inhuman, but because it would expose the unarmed Northern merchantmen to the attack of stray ships, while the South was unable to build a fleet that should meet the Northern ships of war. To the exceeding surprise of the American Ambassador, Earl Russell replied that the right of privateering must be reserved for the South, but Mr. Lincoln was free to renounce it for the North. He assigned as his final and decisive reason, that, as he had already declared the South “belligerent,” he could not help reserving its right of privateering. He builds wrong upon wrong. What had been an inhuman practice, while it was believed to be the strength of the Union, is suddenly patronized as a right of rebels, (who are not yet recognised as a nation,) as soon as it becomes a cruel danger to the innocent merchants of the Union, with whom we are in beneficial commerce! Will this lessen the opinion of the South, that we are a set of hypocritical Pharisees?

In consequence, when an English built privateer, which has been sold to Jefferson Davis for Southern paper, takes refuge from a Northern war ship in any harbour, in any part of the world, belonging to England,—the Northerner is warned off by our authorities. On one occasion, Lord Palmerston sent two ships of war expressly to watch the Federal vessel Tuscarora off Southampton; and see to it, that when the privateer Nashville escaped, the Tuscarora did not pursue without giving her twelve hours’ start. What more could we do, if we held it a right of these privateers to plunder and burn at sea (as they do, against all international precedent) the merchantmen of the Northerners, without even the adjudication of a prize court? Worst of all, the English port of Nassau is a permanent rendezvous for steamers watching to break the blockade. All this is, according to Earl Russell himself, merely a logical deduction from his having (most gratuitously) declared the South belligerent. And then it is pretended by our press, that “belligerence” is a “mere matter of fact,” which we cannot help acknowledging! These steamers from Nassau, by the arms and ammunition they have brought to the South, have alone sustained for eight months past the “fratricidal war” about which our Southern sympathisers whimper. English policy alone has lent vitality to the war.

In the summer of 1861 Earl Russell publicly gave utterance to his celebrated sentence, that the North is fighting for empire, the South for independence. England now understands what the “independence” means. Mr. Forster, M.P. interpreted it well,—freedom of robbery, rape, murder, and lynch-law. The “empire” for which the Union fights, is simply its own country, vital to its national existence, not a distinct adjunct, such as to England is Canada, against which Earl Russell made war “for empire” in 1838. His words had the effect of proclaiming, that in his opinion the cause of the South was a righteous one; and the inference was, that he would be glad to aid it, whenever he could.

In the same summer a large reinforcement was sent to Canada; and the Times at once explained, that this was intended to strengthen the province against the North in certain contingencies. It was inevitable for South and North alike to infer, that the English ministry was on the look-out for an opportunity of striking a blow in favour of the South, and therefore wished first to make Canada safe. For none but a madman could imagine that President Lincoln in that crisis would volunteer to attack England. Thus the South was still further lured on to believe that we should help her at last.

The exasperation of the North by all these events rose higher and higher, so that, when Captain Wilkes boarded the English Steamer Trent and carried off two eminent traitors, a general jubilee arose; especially as America remembered (what most of us have forgotten) that England far six years together had harassed the Union by boarding its ships to look for Englishmen,—(which caused the War of 1812,)—had solemnly refused to renounce the “right” when she made peace, and even in 1856 did not renounce it. But President Lincoln was not so carried away. He and Mr. Seward knew that Captain Wilkes’s deed was indefensible on American principles, however justifiable by English practice. From Mr. Seward’s dispatch of Nov. 30th, 1861, we learn that the American ambassador had already warned Lord Palmerston that the two nations were drifting into war, and had obtained from him far more satisfactory assurances than before. In a very friendly spirit it states, that they have just heard of Captain Wilkes’s exploit and that he had acted without instructions. Mr. Seward guarantees that his Government will receive with the best dispositions any thing that the British Government has to say.—Of course Mr. Seward desired to elicit from Earl Russell a condemnation of the practices which had so aggrieved America in 1812. Mr. Adams read this letter to Earl Russell. Meanwhile the warlike excitement in England had become intense. Day and night without cessation preparation for war went on in the docks. Merchant shipowners could get no freights. American funds fell low in the market and great losses wore sustained by sellers. Suddenly the news transpired, that a friendly dispatch from America had been received, and for one day the funds were favourably affected by it. Next day the Morning Post officially denied that there had been any such dispatch. The agitation re-commenced; the Morning Star asserted and re-asserted that there had been such a dispatch; nevertheless, it was three weeks before Earl Russell was pleased to produce tranquillity by at last publishing it. Why was this? Was it thought politic to keep up the public exasperation,—on the hypothesis of the Times, that the “mob” in America would overrule the President and force a war? or was some one in England trying to exasperate that “mob” and the mob of the English gentry too, in hope that the exasperation must, somehow or other, at last bring us into a war?

When the excitement was at its worst, a deputation from the Peace Society waited on Earl Russell, recited the clause of the Congress of Paris, which declared, that in any future disagreements, the Great Powers will use arbitration before resorting to war. The Earl is said to have replied, that in the present case arbitration was impossible, because our honour was here concerned! We now know what letter he wrote in demand of redress; a letter as from one wholly unaware that England had boarded scores of American ships and violently taken many hundreds of men out of them, men alleged by us and denied by them to be English subjects. His words were smooth as a razor, and had as their comment, the ships of war on their way to Canada, and our furiously continued preparations. An American has thus moralized on these events. “The law you are applying to the case of the Trent is as like lynch-law as the act of a nation can possibly be. That you do not see it thus yourselves, does but show your excitement. The British government, a party in the cause, takes opinion of its own counsel on a case submitted by itself, and is proceeding to enforce their view of its own rights vi et armis, and without hearing the defendant.” It is only to weaker powers, like Burma, China, Athens, Brazil, that our Government thus acts. While the Union was unbroken, Earl Russell tamely bore the outrages on our coloured sailors from South Carolina and the Gulf.

No sooner had Mr. Seward frankly yielded every thing in the matter of the Trent, than Earl Russell proceeded as if to pick a new quarrel about the ships laden with stores sunk in Charleston harbour. Never was any thing more impertinent. The river of Savannah is to this day encumbered by a ship, which the English Government sunk there for its own military purposes in the first war. President Lincoln had as much right to block up the harbour of Charleston, as the Queen would have to block up the Avon, if Bristol were to revolt. To the commerce of the world he had already opened Port Royal, a neighbouring and far better harbour, which was always previously closed.

Before long followed a decisive event, which, though it caused a burst of impotent rage from Lord Palmerston against stout General Butler, has wonderfully improved the conduct, if not the temper, of the English Government The Northern fleet captured New Orleans! It is easy to see, that our ministers thoroughly appreciated the weight of the fact. Before, several of them stimulated the movement against the North; since then, their general policy has been far better than the London clubs have wished. Would that one could say more!

But in the course of last summer it was attested, that the Confederates had received large numbers of new Enfield rifles with the Queen’s symbol unobliterated. These must have been sold or given by connivance of the Queen’s servants; and subordinates in England never take such liberties, unless they fully believe that it will be acceptable to their superiors. The Alabama was manned by the Queen’s artillerymen, who had been trained for the Queen’s own service. After an affair so exasperating to the American merchants, contrition rather than self-laudation would be the tone suited to ministers who sincerely desire to avert war. In fact, the Alabama was suffered to escape, when a quarter of the energy which was used against Hale’s rockets or against the arms at Galatz would have stopped her. Are the Americans to be permitted to conclude, that connivance is now to do the work, for which open force is no longer thought prudent?

Earl Russell acknowledged that the Alabama is an unlawful ship; but excused himself to the American ambassador, on the ground that the law did not give him power to stop it; as if this could be any satisfaction to the foreigner! When he acknowledged the affair to be illegal, was it not his duty to ask or to take power to stop it, or else, to rescind the proclamation about “belligerence?” If the king of Burma had made such a reply, an English squadron would have been sent to do the work, to which the king avowed himself unequal.—And the Alabama which fraudulently carries the English flag,—which by burning one ship lures another to destruction, and hereby teaches sailors to leave others to perish unaided,—is still systematically sheltered in our harbours! What is this, but infamous?

The South and our Southern sympathisers are so delighted with the doings of the Alabama and with Earl Russell’s punctiliousness, that a fleet of 40 or 50 ships of war is said to be far advanced in English ports, and a Southern loan of three million sterling has been contracted in London to pay for them. Earl Russell gave lately a most cold reply to a remonstrance against them. Let Englishmen meditate what will follow, if these ships also get out.

Since the above was written, a telegram from New York gives words of the New York Times as follows: “It is certain, that war will come, sooner or later, unless these wrongs are stopped by England.” “Before many years, some bold party-leader will utter the watchword, INDEMNITY FROM ENGLAND, or WAR.” The conduct of our Ministers might seem Satanically guided to ensure that the enemies of England shall get the upper-hand in the next American elections, to the horrible calamity of both nations and of the civilized world.

Once more ministers have spoken in each house. Earl Russell in reply to Lord Stratheden, has declared that he would not like to see England interfere on the side which is not that of freedom; yet adds, that circumstances at any moment may arise which would justify Her Majesty’s Government in departing from their neutral position. Are we to rejoice that the Earl has at length discovered that the South is not fighting for freedom? or to feel disgust, that no one understands “departure from neutrality” to mean (by any possibility) aid to the cause of Right and Freedom? While many were meditating how much comfort could be extracted from Earl Russell’s words, the debate in the Commons on Mr. Forster’s motion against pirate-ships, has elicited from the Solicitor-General and from the Prime Minister speeches which glorify their own good conduct, attack Mr. Lincoln’s Government for alleged misconduct of the Slave-Power in past Presidencies, and indicate a resolution to persist in giving to the pirate-ships all legal advantage.

Palmerston and Russell may be in their graves before retribution comes on us. Do Englishmen mean tamely to accept from them a legacy of curses? America is scourged for the sin of allowing the slaveowners to work their wicked will in the last 50 years. If the blood of Canada, and Afghanistan, and China, and Scinde, and Burma, and Oude, and Persia, guiltily shed by Britain, has not yet come down upon us in curse; all their blood may be exacted in one payment of that generation which connives at burning American ships for the benefit of the Slave Power. How much longer shall we be able without shame to call ourselves Englishmen?

MANCHESTER:

PRINTED BY JAMES F. WILKINSON, ESDAILE’S BUILDINGS,

OXFORD STREET.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

EARL RUSSELL AND THE SLAVE POWER.

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE