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Title: The supernatural in early Spanish literature

Author: Frank Callcott

Release date: November 12, 2021 [eBook #66716]
                Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SUPERNATURAL IN EARLY SPANISH LITERATURE ***

                           THE SUPERNATURAL
                                  IN
                             EARLY SPANISH
                              LITERATURE

                   STUDIED IN THE WORKS OF THE COURT
                        OF ALFONSO X, EL SABIO

                                  By

                        FRANK CALLCOTT, Ph. D.

                    Department of Romance Languages
                          Columbia University

                            [Illustration]

                       INSTITUTO DE LAS ESPAÑAS
                         en los ESTADOS UNIDOS

                               NEW YORK
                                 1923


                             Es propiedad.
                          Derechos reservados
                        para todos los países.

                           Copyright, 1923,
                   by the Instituto de las Españas.



                                  _To
                              MY PARENTS_




PREFACE


It has been the aim of the author in the following study to collect,
classify, and analyze the various references made in the works of
Alfonso X, el Sabio, to the beliefs and superstitions, of the Spaniard
of that day, with reference to the supernatural. It is hoped that it
will be possible in this way to reach a better understanding of the
attitude of the Spanish people toward the supernatural in general and
thus to acquire a more complete appreciation of that early period of the
nation’s life.

No attempt has been made here to trace the origins of these early
Spanish traditions (many of which were common thruout Europe during the
Middle Ages), and the comparison of what has been found with the
supernatural in the early literature of other European countries has
been left for a later study.

The works of Alfonso el Sabio have been chosen because, to a large
extent, they represent not only their own period but all that had gone
before them, as recorded not only in Castillian but in Latin and to a
greater or less degree in Arabic and Hebrew also. Alfonso gathered to
his court a select group of scholars versed in these languages; and
under his direction they produced or collected a representative library
of works dealing with their respective subjects. It is the accessible
books of this collection that have furnished the material for the
present study.

The author wishes to express sincere thanks to Professor Federico de
Onís of Columbia University for sympathetic encouragement and valuable
suggestions thruout the entire period of study; to Professor Antonio G.
Solalinde, of the _Centro de Estudios Históricos_, Madrid, for helpful
suggestions and criticism of the manuscript as well as for the privilege
of consulting the proof-sheets of the _Antología de Alfonso X, el
Sabio_, which has recently issued from the press; to Professor Raymond
Weeks, of Columbia University, for his sympathetic interpretation of the
Middle Ages and for actually introducing the writer to the true spirit
of that period; to his wife, thru whose timely assistance solely it has
been possible to complete the study without undue delay; and especially
to Professor Henry Alfred Todd, of Columbia, for his painstaking aid and
expert criticism while this work was taking form and being put thru the
press.

                                                                _F. C._

_Columbia University_, January, 1923.




INTRODUCTORY


The human mind is always interested in those things that it can not
understand; as soon, however, as the problem has been solved it is no
longer an absorbing subject of attention. When a sleight-of-hand feat
has been explained we turn with renewed zest to something else and
revive our former interest only to mystify or amuse some friend. The
unsolved problem, on the other hand, will grip our undivided interest
for an indefinite length of time; our minds will revert continually to
the unelucidated trick of legerdemain until we learn how it was
accomplished. And so we might continue our illustrations thru the whole
range of human knowledge.

Furthermore, we are not content to limit our curiosity to the
comprehension of what others have understood before us, but push our way
in quest of the answer to the eternal and ever haunting _how?_ and
_why?_ We climb the mountains, we crouch beneath a shelter while the
storm beats, we gaze into space on a starlight night, and these
compelling queries become ever more insistent. This element of
inexhaustible curiosity is, and has been as far back as the existence of
society can be traced, present in all human nature; the leaders of
mankind have not been slow to utilize it for the attainment of their
own lofty or ignoble aims. The warrior has employed it to inspire his
soldiers; the priest to exalt his followers; the minstrel to entrance
his auditors.

In the introduction to her Columbia doctorial dissertation, _The
Supernatural in Modern English Fiction_,[1] Dr. Dorothy Scarborough has
discussed in a very engaging manner the inherent need of the
supernatural in fiction. In real life as well it plays a highly
important part. It is a demonstrated fact that when a man faces a
supreme crisis--when face to face with death--not only will he turn
instinctively to the supernatural powers in that moment but all that is
extraneous to his real self will disappear and the true man will stand
forth revealed. What is true of the individual in this respect applies
also to the race. It is in recognition of this universal truth that the
following study has been undertaken, in the hope that a careful
examination of the supernatural aspect of the beliefs and practices of
Spain as reflected in the literature of a given period will contribute
to a better understanding of the questions involved.

Naturally there is a wide difference between the method of thinking of
the average person in the Middle Ages and that of the average person of
to-day. In the 20th century every peculiar or remarkable phenomenon of
nature is subjected to the scrutiny of scientific study, while with the
medieval man it was accepted at its face value as being the
manifestation of unseen powers, of gods or of devils. It would seem
that consciously or otherwise they attempted to make everything appear
supernatural whether they could explain it or not. We of today demand
that the God of the universe should work thru well defined natural laws;
they, on the other hand, expected that “el milagro sea contra
natura”.[2] It is true nevertheless that the “call” of the supernatural
in one form or another has continued to exert a powerful influence even
down to our own time. Some of its forms of manifestation may have
changed, but the belief is almost everywhere present. Instead of
forecasting the future by Astrology many today seek aid in the _séance_;
miraculous cures are still being sought for as of old not only in many
cases abroad but also in communities nearer home--even in the city of
New York, during the Novena of St. Ann; while only recently it was
reported in the daily press that a young girl in a convent on the banks
of the Hudson showed the marks of the _stigmata_ so prominently
associated with the history of St. Francis of Assisi.

Before entering upon the study proper of the early Spanish period it
will be well to review rapidly some of the important facts in the
“supernatural” history of the Iberians since the time when the Goths
invaded Spain.[3]

When they came they brought with them their songs and legends, which
were peculiarly Germanic. The writer Jordanes, about the middle of the
6th century, states that stories of sunken cities, subterranean voices,
etc., were common in the region of the Vistula, the river which
separated Scythia from Germany.[4] But we find no trace of this in the
early Spanish literature owing to the fact that when the Goths conquered
the Iberians they did not blend readily with the people of the newly
acquired territory. Nor did they, as the Romans had done, encourage the
vanquished to continue their established customs and religion giving to
their own traditions an opportunity, thru friendly intercourse, to
become adopted by their new subjects. On the other hand, in their effort
to make assimilation still more impossible they forbade intermarriage.
The result of this was, to use the words of Amador de los Ríos, that

     “La Iglesia, que durante el Imperio visigodo procuró desterrar del
     pueblo católico las reprobadas prácticas del gentilismo,
     limpiándole al propio tiempo de las torpes é inmundas aberraciones
     á que le arrastraban los magos, encantadores, sortílegos y adivinos
     que plagaban la nación española, vióse forzada á condenar una y
     otra vez tamaños abusos, trasmitidos de edad en edad, con el
     auxilio de los cantos populares.”[5]

It seems, however, that in this struggle the Church was not always
successful. Often the result was a compromise in which the pagan customs
were remodeled and made to conform to the requirements of the Church
instead of being completely abolished. For instance, according to J. A.
MacCulloch, the ancient Celtic warriors used to advance dancing and
singing to the fray;[6] and É. Philipon says:

“Lorsqu’ ils marchaient au combat, les guerriers ibères entonnaient à
pleine voix leur chants nationaux, leur _péans_, comme disaient les
Romains.”[7]

In the early Middle Ages this custom of the ancient inhabitants of Spain
still continued under the Christian domination; and into these war cries
and songs had slowly crept the names of the Christian Deity and of the
Christian saints.

This habit of consciously directing the minds of the soldiers to things
spiritual in such a moment may have been an important factor in the
development of the numerous legends of visions seen by soldiers during
battle.[8]

One would naturally expect to encounter a marked Arabic influence in the
early monuments of the language, considering the fact that the Moslems
with all their wealth of magic and other arts peculiar to the East,
entered Spain in the early years of the 8th century, but this is not the
case. When the Moslems entered Spain those who were able retreated
before them, but a large part of the population, unable to do this,
remained under Mohammedan rule. These _mozárabes_, as the conquered
Christians were called, struggled bravely to keep themselves and their
children free from the heresies of their conquerors and for some time
were successful, but by the 9th century the Mohammedans were rapidly
instilling their teachings into their captives.[9]

A reaction against this began under Abderrahman II. The Christians,
becoming obsessed with a desire to be martyrs, began rashly to expose
themselves everywhere. So serious did this movement become that in 852
Abderrahman constrained the bishops to call a council, presided over by
Recafredo, instructing them to condemn this zeal for martyrdom, which
they did, but only in a half-hearted manner. This movement was the last
serious attempt on the part of the _mozárabes_ to rebel against the
teachings of the Moors. From this time on they were rapidly merged into
the nation of the conquerors and it is a question whether any of them
remained true to the Catholic Church at the time Spain was reclaimed by
the Christians, all of which explains the lack of a very noticeable
Arabic influence in the early Castillian writings.

We have therefore (at the time the early Castillian literature began to
appear) a nation from which the clergy had attempted to remove
everything that could not be remodeled to conform to their
interpretation of Christian Scriptures--an endeavor in which they had
been signally successful. At this time, so far as the vernacular was
concerned, there had been little influence from the outside world
(since the time of the Gothic invasion) other than that which had been
imported from Rome. But this isolation was not to last long. When the
Christians reconquered the cities from the Moors they made a practice of
killing the men but of enslaving the women and children.[10] These women
as nurses naturally told the children in their care the stories of their
people. In addition to this, Paschal II, Pope from 1099-1118, issued a
bull declaring sacred the war in Spain against the Moors as well as that
in the Holy Land. This gradually brought into Spain Christian knights
from all Europe with their traditions. Likewise, in the earlier part of
the 12th century a school of clerical writers appeared in Spain who
sought to win the favor of the people thru making their versions of the
traditions of the Church more attractive by mixing freely sacred history
and profane. They sought inspiration in the Moorish and the Classic
traditions; they confused the legends of the past by transferring to
them the customs of their own day.[11] It was they who sought out the
mysterious legends of the East common among the Moors who lived in the
South, incorporating them into their sermons and poems and mingling them
with the Christian mythology. All this prepared the way for the great
efflorescence of the supernatural which began with Alfonso X and
continued in full sway until the 17th century.




CHAPTER I

ALFONSO EL SABIO AS KING AND SCHOLAR


Alfonso X is one of those unfortunate men who have been--sometimes
unconsciously but in many cases purposely--maligned in history. The
_Libro de las Querellas_, (a 17th century work until recently attributed
to Alfonso); the dictum of Mariana, “Dumque coelum considerat
observatque astra, terram amisit”; and the popular verse from the
romances “De tanto mirar al cielo se le cayó la corona” which inspired
Marquina’s poem on that theme, all express the exaggerated and perverted
idea which was generally prevalent concerning this monarch. Those who
knew his works of science, especially of astronomy, were amazed at the
wealth of knowledge displayed therein, and this, together with the fact
that his last years were taken up with rebellions on the part not only
of his vassals but even of his own sons, seem to have been enough to
create the impression just mentioned.

Recent criticism has also brought to light the fact that the almost
blasphemous quotation so long attributed to this king, “Si Dios me
hubiera consultado, habría hecho el mundo de otra manera,” is not his at
all, but rather was invented later in Catalonia by a certain king Pedro
IV, or perhaps by his chronicler Bernat Descoll. Some have attributed it
to Fernando IV.[12]

Altho these conceptions may contain some modicum of truth, they are only
a part of the truth. Alfonso took an active part in the politics of his
day and the surprising thing is that amid all the strife and trouble
that surrounded him he found any time at all to give to literary
production.

Alfonso was born on November 23, 1221, according to the findings of his
biographer, the Marqués de Mondéjar[13] (whose deductions have been
confirmed by documents discovered later) and was named for his
grandfather Alfonso IX of Leon and his great-grandfather Alfonso VIII of
Castile. Practically nothing is known of his early childhood except that
he was associated with certain of the nobility, viz., García Fernández
and Doña Mayor Arias of the province of Burgos. Of his early training
nothing is known. He was probably reared in Toledo, his father’s
capital, and as Sr. Solalinde suggests, much might be inferred from the
rules for the training of princes given in the _Siete Partidas_, a
collection of the laws of the time, provided the reader does not take
these too literally. At the age of sixteen he began his career as a
soldier under his father, Fernando III, el Santo, in the conquest of
Andalucía. He himself added to his father’s crown the kingdom of Murcia
and took an active part in the conquest of Sevilla in 1248. The next
year he married Doña Violante of Aragón, daughter of Jaime el
Conquistador, hoping in this way to effect an alliance between the two
kingdoms, but it seems as tho Fate had decreed that from the very first
his should be a life of disappointments and trouble. The frontier
warfare between these two nations continued, growing even more sharp
later when Alfonso aspired to the crown of Navarra. It was not until
much later that the friendship of Alfonso and Don Jaime became firmly
established.

Aside from his legal wife, whom he married by way of securing a
political asset--a mode of procedure not unknown even in later times--he
really loved a certain beautiful lady, Doña Mayor Guillén de Guzmán, who
bore to him his daughter Doña Beatriz, later married by her father to
Alfonso III of Portugal. The sepulcher and also the body of Doña Mayor
in a remarkable state of preservation are still to be seen in Alcocer.
One of the hands still wears the glove with which it was clothed at the
time of the burial.

In May, 1252, Alfonso ascended the throne, after receiving his father’s
solemn charge: “Fijo, ricas fincas et tierra et de muchos buenos
vasallos más que rey que en la cristianidad sea; pugna en facer bien e
ser bueno, ca bien has con qué.”

Alfonso, the king, was undoubtedly an indefatigable worker and a man of
the highest intentions. He knew what ought to be done but apparently did
not have the power of will or the personality to insure the execution
of his purpose. When he ascended the throne the war with the Moors had
been reduced to operations of minor importance and they recognized the
Castillian monarch as their master. But here as elsewhere history
repeats itself. Each Christian king on the peninsula was dominated by
the desire to extend his territories; and, since there was no longer the
necessity of standing together against the common foe, a series of petty
quarrels soon arose followed by attempted conquests. As time went on,
not only Alfonso’s own nobles, but his brothers and even his own son
became involved against their king. It was precisely here that Alfonso
was unable to hold the reins of power in as firm a hand as his father
before him had done. It was because of internal troubles that he failed,
at the critical moment, to bring the wars in Italy to a decisive
conclusion, and to terminate successfully with the popes and others, the
diplomatic controversies in which the throne of the Holy Roman Empire
was at stake. To this throne he had been legally elected at the death of
William of Holland in 1256, when he received four of the seven votes. He
was opposed by Richard of Cornwall. The long contest which followed was
in reality a political battle with the popes, from Alexander IV to
Gregory X, in which Richard usually had the upper hand. At Richard’s
death Rudolph of Hapsburg under the pontifical protection was elected to
take his place, and it was only after nineteen years that Alfonso
finally succeeded, in 1275, in obtaining an audience with Gregory in
France. The unfortunate outcome of this interview was that Alfonso was
persuaded to give up all pretentions to the imperial crown and to forego
his custom of signing international papers with the title of “rey de
romanos.” In this manner ended Alfonso’s vain attempt at external
territorial expansion.

At home, in contests with his own nobles, he had been hardly more
successful. Indeed, with all the accumulated expenses of his
long-continued attempts to obtain the imperial crown it would have
required a man of almost superhuman force to keep his powerful vassals
under control and at the same time subject them to the excessive
taxation necessarily involved. This, as we have seen, Alfonso did not
possess. The Infante Don Enrique was the first to rebel. His outbreak
was followed by a more serious uprising of the nobles under the
ostensible leadership of the king’s brother, the Infante Don Felipe, but
was really fostered and maintained by Nuño de Lara, the boldest and most
favored noble of the court. To restore harmony the king surrendered many
of his own prescriptive rights, but even then the nobles were not
satisfied and Nuño de Lara, inspired by this recently acquired power,
objected to the royal decision to require no further payments of tribute
from the king of Portugal. Alfonso, in anger, demanded that Nuño
withdraw from the council; this he did but in open rebellion,
successfully drawing with him a large number of the nobles. Many of
these, apparently faithful to Alfonso, followed an intimation given them
by Nuño and outwardly supported their sovereign while privately plotting
with some of his powerful enemies, the king of Navarre and even the
emir of Granada.

In an endeavor to adjust matters Alfonso summoned a general convocation,
which the aggrieved nobles, in an attitude of open affront, attended
fully armed while their sovereign wore only civilian dress. At this
meeting the monarch ceded still further privileges; but, pursuing their
advantage, they finally came out in open rebellion and, gathering their
army, marched away from Castile to the kingdom of Granada, burning and
plundering as they went. Meanwhile Alfonso, by means of his eldest son
and heir, Fernando de la Cerda, still endeavored to negotiate with them.

In spite of all these internal troubles the crown of the Holy Roman
Empire still held the uppermost place in the mind of the monarch and it
was just at this juncture that he succeeded in arranging for his above
mentioned visit to France and left his oldest son, Fernando de la Cerda,
to govern in his stead. The latter altho only a boy of twenty years was
already showing great ability as his father’s representative, when
suddenly he died. Fate seemed determined that not one bright lingering
hope should be permitted to relieve Alfonso’s long, unhappy reign.

This unfortunate death was the cause of additional troubles. Don Sancho,
Alfonso’s second son, immediately took up the reins of government where
his brother had let them fall. War having been declared on the Moors, no
time was to be lost. Alfonso returned to find his son and heir dead, his
father-in-law, Don Jaime,--that valiant warrior who had now become his
devoted friend--just killed by the unbelievers, and his second son,
Sancho, self-established as heir-apparent. Altho this was contrary to
what the king himself had ordered in _Las Siete Partidas_,[14] he
confirmed Sancho as his successor, whereas the crown should have gone to
Fernando’s eldest son. This brought more trouble. Queen Violante left
him and sought refuge with her brother, Pedro III of Aragon, in order to
defend the rights of her grandsons. The wife of the deceased prince
hastened to her father, king of France, and war was about to be declared
between the two kingdoms, when Rome interfered. Violante returned to her
lord upon receiving his promise to cede the kingdom of Jaén to his
grandson; but this angered Don Sancho, who rebelled against his father.
Alfonso publicly disinherited his son, and incontinently set out to
crush him. The other Infantes who had previously supported their brother
now forsook him and came to the aid of their father. Sancho himself,
with a kind of religious respect for his royal father, avoided battle
and finally implored pardon. Such was the condition of affairs when,
after an exceedingly turbulent reign of thirty-two years, Alfonso X died
in Seville on the 4th of April, 1284.

During all these years Alfonso had cherished the fond hope of carrying
on an ever broadening war against the Moors and finally of extending it
into Africa and there dealing a death blow to the power of the
Crescent. This purpose of his, like a will-o’-the-wisp, fluttered
constantly just beyond his power of execution. He did succeed in
carrying out minor conquests, but the ruler of Granada was always quick
to take advantage of the civil strife in the kingdom to the north of him
to recover his lost territory. The final net result was that Alfonso
succeeded in adding to his crown the cities of Jerez de la Frontera,
Medina-Sidonia, Lebrija, Niebla, Cádiz, and a few other towns of little
importance.

From the foregoing it is easy to see that Alfonso was not a mere
theorizing star-gazer. It is surprising that a man with his hands so
full of terrestrial affairs could ever have found time to turn his eyes
heavenward or could ever find the leisure and the quiet necessary for
the careful editing of the lengthy works produced at his command.

In speaking of these works and discussing their chronological order Sr.
Ramón Menendez Pidal says:

     “La actividad literaria de la corte de Alfonso X--que se había
     iniciado con las _Tablas Alfonsíes y el Septenario_--había
     producido ya las obras legales, coronadas por las _Partidas_; había
     dado a luz la primera edición de las Cantigas y gran parte de los
     _Libros Astronómicos_. Posteriormente a esa actividad desarrollada
     en las materias astronómicas, jurídicas y poéticas, sólo a partir
     del año 1270, debemos colocar el comienzo de la actividad histórica
     antes no representada. Primero se trabaja en la _Crónica General_,
     y, después, se interrumpe la obra para impulsar la _Grande
     Estoria_; los redactores de esta, como luego indicaremos,
     conocieron noticias referentes a la historia de España que la
     _Crónica General_ no aprovechó. En fin, después de la iniciación
     de las obras históricas se siguió trabajando en los _Libros
     Astronómicos_ y en las _Cantigas_, y se empezaron las últimas obras
     del reinado, como el _Lapidario_ y el _Ajedrez_.”[15]

Of the above I have been able to consult only those printed or
reproduced in facsimile, which are the following:

_Las Siete Partidas_, (the best edition of which is the large three
volume work published in 1807 by the Real Academia) is the result of
Alfonso’s successful attempt to complete the work begun by his father in
collecting, codifying and standardizing the various laws of the numerous
regions of the kingdom, and it has been used as the basis of Spanish
jurisprudence ever since. This work has proved of very great value
because of the ample comments (made, it seems, either by the compilers
or by Alfonso himself) on the laws contained and the customs referred
to.

_Las Cantigas_ is a collection of 422 lyric or narrative poems in the
Gallego-portugués dialect, many of which were probably written by the
monarch. Of these 353 are narrations of miracles attributed to the
Blessed Virgin. The edition used in this study is that of the Real
Academia, 1889, 2 Vols., 33 cm. edited with a critical introduction by
Leopoldo Augusto de Cueto, Marqués de Valmar. A third volume of this
work by J. Ribera treating of the music of _Las Cantigas_ has just
appeared.

_Los Libros del Saber de Astronomía_, contain a large number of drawings
of the heavens, various astronomical instruments, etc., as well as a
compendium of what was then known relating to this science. In the
introduction to the edition which consists of five 45 × 33 cm. volumes
by Manuel Rico y Sinobas, Madrid, 1868, the editor states that among the
compilers were 8 Christians and 6 Jews; while the works of more than 17
Arabs were consulted (p. XCII).

_La Primera Crónica General_ (edition of Ramón Menéndez Pidal in Nueva
Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vol. 5, 1906) is an account of the
history of Spain from the time of Moses to the death of Fernando III, el
Santo. This, says Sr. Pidal in his _Estudios Literarios_ (p. 208 ff.),
is the first chronicle written in Spain which considers the Spaniards as
a Roman instead of a Gothic people. Being guided by the results of his
research, the latest and most authoritative on the subject, I have
included in this study only the first part of the _Crónica_, i. e.,
chapters 1-566, as the remaining part is probably the work of Alfonso’s
successor.

_La General Estoria_ is still unedited. It is a work of five parts, each
of which is in size equal to the _Primera Crónica General_. It purports
to be a history of the world from the creation to the time of Alfonso
and is based primarily on the Bible, altho other authorities, both
sacred and profane, are freely drawn upon. For this study I have been
able to consult only those extracts that appear in the _Antología_ of
Sr. Antonio G. Solalinde.

_El Lapidario_ treats of 360 stones, dividing them into twelve groups
describes their appearance and the country or locality in which they are
found, bringing in in this way interesting comments on manners and
customs, scraps of folk-lore, etc., as well as discussing the medicinal
and supernatural properties of the various stones introduced. The
edition used was that of José T. Montaña, Antonio Selfa, and Hippólito
Rodrigáñez, Madrid, 1881.

_El Libro de Ajedrez._ A two volume photographic edition of this work
was brought out in Leipzig in 1913 by J. G. White under the title of _A
Spanish Treatise of Chess written by the order of King Alfonso, the
Sage, in 1283_. It is a careful discussion of the game and description
of the various moves. As well as chess, the games of dice and backgammon
are included.

In this study have been included only those works which may, without
reasonable doubt, be considered to be the productions of Alfonso el
Sabio or works in whose composition he took part in the manner indicated
below. Those which may have been more or less plausibly attributed to
him but whose authorship still remains in doubt, have been purposely
omitted. Of these latter the most important is _Calila y Dimna_, which
many still maintain was translated by the order of Alfonso.[16] But even
if this be correct the book is a purely allegorical one, entirely
foreign to the spirit and manner of Spain, and can in no way aid us in
understanding the superstitions and religious beliefs of the Spanish
nation.

While it is true that Alfonso did not with his own hands write out the
works included in our study, nevertheless the compilers themselves bear
witness to the fact that he did carefully edit them, scrutinizing the
contents, eliminating the non-essential and perfecting the language. In
the _General Estoria_ is found this significant statement:

     “Assi como dixiemos nos muchas uezes: el rey face un libro, non por
     quel el escriua con sus manos, mas porque compone las razones del,
     e las enmienda et yegua e enderesça, e muestra la manera de cómo se
     deuen fazer, e desi escriue las qui él manda, pero dezimos por esta
     razon que el rey faze el libro”.[17]

Small wonder then that the king realized the value of quietude and
specified as one of the essentials for the making of good laws that

     “Otrosi deben guardar que quando las fecieren no haya ni ruido nin
     otra cosa que les estorbe, et que lo fagan con consejo de homes
     entendidos et sabidores, et leales et sin codicia.”[18]




CHAPTER II

MIRACLES PERFORMED BY THE VIRGIN IN RESPONSE TO PRAYER


When it is considered that in _Las Cantigas_ alone there are narrated
353 separate miracles, it is obvious that it will be impossible to give
here even a brief résumé of all the instances in which the supernatural
appears. What I have attempted to do is to give a synopsis of the most
representative legends and stories, hoping in this way to present a
correct, if succinct, idea of the beliefs, superstitions and religious
practices of medieval Spain. The various occurrences of the supernatural
found in the writings of Alfonso X, have been grouped, as far as
possible, under the headings commonly employed in classifications of
this kind.

Since all the extant works of this period, with the exception of _Las
Cantigas_ and a few _cantigas de amor et de maldecir_, were written for
the erudite and were in no sense popular in their origins, it is
apparent that the popular beliefs in regard to the supernatural will be
found mentioned in them only incidentally. Occasionally, as in the
_Crónica General_ for example, the traditions of the common people had
firmly established themselves in the _Cantares de Gesta_ and other
sources which were drawn upon by the compilers. In such scientific works
as _El Lapidario_ and _Los Libros del Saber de Astronomía_, the effect
of the various heavenly bodies upon things terrestrial is mentioned, but
these reflect the beliefs of the learned, not of the ignorant. While
these beliefs of the intellectual classes are interesting and useful in
themselves, they are by no means as important for our study as the
superstitions of the man of the street. _Las Siete Partidas_ has
furnished much pertinent information because of the laws concerning
practices involving the supernatural which were forbidden, or which, as
in the case of conjuring, were permitted only under certain
circumstances. But from such sources we can get only a very small
proportion of the great mass of popular conceptions and traditions which
must have existed, as is forcibly illustrated by the fact that in all
the other works excepting _Las Cantigas_ only nine miracles are
narrated. On the other hand the term “milagro” was considered important
enough to merit a lengthy definition in the laws of the times.[19]
According to this definition a “milagro” is a divine intervention in the
regular course of nature the purpose of which is, among other things, to
reward the faithful and to bear witness to the veracity of the Christian
faith.

But when we consider _Las Cantigas_, a work whose avowed purpose is to
gather together all the current stories of miracles attributed to the
Virgin either directly or indirectly, we have a collection of 353
accounts drawn both from the writings of the saints and from popular
tradition. It is to be noticed too that all of these are performed
either directly or indirectly _by the Virgin_ and do not include any of
those attributed to the various other saints, to the Child nor to the
Man Jesus, etc. If such a host of legends and stories could be gathered
with the facilities of that time dealing with only _one_ phase of
supernatural lore and with only _one_ saint how great must have been the
entire store!

Another interesting fact in connection with this collection is that,
altho according to the Church authorities, the Virgin could perform
miracles only when especially empowered to do so, she is represented
here as performing them of her own accord. Only seldom does she go to
her Son or to God the Father for aid or permission.

Such a procedure can not be attributed to ignorance on the part of one
so well versed in ecclesiastical law and customs as Alfonso. It is
probably a conscious reflection of the general belief of the common
people who knew little of Theology.

In a period of such absolute and naive faith it is not at all surprising
that the same miracle, with a few minor alterations perhaps, should be
attributed at one time to the Virgin and at another to God,[20] or at
one time to the crucifix and at another to the image of the Virgin,
etc.[21] The result of this customary promiscuous attribution of
benevolent deeds to various divine forces and personages was that the
counterpart of every miracle mentioned in any of the writings of king
Alfonso X is found in _Las Cantigas_. Therefore our study of this topic
will be based on this collection with appropriate notes of any
variations of interest in the legends as found in his other works.

A large number of the miracles in the beginning of the collection of
_Las Cantigas_ are taken, as usually stated in the poem itself, from
some other accessible book.[22] But as legends from these sources grew
scarce the store of oral tradition was drawn upon, and occasionally, as
in apprehension that the veracity of the story might be challenged, some
such strengthening line as “mui bien sey que foi e é gran uerdade”[23]
was added. So personal is the tone of the whole collection that there is
no hesitation whatever in recounting the miraculous experience of some
member of the royal family or of the king himself.[24] Constant search
in the manuscripts at hand was apparently continued however during the
entire time of composition and as late as No. 362 occurs the expression
“achei escrito.”[25]

The cult of the Virgin became very popular during the 13th century and
when we consider the influence it had all thru the period we are
studying it is natural to expect, that in a group of miracles dedicated
expressly to her, that Jesus, the Son of Mary, and even God the Father
would be but seldom mentioned.[26] But when they are they are recognized
as being supreme. The Virgin herself often has to ask a favor of the
Son, as in Nos. 14, 45, etc. At times we are privileged to catch a
glimpse of the court of heaven resembling greatly a medieval court with
God the Father and His Son as the supreme rulers and below them the
saints in the order of their various ranks.

On one occasion, No. 14 for instance, Saint Peter pleads without success
for the soul of a licentious monk who during life was especially devoted
to him. After invoking the aid of the other saints to no avail he
finally appeals to the Virgin and in answer to her God permits the
return of the soul to the body for the benefit of another chance. The
details here are such that one might easily imagine the scene to be that
of any court of 13th century Europe.

Naturally in so large a collection[27] any classification has to be
arbitrary, and however the division is made there will be a number which
may be placed under two or more headings. The present classification,
tabulated in detail on page 135 has been made to suit the needs of this
study exclusively. In what here follows I shall summarize only the
typical examples of each class.

       *       *       *       *       *

The group of miracles studied especially in this chapter, those
performed by the Virgin in response to prayer, includes almost every
conceivable form of aid, all the way from restoring life to the dead
down to helping a man find his lost falcon. They suffice to give us a
rare conception of the beliefs and faith, often almost childlike in
their simplicity, of that time.

The greatest of all miracles, the restoration of life, is performed in
all over 30 times in answer to prayer and for a great variety of
reasons. In one instance (No. 182) a certain robber who had the
redeeming quality of always giving to those in need when asked in the
name of Santa María, died suddenly. In answer to a mother’s prayer and
to afford an opportunity for repentance his soul was restored and from
that moment he observed faithfully all the commandments “da Uírgen.” In
another, to aid a faithful follower in his work on earth the Holy Mother
sends to Santo Domingo as a helper a well-educated, zealous young man
who kills himself by overwork. In answer to the supplication of the
saint she descends from heaven with a chorus of virgins and together
they read from their books and anoint the corpse, head, body and feet,
thus restoring the life of the young man that he might continue in the
service of his worthy master (No. 204).[28] In No. 84 a wife becomes
ignorantly jealous of the Holy Mother because her husband slips away
mysteriously every night and when asked the reason for his absence he
answers that he loves his wife as much as ever but admits to her, almost
in jest, that he loves another woman more. This proved too much and in a
fit of anger she stabbed herself, but in answer to her husband’s prayers
her life was restored. No. 241 is particularly interesting because of
its details and of its really lifelike setting. Two mothers, one having
a son and the other a daughter, decided that a marriage of the young
couple would be advantageous. All went well until the day of the
wedding, when the boy, being in a very happy and buoyant mood, leaned
too far out of the window as he wiped out a glass, lost his balance,
fell and was killed. All were overcome with grief except his mother who
confidently took him to the altar of the Virgin, where his life was
restored. As life returned his first words were “What a beautiful
mansion you took me from.” The two young people were so impressed they
decided to devote themselves to religion. At another time Alfonso’s
immediate family were concerned for the daughter of “o bon rei Don
Fernando”, who after being carefully reared for the convent at Las
Huelgas died. Her mother took her to the foot of the image and putting
everyone out of the church, determined to remain until her daughter
revived. Her faith was rewarded, and later in life the princess held an
important place in the convent (No. 122).[29]

When we come to consider the various kinds of _bodily ailments_ cured by
the Holy Mother we are presented with a formidable list. An arrow
striking a man in the face stuck in the bone in such a manner that none
could remove it. He requested to be taken to the altar of the Virgin and
there confessed, implored aid, and the arrow came out of its own accord
(No. 126). Seven separate times do lepers appeal to her and are
healed.[30] The blind have their sight restored; but one clerk,
apparently thru lack of faith, asked only that his sight be given him
while Mass was being said. She took him at his word and allowed him the
privilege of seeing every day _only during the time of Mass_ (No. 92).
Swellings disappear (No. 346); while often Alfonso sings of the cures he
himself has experienced. After leprosy the most common ailment to incite
the pity of the Blessed Mother is rabies, which is mentioned in no less
than five separate cantigas;[31] reason is also restored to those who
have been deprived of it (No. 331). No. 69 is the legend of a deaf mute
who presented himself before the altar of the Virgin in Toledo. While
there he saw Saint Mary in the form of a beautiful girl approach him as
in a vision, put her finger in his ear and take out a worm which had

      “ ... a semella
    d’estes de sirgo, mais come ouella
    era ueloss’ e coberto de lãa.”

Later Santa María ordered a monk well versed in the art to aid the man
recover his voice. Another pretty story is that of a little girl with
deformed feet who was taken to the altar of Santa María del Puerto,
where, falling asleep, she suddenly cried out with a sharp pain. In
answer to the questions of her father and those near her she said the
Virgin came down from the altar, broke her feet, and then returned. They
hastily examined them only to find them in perfect condition.

As well as curing the ordinary ills of nature to which the human body is
subject, the Blessed Mother may also cure those due to acts of man if
they are unjustly inflicted, as in the case of the servant whose master
put out his eyes because of false accusation. The servant, knowing he
was innocent, procured his eye-balls, had a surgeon put them back in
their sockets, and then went to Santa María de Salas, where his sight
was restored (No. 177). A miracle showing a strong trace of
mysticism--another instance of the relief of suffering due to no
conscious fault of the victim--is No. 315. A laboring woman went into
the field to work and left her child--with a prayer for its safety--tied
to a sheaf of wheat. While she was gone the child swallowed a head of
the grain and became very ill. The mother, thinking it had swallowed
some insect or had been bitten hastened with it to Madrid where after
many days of unsuccessful treatment she was advised to take it to the
Church of Atocha. On arriving she undressed the child before the altar
for examination and to the astonishment of all present the head of
wheat, intact, came out thru the _left_ side of the child, who recovered
immediately. No. 146 shows the influence of a well-known legend of the
Middle Ages of a father who cut off the hands of his daughter because
she insisted on being true to her new faith, Christianity. Later in
life, when, because of misfortunes and persecutions, her hands were
necessary for the care of her child, they were miraculously restored,
growing out of the old stumps.[32] In the cantiga the object of the
miracle is a boy who wished to go on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the
Virgin of Albeza. His mother hesitated because of his enemies but at
last he was permitted to go. He did, indeed, fall into their power and
they put out his eyes as well as cut off his hands. He was found,
however, by some fellow-pilgrims, taken to the shrine, and there, upon
his praying the

      “Madre de Deus Emanüel,
    fez-ll’ ollos come de perdiz
    pequennos a aquel donzel
    muy fremosos, et de raiz
    crecéron-ll’ as mãos enton.”

Altho the Virgin did alleviate bodily ills for good cause she was not
alway a saint of mercy. At times she was a saint of vengeance. Even
more, her devotees were sometimes given the privilege of seeing this
vengeance brought down at their own request upon the enemies of the
faith because of some impious act. One Christian while kneeling at
prayer before her shrine was bitten by a large dog that happened to pass
that way. As he arose to pick up a stone to drive the animal away he was
greatly incensed at seeing two Jews laughing at him. Not being able to
restrain his anger he called upon the Virgin to avenge herself of such
an affront with the result that the wall by which they were standing
fell upon the unbelievers (No. 286).

Such vengeance as this is usually only meted out to infidels and, even
tho Saint Mary loves vengeance and desires to please her followers, more
than once has she to temper this very human desire on their part. One
woman asked that the one who had stolen her husband’s affections be
stricken with some serious illness, but the Virgin, considering the
punishment too severe, by a vision caused the unlawful rival to repent
and ask forgiveness of the wife, which the latter finally granted (No.
68).

In many respects more important, tho perhaps making a less lasting
impression, are those miracles of prevention from harm. These are almost
as numerous as the above, tho they offer less variety and less
opportunity for dramatic effect. Among the most common are rescues from
the sea, and in No. 236 there is the added element of walking on the
water. A pious woman and her child are in a boat that sinks. She cries
out to the Virgin who appears, takes her by the hand, and together they
walk on the water as tho it were land until they arrive at Marseilles.

Those engaged in making objects for the glory of the Virgin, together
with the products of their art, receive special protection. A stone
mason working at a great height in the church of Santa María de
Castrogeriz felt his legs weaken and began to fall. Calling on the local
saint he miraculously caught on an edge of one of the stones and altho a
very large man his fingers were strengthened, enabling him to hold on a
greater part of the day until aid came (No. 242). At another time a
painter who habitually drew the Devil as ugly as possible and the Virgin
as beautifully as he was able received a visit from his satanic majesty
in person complaining of the treatment, but the artist refused to change
his pictures. The Devil, greatly offended, set loose a terrible
hurricane, which entered the church; but, appealing to the Virgin, both
the painter and his work escaped unharmed (No. 74). Ten instances, most
of which bear a striking resemblance to similar stories in the New
Testament, are told of miraculous release from prison.[33] In one of
these (No. 227) Saint Mary appeared surrounded by a bright light and led
the captive, invisible to his captors, from the dungeon. In nearly all
such releases the victim had been unjustly imprisoned.

Those who are especially devout are saved even tho at times it is
necessary to bring down the heavenly hosts. One good knight (No. 233)
fleeing on a swift horse before his enemies arrives at the church of the
Virgin of Pena Cova. His pursuers, unbelievers, on arriving at the
church, see a battalion of heavenly soldiers drawn up in front of it
and, thus admonished, they repent and naturally no longer desire his
life.[34] When Bondoudar, the Sultan of Egypt, laid siege to Tortosa de
Ultramar there were but few defenders within its walls, but when the
Sultan arrived he saw a great host in the city. One of his advisers told
him:

      “ ... Per mandado
    da Uirgen Madre d’ Icá
    uéeron, que un eigreia
    dentro en a uila á,
    que está preto dos muros
    da parte do aréal”.

On hearing this the Sultan withdrew, saying he would not fight against
the Virgin and later even sent much money to those in the city (No.
165). No. 49 reads almost like a fairy tale. A band of pilgrims
journeying to Santa María de Soissons lose their way in the mountains
and in answer to their prayers she appears to them _with a shining wand_
in her hand and leads them safely to their destination.

The idea of _bargaining_, one of the fundamental elements of all
primitive religions,[35] and one which even yet has by no means
disappeared, was present in a very striking manner. In this respect,
indeed, the people were so naïve at times that they made the Blessed
Mother human in the extreme and sometimes they seemed almost to lose
sight entirely of her divinity. In no less than nineteen[36] cantigas is
the record of wax being offered in exchange for divine favors and in ten
of these the wax was promised in the prayer of supplication; and altho
this may not at all times have been consciously offered as a bribe or as
a kind of barter yet there is no doubt that unconsciously the feeling
was there. Wax was by far the most popular of all offerings. It was
offered in bulk, or in the form of an image of the Virgin or of the
object desired, or often in candles. One account which is very
interesting because of the well-known historical personages involved is
No. 376. During a conversation with the Infante Don Manuel, Alfonso
showed him a beautiful ring and offered it to him as a gift. The king
sent a servant to deliver it to the house of the Infante, but on the way
he lost it. He immediately appealed to Santa María del Puerto; offering
her six pounds of wax for her church if she would help him recover the
ring. A little later a man voluntarily handed it to the messenger saying
he had found it on the street.

Altho we might consider wax a suitable offering for a miracle of the
type just mentioned, it does cause some surprise to find it accepted in
return for even such an important act as the restoration of life. But
there was a woman of Zaragoza whose children were always stillborn, so
after the third sad experience she offered a child of wax to the
Virgin. The fourth child was also born dead but, confident now, she
implored Santa María de Salas, and even while the prayer continued the
child came to life. In addition to wax many other kinds of gifts were
acceptable such as a garland of roses; or when roses were unavailable an
“Ave María” might be substituted for each rose in the bouquet (No. 121);
or nails were offered for a temple (No. 106); or a promise was made of
the most beautiful thing captured from the enemy during a battle, which
in No. 374 was a beautiful cloth of gold and scarlet.

More curious than these, and a miracle in which the moral lesson is not
to be considered, is No. 214, in which two men, one very rich while the
other possessed only a church building, were rolling dice. The wealthy
man played high stakes, the poor man, having only the church, played it.
The rich one rolled and three sixes fell. His companion, trembling, in
his turn rolled. As he did so he offered the church to the Virgin should
he win. To his astonishment, and to the wonder of the bystanders, one of
the dice fell in two, three sixes and one ace appearing.

Aside from material gifts such as the above, offers of service such as
the promise to go on a pilgrimage to some shrine are also very
effective.[37]

The naïve elements become almost startling at times in their
childishness. For instance in No. 8 a singer, after singing a “lais” to
Santa María, asked that one of the candles of her shrine light him
while he ate. The candle was miraculously placed on his instrument, but
a monk seeing it out of place became angry, thinking it bewitched, and
put it back where it belonged. This was repeated three times until the
people witnessing this repetition intervened, while the monk, convinced
he had witnessed a miracle, repented.[38] Again, at Rocamador, nine
pilgrims ordered nine pieces of meat prepared for their meal. When they
drew near the table only eight pieces were brought in, the servant
having stolen one. They prayed Santa María to show them where the ninth
piece was and at once heard a noise in a chest. It was the piece of meat
jumping around to attract their attention (No. 159). Even more peculiar
were the actions of a paralyzed mule which was ordered killed and
skinned by its master. The servant boy before beginning the task stopped
to eat and upon finishing his meal was astonished to find the mule
healed and going toward the shrine of the Virgin of Torena. On reaching
the church it ran around it three times rapidly, entered and kneeled
before the altar, then returned home with the servant (No. 228).

It is to be remarked also that while the miracles usually do contain a
moral lesson--in fact some have no other purpose than to teach a moral,
No. 155,--occasionally they are much less concerned with the moral than
with the really important fact, the miracle, which shows the goodness,
power and mercy of Santa María. Bent on emphasizing this they become at
times realistic in the extreme. We must remember also that the
conception of what is moral and what is immoral changes constantly and
that therefore it is imposible to measure the 13th century by the
standards of the 20th. But even so, we can say this for Alfonso el
Sabio; whenever he does include such accounts in his collection he
handles them with his accustomed brevity and never dwells upon the
immoral act nor enlarges upon it. With a few strokes he paints the
picture and then comes to what, for him, is the all important part, the
miracle. One such, very popular thruout all Europe in the Middle Ages,
is the legend of an abbess, accused by those under her of being with
child, who was called to account before the authorities. She prayed
earnestly to the Virgin, who during her sleep brought the child and
spirited him away to Saussonna. She was then examined and found
innocent.

No. 201 is even more interesting, being the story of a beautiful young
woman who vowed eternal chastity and then, falling in love with a young
gallant, became the mother of three of his children and killed each one
soon after its birth. Later in life she repented and tried to kill
herself with a knife but did not die; she then swallowed two poisonous
spiders[39] and still she could not die. Finally she prayed the Holy
Mother, who appeared to her and with her own divine hand cured her. The
sinner obtained forgiveness by a long life of penance. In this case the
immoral element of protecting the sinner from just punishment has
entirely disappeared, for while the Virgin shows mercy toward her and
cures her ills--the result of a self-imposed penance--yet she does not
forgive her terrible sin. All she can do is to change the form of the
penance.

One of the phases of the belief of the time which at first glance seems
to us today to be sacrilegious, or to say the least quite startling, is
the part that the breasts of the Virgin and her sacred milk played in
the religion of Medieval Spain. In this belief can be seen how very real
and how very human the Mother of Christ was to the people. This race,
which has produced some of the greatest mystics of the world, to whom
everything had a mystical meaning, saw in the sacred milk of the Virgin
the symbol of healing and of life, and the breasts which had nourished
the Christ-child were to them the symbol of the fountain of life.

In No. 138 Alfonso tells how San Juan Boca de Oro, exiled by the
Gentiles, was first blinded and then put out on the highway and told to
leave the country. Wandering, he soon fell into brambles, when, calling
on “á Rëynna esperital” for aid, she came, restored his sight and led
him out into the road again. In the conversation which ensued he asked
her what was the thing that Jesus loved most when He came into the
world. She left without answering, but appeared to him again that night
with the child Jesus playing with her breasts. Turning to the him she
said,

    “ ... D’ esto se pagou
    meu Fillo máis d’ál, et con mui gran razón.
    Ca estas tetas lo criaron tan ben
    como a sa carne mui nobre conuen;
    et porende as amou máis d’ outra ren,
    porque d’ estas tetas ouu’ él criaçon.”

The milk poured by the Blessed Virgin herself from her sacred breasts
cured an infirmity of the face and neck which had caused long years of
suffering to one of her faithful monks (No. 54). Similar to this is No.
93, an account of how God chastened a man of Burgos with leprosy for
three years because of his sins. After he had recited a good thousand
“Ave Marías” Saint Mary at last took pity on him, and bathed him in her
own milk, which cured him immediately.

And after all, when considered reverently, and in the light of the fact
that the Virgin was the most important and most beloved personage in the
religion of the period, what more beautiful and sublime symbol could
there be than this!

Possessions are constantly being restored thru the agency of the Holy
Mother, who is never unmindful of the needs of her children, and who is
just as quick to respond to the needs of the rich, if they are real
needs, as to those of the poor. Altho such service is quite often
performed in return for some gift, as indicated in the discussion of
Bargaining,[40] it is by no means limited to this. Often the simple
faith and earnest prayer are sufficient.

A certain Don Domingo of Santa María del Puerto lost thirty sheep in the
mountains. His devout wife appealed to the local Saint to save them from
the wolves. Three days later they were found surrounded by wolves, which
instead of harming them were _guarding_ them from harm (No. 398). In the
incident of a woman of Toledo (No. 212) we catch a glimpse of some of
the customs of the times as well as find an entertaining story. This
woman had the habit of loaning a lovely string of pearls to the poor
girls of her acquaintance for their wedding ceremony, because

      “En Toled’ á un costume
    que foi de longa sazon,
    que quando y casar queren
    as donas que pobres son,
    peden aas ricas donas
    de suas dõas enton,
    que possan en suas uodas
    máis ricas apparecer.”

But her husband for some reason forbade her to do so any longer. Soon
after this another poor woman came begging for the pearls, and because
she asked “in the name of the Virgin” the lady could not withstand the
plea and loaned them surreptitiously. While the girl was bathing, a
servant stole them, but note--

      “Ela deu-o a sa filla
    el leuou-a a bannar,
    _com’ é costum’ en Toledo_
    _de quantas queren casar_.”[41]

The bride was heartbroken and the lady, very much grieved but still more
frightened, went to the church of the Virgin, where from sheer weakness
caused by her anxiety she fell asleep before the altar. While there
still asleep, the woman who had stolen the jewels passed thru the church
with them hidden in her bosom. The sleeping woman awoke at that moment
and, miraculously given to know that this one had her pearls, forcibly
recovered them.

Legends of necessities being miraculously supplied are not lacking.
There is one concerning a church in Jerusalem built under the guidance
of the Virgin that reminds us of the widow’s cruse of oil. The community
was about to have to leave owing to a severe famine. As a last resort
they met and prayed all night, and when morning came they found all the
bread boxes full. Later a similar famine occurred and again they prayed
all night, and this time they found a large sum of pure gold on the
altar. (No. 187). Miracles similar to the one performed by Jesus at the
wedding feast in Canaan of Galilee (John 2: 1-11) are Nos. 23 and 351.
The first is the simple story of a woman who was out of wine when the
King came to visit her, so she asked the Virgin to help her in her
perplexity, and immediately the wine casks in the cellar were filled.
The second, on a larger scale and with an element of humor, maintains
that at the great annual feast in honor of the Virgen de Agosto one year
a great hogshead of wine was supplied for the public, but, sad to
relate, it did not last long. After it became exhausted the crowd was
slow to go away and someone suggested that they look again to see
whether it was entirely empty. To their surprise they found it was full
of miraculous wine supplied by the Saint, and it had the quality not
only of delighting those who partook of it but also of curing ills.

Altho such benefits and protection are usually bestowed only upon
Christians, and more especially upon those who are particularly devoted
to the Mother of Christ, occasionally she will hear the requests of
those who belong to another faith provided they are ready to accept
Christianity. A vagrant Jewess was cast from a high rock in punishment
for her misconduct, but, on appealing to the Virgin, she fell harmlessly
beside a fig tree. In gratitude she was baptised and remained constant
to the faith thru life (No. 107). The Virgin’s mercy was also great
enough to restore life to the child of a Moorish woman who, because she
had heard of the miraculous power of Santa María de Salas, took the dead
body of her little one to the shrine. After the mother had remained
there all night in prayer the child was brought back to life altho it
had been dead three days (No. 167).

There is another small group of miracles recorded in which the response
is not to prayers but to threats--cases in which the believer loses
control of himself and defies both God and man. No reason is given why
the threats are effective after prayers and requests have been of no
avail. Does it imply that the Holy Mother was to them such a human
personality that, like an earthly lord, she might be susceptible to
fear?

One case in point (No. 76) is that of a devout woman, the mother of a
criminal, who became desperate when her son was hanged. Snatching the
form of the child Jesus from the arms of the image in the church she
threatened to keep it as a hostage. The Virgin became merciful--(or
fearful)--and brought from the other world to the distracted mother her
criminal son, who, now truly penitent, reprimands his mother for her
sacrilegious act. So greatly was she impressed by the experience that
she became a nun.

The most surprising miracle of the entire collection so far as the
behavior of Saint Mary is concerned and her show of fear is the
following, from which I shall quote freely. The young son of a baron
fell with his horse from a high bridge. The father saw the accident and
cried out aloud to the Virgin:

    “Dizend’ a mui grandes uozes:
    ‘Ual-me, Rëynna Sennor.’
    Enton a Vírgen bêeita
    que seu fillo Saluador
    tijnna ontre seus braços,
    _ouue da uoz tal pauor_
    como quando Rei Herodes
    lle quis seu fillo matar.

    E mandou a esses santos
    que o fossen acorrer,
    que y estauan, _et ela_
    _foi o seu Fill’ asconder_,
    _con medo d’aquel braado_,
    que o non podes’ auer
    Rei Herodes; _et porende_
    _foi logo passar o mar_.

    _D’esta guisa con seu Fillo_
    _fugiú a Jerussalem_[42]
    a Uírgen Santa María,
    et guariú acá mui ben
    o menynn’ e o caualo
    que se non feríron ren:
    et o padr’, a bouc’ aberta,
    fillou-see Deus a loar.” (No. 337).

This is the first and only reference I have found to this peculiar fear
on the part of the Virgin.




CHAPTER III

MIRACLES PERFORMED VOLUNTARILY BY THE VIRGIN


Altho at times this study of Miracles may have the appearance of an
examination of the character of the Virgin, which indeed it is in a
certain sense, nevertheless it is such only in order that we may, by
studying her acts as recorded in these miracles, come to a better
understanding of what was considered supernatural in that period and
what was not. Perhaps it will help in arriving at this result if, before
beginning the study of the next group, we stop at this point to see what
was Alfonso’s own judicial definition of “miraglo”, as the term is used
in his _Siete Partidas_.[43] It reads as follows:

     “Miraglo tanto quiere decir como obra de Dios maravillosa que es
     sobre la natura usada de cada dia: et por ende acaesce pocas veces.
     Et para ser tenido por verdadero ha menester que haya en él quatro
     cosas: la primera que venga por poder de Dios et non por arte: la
     segunda que el miraglo sea contra natura, ca de otra guisa non se
     maravillarien los homes dél: la tercera que venga por merescimiento
     de santidad et de bondat que haya en sí aquel por quien Dios lo
     face: la quarta que aquel miraglo acaesca sobre cosa que sea á
     confirmamiento de la fe.”[44]

Next in extent after the group of miracles performed in answer to
_direct appeal_ is that in which Santa María comes to the aid of her
followers _voluntarily_, owing, perhaps indirectly, to their prayers,
but if so this is not so stated and the dominating thought is not that
the act was in answer to prayer but rather it is to emphasize the
kindness, care and eternal vigilance she ever has for those who have
commended themselves to her keeping.

In our study of this division we shall follow the same classification as
we did in the last, but shall cite examples only in cases where they
differ materially in one particular or another from those mentioned
above. Altho the actual number of miracles is less, here divine aid is
manifested in an even greater variety of ways. These new elements will
be considered under additional appropriate headings beginning on page
65. On the whole the general tone of the miracles is the same, and
sometimes it seems as tho the poet merely forgot, or perhaps it was not
convenient for him, to work into his verse the statement that a given
case was one of direct answer to prayer. At other times, however, it
seems that the prayer was answered in a manner entirely unlooked for, or
again that the miracle was performed without supplication whatever on
the part of the recipient.

Beginning again with the group composed of the greatest of all miracles,
the restoration of life, it is noticed that here instead of being in
response to a direct appeal on the part of some faithful servant, the
miracle seems to be performed as a reward, without the bereaved person
having thought such a thing possible. The fact that the soul of the
person whose life is thus restored may be brought back from the regions
of eternal happiness seems of minor importance. One of the most
beautiful of these miracles is said to have taken place in “Inglaterra.”
A widow had a young son who sang, as no one else could, the “Gaude Virgo
María”. A jealous Jew killed him and put his body in a cellar, thinking
that would be the end of it. The mother, not knowing what had become of
her son, went thru the street calling “Where are you?” As she passed the
house of the Jew she was answered by her resurrected child singing more
beautifully than ever “Gaude María”. The Jew was put to death for his
crime (No. 6).

The new element of temporary restoration is found in No. 311. A pious
man and his friend set out on a pilgrimage to Nuestra Señora de
Monserrat. His friend does not seem to be very well confirmed in the
faith, and when, as they are passing thru Barcelona, a flash of
lightning kills his devout companion, he curses the Virgin and taunts
his dead fellow pilgrim with the worthlessness of his devotion. The next
day at the burial the dead man rises in his coffin and vindicates his
faith by saying that all is well now.

The Virgin plays an even more important part in the miracle (No. 323)
which happened when Aben Yussef crossed the straits of Algeciras and
made damaging raids into the territory of Seville. A poor man’s only son
died, and, as the Moors were already in sight, all the father could do
was to commend the body and his worldly possessions to the Blessed
Mother as he hastily fled before the enemy. When the land was recaptured
the old man, to his great astonishment, found his son alive and all his
possessions safe. The boy told him that a lady had come to accompany
him and for some reason the Moors had respected her.

Very close akin to these are those of life miraculously sustained when
according to all laws of nature death was inevitable, as was the case
(No. 131) when Emperor Alexius of Constantinople, while on a tour of
inspection, was imprisoned in a caving mine along with many workers. All
were killed except the emperor who was saved by a large rock which
formed a protection for him. The empress and all at court gave him up
for lost and spent much time in Masses for his soul. At the end of one
year the Patriarch of the city dreamed the emperor was still alive and
immediately took workmen and had the mine opened. Thereupon they found
the emperor unharmed and learned that he had been fed and solaced by
angels during the entire interval.

Even more dramatic is the experience of a German and his son on a
pilgrimage to the shrine of Santiago, who while lodging in the house of
a heretic fall victims unawares to the old trick of having silver put in
the boy’s bag in order to accuse him of theft. The boy is hanged, and
the heart-broken father, still faithful, continues on his way and
fulfills his vow. On his return he is impelled to pass by the gallows.
To his surprise he finds his son still alive, having been sustained by
the Virgin for three months. Hastening to the bailiff, the father
secures the release of his boy and has the heretic duly burned (No.
175).

There are no new elements presented in the various miracles in this
group dealing with the curing of bodily ailments, beyond those already
indicted on page 35. No 206 however describes the interesting spectacle
of Pope Leo, very devout and austere, who became so much perturbed at
being kissed on the hand by a beautiful woman at Mass that he could not
forget the sensation nor concentrate on his work until he had his hand
cut off. This did not give him peace because he was no longer qualified
to say Mass. The Virgin, seeing his grief and having mercy on him,
descended from heaven and applied a marvelous ointment to the stump with
the result that the hand was restored.

In the methods by which the Blessed Mother prevents harm from befalling
her devotees there is nothing new. The only difference being that here
the act is performed more as tho it were the reward for faithful service
while previously it was in answer to prayer.

As is to be expected the idea of bargaining is almost entirely absent
from this group. The bargain idea found its birth on the part of man and
not of the Deity. One legend only in the entire collection represents
the Virgin as taking the initiative in a bargain (No. 307). This is when
she appears to a virtuous man after an eruption of Mount Etna which had
caused great damage and had lasted forty days. She told him if he wanted
the eruption to cease to compose a hymn to her. This he did with the
desired effect.

The number of the unmoral, in fact in some cases distinctly immoral,
miracles here is greater than before. We must not forget, however, that,
as mentioned above, often there was no very close connection between
religious observances and morals in Medieval Europe.

On one occasion (No. 24) we are told that a very wicked man, a robber
and a gambler, died and was refused a Christian burial, but during his
life he had been devoted to the Virgin, so she appeared to the priest
and demanded that his body be taken up and buried in sacred ground. When
they opened the grave they found a rose in the mouth of the corpse[45].
No. 11 is the story of a licentious monk who was drowned one night while
crossing a river on the way to visit his amour. The Devil appeared for
his soul but two angels contested his claim. He convinced them of his
right and they were about to retire when the Virgin arrived, routed the
Devil, and ordered the soul to return to the body in order that the monk
might repent and do penance. In this instance, it will be noted, the
soul is simply restored to the body and given another chance, while in
No. 24 above, the indication is that the soul of the evil doer is saved.

Then there are five quite similar, Nos. 55, 58, 59, 94 and 285, tho the
moral lesson differs somewhat. In the first a young nun elopes with a
monk to Lisbon where when she finds herself about to become a mother she
is cruelly deserted. Not knowing what else to do she returns penitent to
the convent. Angels attend her at the birth of the son during the night
and no one suspects her. None had missed her during the absence because
the Virgin had taken her place and it is not until one day in her old
age when her son, now a handsome young man, appears in the choir singing
“Salve Regina” that all is discovered because the worthy nun recognizes
him publicly. No. 94 is apparently the same legend more fully developed.
The nun, the treasurer of the convent, falls in love with a knight and
on leaving the convent gives the keys into the keeping of the Virgin.
She and her husband live together happily for years, being blessed with
many children, and it is only in later years that she repents and
returns to the convent, confessing all. To her astonishment, she found
that the Virgin had taken her place during her absence and no one had
ever known the difference. When it is learned that the Blessed Mother
had performed such an act of kindness, all burst into a hymn of praise
to her. In No. 285 we have the same setting of a young nun falling in
love, this time with the nephew of the abbess, but the actions of the
Virgin are quite different. On the first attempt to leave the convent
Saint Mary stopped her. The next day she sent word to her lover that she
had failed to keep her appointment because she had been ill but promised
to meet him the next night, which she did, and the two made their escape
successfully. They married and had children but even then she was not
able to get away from the Holy Mother, who appeared to her in a dream
and severely reprimanded her. This was too much. She at last told her
husband and in repentance they both decided to enter the monastic life.
In this legend the immoral element has disappeared, the Virgin no longer
protecting the guilty. No. 59 is still another story with the same
theme, but the punishment is still more severe. As the young girl was
about to depart she went to take leave of the Saint. At the parting her
image began to shed tears. The girl then drew near the crucifix, which,
loosing one of its hands from the cross, struck her in the face, leaving
the mark of the nail as a stigma. In No. 58 the girl concerned was about
to elope, but two dreams of Hell and of eternal punishment were
sufficient to make the heroine send for her lover and tell him that
their union would be impossible.

Of the three instances in which the sacred breast or milk of the Virgin
play a part, all involve an answer to direct appeals. See page 45.

While there is only one account of possessions being restored without
request (No. 228, which contains no new elements) there are several
which tell of rare materials, or of materials delayed by storms at sea,
etc., being miraculously supplied; or perhaps, as in the case of Emperor
Constantine (No. 231), Santa María would help in the erection of
buildings. The emperor had brought huge blocks of marble from Roumania
for the altar and columns of a church to be dedicated to her. When they
arrived they were so large no means could be found to hoist them into
position. At last she appeared to the architect and told him to do away
with all apparatus and use only three small boys to do the work. He did
as he was bidden and they placed the blocks in position with ease.

These, however, do not give us as intimate a picture of the life of the
common people as do other accounts, such as No. 273. In it we get a
glimpse of the privations of the home life of the peasants and at the
same time an idea of their innate pride in their local church. At
Ayamonte there was a small and poor church erected to Santa María but in
spite of the poverty of its communicants the altar decorations were
rich. So great were their privations that even the Host was scarce. At
the feast of the Virgen de Agosto some of the altar cloths needed
mending and one of the devout men of the congregation offered to do it.
He had a needle but no thread, and no one could provide him with it.
While before the altar considering what he should do, he glanced up and
saw two threads on his shoulder obviously supplied by the Saint. It is
in such apparently incidental allusions as this--and the one, No. 211,
where bees come into the church of their own accord and supply the wax
for the candles because the congregation could not furnish any--that we
can, from time to time, form an idea of how “the other half,” which did
not consist of knights and nobles, really lived.

Following the same order as in the first group we now come to those
accounts in which the Virgin comes to the aid of the enemies of the
faith. Quite modern in tone is the story (No. 335) of a poor man who,
altho entirely ignorant of Christianity and its teachings, gave even the
little he had to the poor. The Holy Mother, knowing of his goodness,
appeared to him as a poor woman with her child in her arms and asked him
for a morsel of bread. Fearing he had none he went, nevertheless, to see
if he could not scrape out just a little more flour from the barrel.
When he returned with the last of his flour made into bread for her, she
had gone. He made inquiry thruout the neighborhood describing her, and
was finally advised to go and inquire of the Christians. There he
recognized the Virgin and Child from her image and became a Christian.
From the day she appeared to him the flour never failed in the bin.

Not only was mercy extended to those good at heart and living model
lives and to those who did not believe simply because of ignorance, but
opportunities for proselyting were quickly taken advantage of. A certain
Jewess, (No. 89) dangerously ill at childbirth, was about to despair.
Naturally she did not believe in the Virgin but she heard a mysterious
voice bidding her call on Santa María, which she did. When those
attending her heard this awful name they fled, calling her a heretic and
a renegade, but she was cured. The mother and child both became
Christians.

The Blessed Mother, however, knew mankind and did not use the same
method with every one. With some, more persuasion was necessary than
with others, and so when dealing with one hardened Jew, who had been
robbed and beaten by Christians and was still being kept on a diet of
bread and water in the hope of extorting even more from him, it was not
enough that she should merely appear to him and bid him forsake his
religion; she tells him that altho he is of the evil race she will show
him what his people have missed. With that she takes him from prison to
a high mountain where she shows him how the Jews are being tortured and
then to another from where he can see the Christians surrounded with
angels, and thence to a monastery, where, taking the hint, he gladly
becomes a Christian (No. 85).[46]

The Christians themselves used rather persuasive methods of proselyting
at times if we may trust the account of a Christian of Consuegra who
disputed much with a Moorish captive of his concerning the Virgin. When
he could not make the man believe by arguing he put him in prison, where
his efforts were supplemented by the intervention of supernatural
beings. The Devil tormented him for two nights and on the third the
Virgin appeared to him and told him if he wished to be free from the
Devil he would have to forsake the “dog” Mohammed. He told this vision
to his master, was baptised, and from that time on was a faithful
believer (No. 192).

In another (No. 205) we again find both human and divine persons
interested in the unbeliever, but this time it is physical safety they
are concerned about. The miracle was witnessed by two nobles mentioned
by name, Don Alfonso Tellez and Don Gonzalo Eanes, Maestre de Cala, and
their followers. They were attacking a Moorish castle and had set fire
to it. On one of the towers they saw a Moorish woman with her child who
by her pose reminded them of the Virgin and Child. The sight filled them
with pity and inspired them to pray for the safety of the two. In answer
the flames respected them, while the tower fell gently to the ground,
allowing them alone of all those in the castle to escape unharmed. The
mother out of gratitude asked for baptism for herself and her child.

After examining these classes, which coincide more or less with similar
ones of the first group, there still remain a number of other miracles
which present entirely new elements. First we shall examine those in
which Saint Mary aids her devotees in acts of worship or in restraining
evil passions which prevent their undivided service.

A person sincerely trying to do his religious duty could always count
upon aid from heaven when his temptations were becoming too great for
him or when worldly cares caused him temporarily to neglect his regular
worship. A very devout woman (No. 246) used to pray every Saturday
evening at the shrine of Santa María de Mártires. Once she forgot, owing
to household duties, until very late. On her arrival, altho the church
doors were already closed they opened of their own accord, after she had
begun her devotions before the portal. She entered and deposited her
gift, and as she left the doors closed of themselves. Astonished, she
returned to the city where the closed gates of the wall opened without
the touch of a human hand. Just then a beautiful woman appeared and when
the peasant asked her who she was she acknowledged herself to be the
Virgin. The poor wretch tried to kiss her feet, but as she did so the
Holy One disappeared.

Again, we learn (No. 156) of a clerk who persisted in chanting Mass in
honor of the Virgin, thereby angering some heretics who cut out his
tongue. Some time later the good man entered the church of Santa María
de Cunnegro while the congregation were singing vespers. As he attempted
to join in the song a new tongue was given him.[47]

Of the numerous legends having as the dominant theme the inability of
the person concerned to restrain his animal passions the best developed
is the story of the clerk who was much given to women. One night while
in the room with one he suddenly saw thru the window the lights of a
church of the Virgin. Never having seen them there before he left to
investigate, but finding nothing returned. This time the woman herself
closed the window fast but almost immediately a strong gust of wind blew
it open, and again the church was seen. With this he recognized his
error, repented, and became a monk. A little later, when his former
conduct was criticized and he was brought to account for it before the
church council, the Virgin cleared him of all charges (No. 151).

It will be noted that often in the foregoing miracles, and often in
those that are to follow, the Virgin appears in dreams or visions, but
the feature of the vision has usually been only incidental. In all we
have only two examples (Nos. 261 and 288) of a true mystical vision
granted for the sake of the experience alone. One of these (No. 261)
recounts how a very devout woman was desirous of seeing a perfectly
virtuous man and woman. Communicating her desire to the priest, he told
her to return home and to remain alone in fasting and prayer. This she
did and after nine days she saw a bright light followed by those who
said they were saints. These in turn were followed by the Virgin and her
Son. Upon seeing them she had no further desire to live and prayed to be
taken with them, which request was granted. When the priest was told of
her death, and undertook to prepare her body for burial, he found it
giving off an odor more delicate and pleasing to the senses than the
perfumes of the Orient.

The usual purpose of the vision is to give commands, or to strengthen
the weakhearted or discouraged.[48] There are one or two accounts,
however, in which the vision itself is enlarged upon and the cure or
command or lesson, as the case may be, sinks into minor importance. The
scene is that of a deeply grieved mother sitting beside the bed of her
very religious son, a deaf mute, who was dying of a serious illness. His
mother saw him suddenly rise up in his bed and begin to talk to some
person unseen and unheard by her. It was the Blessed Mother who had
visited him in a vision and healed him (No. 269).

At other times the vision seems to be a kind of clairvoyance thru which
the recipient sees what is happening at a distant place at that very
moment. In relating one of his own experiences Alfonso declares (No.
345) that when D. Nuño de Lara abandoned Jérez, in spite of the fact
that reenforcements had been sent him, the Moors entered, destroyed the
chapel, and tried to burn the image of the Virgin but could not. At that
particular time both the king and the queen were taking their siesta at
Seville and each dreamed of the Virgin and her Child fleeing from the
burning chapel of Jérez. On awaking they learned of the disaster and
hastened to retake the city, after which the royal couple, together with
their children, restored the church.

Similar to this in so far as the character of the vision is concerned
tho in an entirely different setting is No 15 in which Emperor Julian
was the victim. In this particular case we are presented with two
versions of the legend--one in _Las Cantigas_, originally told
supposedly by an eye witness of the events as they happened at the tomb
of the saint, and the other in the _Primera Crónica General_. In brief
they are as follow:

     (Version according to _Las Cantigas_, No. 15)

     Emperor Julian had to pass thru Caesarea, where, angered by San
     Basilio, he promised to return and destroy the city after the
     conquest of Persia. After much prayer and fasting by the entire
     city San Basilio had a vision in which he saw the Virgin appear and
     order San Mercurio, whose tomb and armor were in that church, to
     avenge her and her son of the evil emperor. Upon awaking an excited
     fellow priest hastened to report that the arms of San Mercurio had
     disappeared. San Basilio then called together the people to tell
     them the news and together they went to examine the tomb. To their
     surprise the arms were again in their place red with blood. While
     they were still gazing, astonished, at the bloody weapons, Libano
     de Sur rushed in and confirmed the news of the emperor’s death.

     (Version in the _Primera Crónica General_, p. 201)

     Emperor Julian, on setting out to conquer Persia, promised to
     sacrifice to his gods if they would give him victory all the
     Christians, especially all the bishops, he should find. As he was
     returning victoriously from the East he was about to lose many of
     his host thru lack of water. Against the advice of his counselors
     he took as a guide one of the men of the country and,
     unaccompanied, went with him in search of water. Suddenly a strange
     knight appeared before the two, killed the emperor and instantly
     disappeared. As he expired the emperor took some of his blood in
     his hand and throwing it heavenward as tho throwing it in the face
     of someone cried out “Ya uenciste, Galileo, ya uenciste.” (He
     always referred to Jesus as Galileo). The compilers add that some
     histories say the emperor was killed by one of the enemy knights
     but in reality it was San Mercurio, for in the church where his
     body lay it was noticed that his shield and sword disappeared that
     very day and hour and that they were back in place the next day
     stained with blood. Because of this it was known that the strange
     knight was none other than San Mercurio who had killed the great
     enemy of the faith.

In this last version the vision motif is entirely lacking.

At other times the vision takes on a kind of symbolic or mystic feature,
its purpose being to strengthen the faith of the one concerned. One in
which the acts of Saint Mary astonish us is that experienced by some
nuns commissioned by a religious and devout king (probably Alfonso
himself altho he was too modest to say so) to pray for him. They saw the
Virgin calling for the king on Easter morning, saying she would grant
anything he asked if he would come. He entered the church and as he did
so the image kneeled before him and kissed his hand. He immediately fell
on his face in humility. She, thru her image, bade him rise for, she
said, “You have always honored me and my Son and when you die you will
come to us.” After witnessing such magnanimous acts the vision passed
and the nuns hastened to tell the king what they had seen. He was devout
before, but this greatly increased his devotion (No. 295).

The line between experiences having the mystical element usually
considered essential in visions proper, or in dream-visions, and those
experiences which some few persons undergo while in full control of all
their faculties is so fine as to be at times almost undistinguishable.
The following (No. 365) has, indeed, all the marks of a vision but on
the other hand the friar manifests none of those emotions usually
supposed to accompany such cases. This clerk, contaminated with the
Albigensien heresy, did not believe in the immortality of the soul and
therefore was about to flee from the convent to a life of pleasure, when
he saw the Virgin descend from heaven with a host of angels and return
with the soul of a poor, humble, but believing man. This convinced him
of his error and he passed the rest of his life in the convent full of
holy hope.

The rôle of a saint who admonishes and warns is quite common for the
Blessed Mother. She is indeed in many respects like a mother who
carefully watches over her children, ready to offer a word of comfort
here or one of criticism there. Just like a school boy who tires of his
task and is ready to flee before its completion was a friar of Burgos
who began a garment of prayers for the Virgin, but was persuaded by the
Devil to leave the monastic life with his task half finished. She,
however, appeared to him holding in her hand a dress far too short, and
told him to return and finish the work, adding that she wanted him, too,
for he was going to die within one year, but that she would come again
before the final day. 364 days later she did return and he died on the
day following (No. 274)[49].

Another picture, so very human and so child-like, is that of a doctor
who became a friar, but, not liking the poor food, complained
considerably. To cure him of this the Virgin appeared with a dish of
delicious food and, treating the whole community as so many children,
gave some to each one except the complaining clerk. He acknowledged and
accepted the lesson (No. 88).

Various methods besides that of the vision are employed to warn the
delinquent. These can be best illustrated by giving a brief résumé of
three miracles which need no comment.

A gambler, losing heavily (No. 154) curses God and the Virgin and in
defiance of their power picks up a bow and shoots an arrow into the
sky, shouting “D’aquesta uegada ou a Deus ou a sa Madre darei mui gran
saetada”. Having thus given vent to his feelings he returns to play. A
few moments later the arrow, wet with blood, falls on the table around
which they are seated. Thinking someone has been wounded, each hastily
examines himself. When each is found whole the true significance dawns
on them and they become terrified indeed. So great is the effect that
the blasphemer repents and enters an austere order--and, it is said,
gained heaven.

In No. 196 a gentile[50] priest who hated everything connected with
Christianity prepared a mold for an image which he expected would answer
all his questions. When it came out it had a form quite different from
what he had anticipated, so he asked his fellows what it was. They could
not help him. Finally some of his Christian acquaintances told him that
it was the form of the Virgin, and to prove their assertion took him to
the church where he could see for himself. This experience convinced him
of his error and he was converted.

The Bishop of Siena (No. 219) had several images made for the church,
all in white. Among them was one of the Devil and one of Santa María. As
this color did not make Satan look as vile as he really was the Virgin
turned the figure black. The prelate, hearing of the change, thought it
was some trick and ordered the image washed and scraped, but without
result. It was black thru and thru. He then recognized his sin and
prayed for forgiveness.

The hope of reward has ever been one of the strongest arguments offered
by any religion. The Mohammedans, the greatest rivals of the Christians
at that time, offered thru their faith attractive rewards in the next
life, as did Christianity also. But for the peasant and also for the man
of the middle class as well as occasionally even for the noble, the
future life was something afar off; reward in the present life was much
more attractive and it was this that the Virgin granted from time to
time to a chosen few. The first miracle recorded in the collection (No.
2) is the old and even then well-known legend of the mantle the Virgin
gave to San Ildefonso for his service and which at his death his
successor in office, Don Siagrio, dared to appropriate, dying as the
result of his sacrilege[51].

Usually the favor was in return for some special service. In No. 141 it
is an answer to the eternal desire to grow young and is bestowed upon a
certain very devout friar who always fell on his knees when he heard the
name of the Virgin. When very old the abbot assigned two monks to
accompany and care for him, but one day when left alone for a few
moments he fell and could not rise. He called on the Saint, who appeared
and led him by the hand before her altar, where she told him to kiss it
and become young. To his great surprise he found himself again a young
man of about twenty years.

No. 63 is especially interesting, not only because of its contents but
also of its similarity to the story found in the second part of _La
Primera Crónica General_ (p. 426). A knight, the constant companion of
the Count D. García in his campaigns against the Moors, was extremely
conscientious in his devotions and always stayed until Mass was entirely
over before leaving. One day, due to this, he was late in arriving on
the field of battle, tho no one had missed him. As he rode up the Count
met and embraced him and bade him have his wounds dressed,
congratulating him at the same time, saying that it had been his skill
and valor that had saved the day. Shamefacedly the knight glanced at his
armor and was surprised beyond words to see it full of holes and bloody.
He then realized that some divine messenger had taken his place; and all
rejoiced in the miracle.[52]

In another instance (No. 105) the reward is the gift of healing, tho
this time it is not, as is so often the case, by means of a mantle. The
Blessed Virgin appeared to a young girl early in life and told her if
she wished to gain heaven she must remain a virgin. The child promised,
but her parents married her against her will. She repelled her husband
for over a year until, beside himself, he wounded her with a knife.
About this time the people of the community began to fall ill with
leprosy. She too took the disease and, still suffering from her wound,
went to the altar of Santa María. While there, asleep from exhaustion,
she was visited in a dream by the Holy Mother who appeared in her dream,
cured her, and gave her the power of healing all lepers with her kiss.

There are also a few accounts of the faithful being taken to heaven when
life has become intolerable (Nos. 384, 56, etc.).

Just as Santa María, when answering prayer, is not limited in her power
to curing bodily ills but may also protect from harm, so in bestowing
rewards she does not confine her mercies to those who are suffering. In
fact she much more frequently protects them from such harm. Naturally,
miracles of this type, all in return for faithful service, cover a large
variety of cases such as: the congregation miraculously saved from harm
when a heavy beam fell during a sermon (No. 266), a pilgrim saved on
falling into the sea (No. 33), a wife saved from an angry husband
because she spent too much time at devotions (No. 314), a boy freed
after capture by the Moors (No. 359), a clerk who lost his position
because he could say only one Mass ordered reenstated (No. 32), and one
that reminds us of Coleridge’s “Ancient Mariner,” the story of a hermit
captured by pirates after they had sacked the surrounding country and
were ready to sail away. They started with him on board but each night
some mysterious power brought their ships back to where they had been
the day before. At last the admiral decided to release the hermit, Count
Abran of Germany, and in addition offered him great riches of which he
selected only one glass to keep as a reminder of the favor he had
received at divine hands (No. 95).

Quite often Saint Mary protects her own from unjust punishment. A
confidential adviser of a certain lord was falsely accused by his
enemies. Because of his devotion to Santa María she caused the truth to
be brought out at the trial so that he was freed while his maligner was
burned. She proves equal to the occasion when her followers are
submitted to the ordeal of trial by fire[53]. A married woman’s
mother-in-law accused her before her husband of unfaithfulness. The wife
and the Moor with whom she was accused and who had agreed to act as an
accomplice of the mother-in-law were taken to the public square to be
burned. The Moor perished immediately but the woman was unharmed, and
furthermore the Virgin was seen beside her in the fire (No. 186).

The motherly characteristic of Santa María again comes to the front in
No. 47 when she rewards a good priest who has always been punctual in
his duties but gives way once and, yielding to temptation, becomes
thoroly drunk. This she does by caring for him on his way home, when the
Devil in the form of a bull, a frightful black man, and a lion torments
him. She protects him even to the point of striking the lion with a
stick, then she tells him to go and sin no more.[54] At another time she
rewards a faithful servant by keeping his wife from harm while he is
away in the wars. During his absence a gallant courts her and sends her
a pair of shoes. She puts one on to try it and to her dismay is unable
to remove it. In fact no one could do so until her husband returned,
when he took it off with ease (No. 64).

Santa María is particular about vows that have been made to her and is
careful to see that they are conscientiously fulfilled. A woman (No.
117) promised never to work on Saturday, that day being dedicated to the
Mother of Christ. When she forgot her vow she was stricken with
paralysis. Another mother who forgot her vow made while praying that she
might have a child, was punished by having it die before reaching
maturity (No. 347).

The conception of “The Bride of Christ” on taking the vows of a nun
remains even to the present time. In the Middle Ages, when the cult of
the Virgin was at its zenith, the vow of celibacy on the part of men
seems to have had a similar appeal with respect to consecration to the
worship and love of the Virgin while she is constantly represented as
being extremely jealous of those who have thus dedicated themselves to
her. One young man made the vow either under the inspiration of the
moment or perhaps even partly in jest, but this did not make it any the
less binding. As he was about to begin to play ball he removed the ring
of his fiancée from his finger for fear of damaging it, and as he
happened to be standing near an image of the Virgin he slipped it on its
finger saying as he did so that he would never love another woman. To
his surprise and great fear the image bent its finger so the ring could
not be removed. His friends advised a monastic life but he did not heed
them, shortly afterwards forgetting all about the incident and preparing
to marry. But the Virgin appeared to him in two successive dreams and in
her anger so disturbed the youth that he wandered aimlessly for a month
and then entered a monastery (No. 42). She was a little more lenient at
times with young nuns who violated their promise. In fact nearly all
those miracles termed unmoral are cases where the Blessed Mother out of
pity shielded these same girls from what was considered their just
punishment.

As well as being jealous of those who have consecrated themselves to
her, the Virgin guards with the greatest care her shrines, her own
images and those of her Son, her feast days, and the special customs,
etc., that grew up around her individual sanctuaries. She protected her
church of Monsarás (Portugal) from an avalanche (No. 113), and the one
in Murcia from the political wiles of man by making it impossible to
remove as much as one nail (No. 169). Later she saved this same church
when even Alfonso X himself consented to its destruction, and still
later against the ravages of the Moors. During this period of constant
war she frequently had occasion to guard her images against the
Mohammedans (Nos. 99, 183, etc.), or against sacrilegious acts of
supposed Christians (Nos. 136, 293, etc.). This might be accomplished by
causing the images to remain intact amid general destruction of all
other objects (No. 99), or to pass thru a severe fire unharmed (No. 39).
The occupation of the offenders might be brought to a standstill (No.
183), the offender himself might be physically harmed (No. 293), or the
image might put up its arm to protect itself (No. 136). Santa María de
Ribila would allow nothing but olive oil to be burned before her shrine
(No. 304).

Neither will she tolerate the making and maltreatment of effigies of her
Son.[55] A heavenly voice at Mass warns the congregation, “The Jews who
are killing my Son do not desire to be at peace with Him”. The
Christians rush to the Jewish quarter and find the Jews engaged in
beating and spitting upon an effigy of Jesus which they are preparing to
crucify. All the Jews perish on the rack for the deed (No. 12). In No.
215 in a little town near Martos a Moor attempts to stab an image but
wounds himself instead; stones it but it remains unharmed; puts it in
the fire for two days but it is not affected; ties a stone around its
neck and then throws it in the river but it does not sink. The King of
Granada then sends it to the king of Castile, who is at Segovia; he
receives it with great joy and orders it put in his chapel.[56]

It is necessary to approach the church of the Virgin with due humility
and in a penitent state of mind. Wilful sinners can not force an entry
until they have duly and earnestly repented (Nos. 98, 217, etc.),
neither are Moors allowed to enter for unholy purposes, but are struck
blind and paralyzed, etc. (No. 229). Acts of violence committed in the
church are always fittingly punished with disease, paralysis, or death.
Sometimes such punishment is accompanied by significant acts by the
image of María, sometimes not. In No. 164, because of the affront
offered by the Infante D. Fernando in arresting a prior before the altar
on the charge of counterfeiting money, the image of the Virgin separated
itself from that of the Son and lost its color. After the repentance of
the Infante the form of the mother went back to that of the Son but
never regained its color.

No. 38 has the added element, by no means uncommon, of the Devil or of
demons acting as the agents of God in killing the offenders. This time
it was the Conde de Poitiers who with his men entered and desecrated the
sanctuary, one going so far as to maltreat the image of the Virgin with
the Child in her arms by striking it, thereby breaking one of the arms.
To his surprise and horror, blood flowed freely from the wound. Demons
killed the guilty person, and hearing of it the Count vindicated himself
by punishing all those implicated. So particular is the Virgin about the
sacredness of her shrines that some pilgrims at Santa María de Terena
after becoming engaged in a terrible fight among themselves during the
night, were awe-struck, on going out to collect the dead and wounded, to
find them all well and reconciled, altho their armor was battered and
broken. The Blessed Mother would not tolerate Christian blood shed by
Christians in front of her church (No. 198).

Those legends which have to do with the earthly life of the Mother of
Jesus are very rare, and when we do find them it almost startles us to
think she was ever considered as a person, human in all respects as they
were and living on this earth. We learn, however (No. 27), that in the
time of the apostles, the Christians had bought a synagogue intending to
convert it into a church. When the Jews hear of their intention they
reclaim it and carry the matter before Caesar. The Christians go to
Mary, who is then living at Mount Sion and ask her advice. She tells
them not to fear, for she will help them at the trial. When the day
arrives the case is called in the church building. As Peter takes his
place beside the altar an image of Mary appears on the altar cloth. This
is too much for the Jews, who refuse to carry the trial further.
Tradition has it that this was the first church dedicated to Santa
María. Some time later Emperor Julian ordered the Jews to take away the
image of the Virgin, but it frowned on them in such a manner that they
feared to touch it.[57]




CHAPTER IV

MIRACLES PERFORMED BY IMAGES


Since the image of the Virgin was intended to be a representation of the
Divine Mother, it often, especially in the mind of the peasant,
attracted to itself all her attributes. The result was that in a number
of cases it was the image and not the Virgin that performed the deed.
Often, also when the miracle was attributed to Santa María it was not
simply to the saint, Mary the mother of Jesus, who lived in the distant
past, far away in the Holy Land, nor to Mary, the most powerful of all
the saints in heaven, but it was to the very present, and very local
saint, Santa María de Salas, or Santa María del Puerto, as the case
might be. There is little doubt that in the mind of the common folk
there were as many different Saints Mary as there were shrines, and yet,
at the same time, these all had a definite connection with the Mother of
Christ in some mysterious way which the plain people did not trouble
themselves to explain. Just as the mystery of the Trinity did not
perturb them nearly as much as it did the Anglo-Saxons of the North, so
this particular problem caused them little concern.

As might be expected, most of the miracles attributed to the image of
the Virgin are of the same nature as those performed by the saint
herself. The image cures the diseased (No. 349), it bows over a man and
thanks him for a hymn of praise he has composed (No. 202), saves a
naughty child from punishment (No. 303), protects a man’s property from
threatened storm (No. 161), restores to health queen Beatriz, mother of
Alfonso el Sabio, when the doctors had pronounced her illness incurable
(No. 256), restrains a rich libertine knight of Catalonia from
committing an immoral act in its presence (No. 312), protects a city
from capture by the Moors even after the latter had learned from a
prisoner that there were but fifteen men remaining to defend it (No.
185), protects its altar from fire by removing a veil from its head and
spreading it over the fire, thereby instantly extinguishing the flames
(No. 332), and lastly even pours milk from its sacred breasts as a final
argument to convince and convert a Moor (No. 44). The story of No. 321
differs somewhat from this, reminding us of a similar cure attributed to
the Child Jesus while on the flight into Egypt.[58] A child was
suffering from a swelling in the neck and was pronounced incurable. A
friend advised that the patient be taken to the king, adding that all
Christian kings had the power of healing. This was done, but the king
told them to take it before the image of the Virgin, wash the image in
pure water, and then give the child this water to drink for as many days
as there are letters in the name _M-a-r-í-a_. On the fourth day the
child was healed. In two instances the power is extended a little
farther and in No. 123 a young friar on dying turned black and ugly. His
brethren took a candle from the altar and put it in his hand, which
caused his natural color to be restored. Later he returned and appearing
to the two friars told them that the reason he became black at death was
that he saw Devils, but that the light of the Virgin drove them promptly
away. In No. 209 Alfonso was very ill and when the doctors could not
give him relief he called for the unfinished manuscript[59] of _Las
Cantigas_ and by applying it to the affected part of his body he was
healed.

Because of the very high esteem in which the Virgin was held it is
common to find instances in which a person swears by her or by her name
or image, while she on her part is rightly conscientious in seeing that
such oaths are not taken lightly. One young shepherd developed the habit
of stealing and was finally caught, but cleared himself by swearing by
God _and the Virgin_ that he was innocent. A little later he was caught
again, and convicted. This time the Virgin allowed him to be hanged,
because he had sworn by her falsely (No. 392). Another man (No. 239)
perjured himself before her image by adjuring that he had never received
a certain article in trust. Even before leaving the church he was
overtaken by a severe illness which caused his death within three days.
So high and so sacred was this oath before the image of the Virgin held
to be, that in one instance a wife, being accused of unfaithfulness by
her jealous husband, offered to submit to the ordeal by fire to prove
her innocence, but her husband demanded instead that she swear before
the altar of Nuestra Señora. Then he added that she could further clear
herself by jumping from a high rock. She passed both tests safely and
her husband, penitent, begged forgiveness on his knees (No. 341). In
other cases the image of the Virgin _speaks_, as, for example, when
called upon to bear witness in a difference between a Jew and a
Christian over the payment of a debt (No. 25).

The very name of María was one to conjure with.[60] Two miracles (Nos.
194 and 254) are attributed to the power of the mere sound of the name;
and once (No. 195) a girl is saved because her name is María. In No. 194
a villainous host sends in pursuit of his departing guests some thugs to
rob them, but the bandits, on hearing their intended victims call on the
name of Santa María for help, become powerless and speechless. In No.
254, the image of the Virgin saves some monks who, while recuperating on
the banks of a river from the rigors of convent life, transgress the
bounds of what is proper for men of their order. Seeing some devils in
the form of men, coming down the river in a boat, the monks, terrified,
call on the Virgin for aid. “She alone has saved you,” shout the devils
as they continue on their way. A girl (No. 195) who had been sold by her
father to a knight on his way to a tournament was saved from harm when
she told him her name was Mary and that that particular day was one
especially consecrated to the Saint’s worship. On learning that, the
knight sent her for safekeeping to an abbey, while he continued on his
journey. At the tournament he was killed and buried in the open
prairie.[61] The Virgin appeared to the girl and told her of his fate
demanding that she and the abbess go and give the man a worthy burial,
telling them they would be able easily to identify the body, for it
would have a rose in its mouth.

       *       *       *       *       *

There now remains a group of fifteen poems that do not seem to have any
particular purpose other than to produce an atmosphere of mystery; but
this very sentiment of the mystical played an important part in the
religious worship of the time. The very architecture of the churches
tended to produce it, the processions, the ritual, all inspired the same
feeling. Herewith are summarized only four poems of this group, which
will give a sufficient idea of the emotions aroused by them.

A young girl, a religious fanatic, died very early in life as the
result of self-imposed hardships. Her parents, suspecting poison,
ordered an autopsy, and on the heart of the dead girl was found an image
of the Virgin (No. 188). In No. 361, Alfonso is said to have given a
beautiful image of the Virgin to the monastery of Las Huelgas de Burgos.
On Christmas night the strange idea of putting the image to bed occurred
to the pious nuns. Almost immediately they saw it change color and turn
from side to side. No. 79, of the codex of Toledo (a poem which does not
appear in the codex of the Escorial), relates an incident that took
place weekly in the church at Constantinople. In this church was a
beautiful image of the Holy Mother, covered with a veil. Every Friday an
angel descended from heaven to lift the veil, which remained suspended
in the air until Saturday evening, (the day on which the faithful came
to worship), when the angel would return and lower the veil again.
Cantiga No. 226 narrates a legend entirely foreign to Spanish thought
and one which must have caused some surprise in its unwonted
environment. The incident is said to have happened in “Gran Britaña”.
The account runs briefly as follows: A company of friars were in their
convent saying Mass on Easter morning, when the entire monastery was
swallowed up by the earth--the ground closing above it and leaving no
trace whatever. For just a year the monks continued in this enforced
seclusion, without lack of anything needful; they were even lighted by a
marvellous sun. On the next Easter morning all was restored to its
former natural state. It can be seen at a glance that this legend is
entirely different from anything that has been mentioned in this
collection; and I have found no parallel to it in anything else of the
period.

In closing this chapter attention should be called to two miracles which
emphasize the great importance attached to confession.[62] No. 124 is
the story of a man condemned to be stoned because he had broken a law of
the Moors in whose land he was living. While undergoing this punishment,
he begged permission of the Virgin to make his confession; from that
moment his executioners could not harm him. Astonished that their
missiles suddenly ceased to have any effect they allowed him to confess,
after which he died praising the Blessed Mother. In No. 96 a sinner was
unwilling to do penance, altho devoted to Santa María. He was beheaded
by robbers, without opportunity for confession. Four days later two
friars, on arriving at the spot, were surprised to hear the head plead
for the privilege of confession. They summoned a crowd; the head
attached itself to the body, confessed, and then became separated again
from the body.[63]




CHAPTER V

“THE DEVIL AND ALL HIS WORKS”


His Satanic Majesty is and always has been one of the most interesting
of personages. The tracing of his development from the beginning of
religion in the dim mythical past to his latest rôle as the prince of
evil spirits and “controls” as depicted by Sir Conan Doyle, Sir Oliver
Lodge, and others of similar faith, is fascinating work. Satan as we
find him in the period with which we are concerned is far from being a
dull and lifeless character. He is referred to as one who had been as
holy and perfect as any, but who, because of his sin and treason, became
the lowest of all.[64] As such, having become the arch-enemy of God, it
is his aim to drag down to Hell as many as possible. At the same time,
the nearer he comes to localities especially dedicated to his Enemy,
God, the more difficult it is for him to exercise his powers. In _Las
Siete Partidas_ it is stated as a fact that the Devil cannot harm the
souls of those interred in holy ground as easily as of those buried
elsewhere.[65] He is subject to conjuring[66] and can never face the
Virgin. In fact, the mere sound of her name is often sufficient to drive
him away (No. 254). To our surprise he takes on one hellish attribute
which we do not customarily connect with Spain of this period, but
rather with the Orient. This is illustrated in _Las Cantigas_ No. 82,
where it is related that a monk on his bed saw some devils in the form
of swine approach, but they dared not touch him because of his holiness.
Shortly afterwards a black man appeared who said he was going to destroy
the monk, whereupon the latter, in desperation, appealed to the Virgin.
As she hastened to him the devils disappeared _in a cloud of smoke_.

Demoniac possession is quite common and has only the well-known New
Testament characteristics. The incidents as recorded could easily have
taken place in the time of Jesus in the Holy Land. But the humorous
element manifests itself at rare intervals even here, as we see in No.
343 of _Las Cantigas_ where we find that a girl, possessed, is able, on
seeing a person, to tell what his secret sin is and has a mania for
divulging this in public. Needless to say, she is soon shunned by all.
Even the priest to whom she was first taken was mocked by her, the holy
water did not protect him, and he was not able to face her. However she
was finally cured before the altar at Rocamador.

The compilers of the _Primera Crónica General_[67] saw nothing in the
visions of Mohammed but demoniac possession.

Not infrequently Satan resorts to taking on other forms than his own to
attain his ends. One story (well known long before Alfonso’s time) which
found its way into _Las Cantigas_ is that the Devil, taking on the form
of an apostle, ordered a pilgrim to so mutilate himself, as penance for
his sin, that he died, after which Satan prepared to carry away his soul
but was prevented by Santiago (St. James) who rescued it.[68] At another
time, when he wished to take vengeance on a philanthropic Christian who
had established a hospital, he entered the corpse of a handsome young
man, becoming the good man’s servant, hoping thus to have an opportunity
to assassinate him, but was prevented from doing so because his master
prayed every day. At last, the bishop made a visit to the hospital and
the Devil, fearing to appear before him, pleaded illness. The kind
prelate, solicitous for his welfare, requests to be allowed to see him.
Immediately upon coming into his presence he notes his actions and,
suspecting something, conjures him in the name of God. The Devil
confesses and flees leaving the dead body of the young man at the feet
of the bishop and philanthropist (No. 67). While thus taking on other
forms he is at times distinctly mischievous, and we can see almost the
sparkle of his eyes when, finding that the Virgin has made a certain
innocent man invisible in order that he may escape his foes who accuse
him falsely, Satan himself takes the form of this man and plays
practical jokes with his pursuers (No. 213).

The familiar “Devil Pact” is to be found in its simplicity when a Jew
sells his soul to the Devil, and later on repenting and praying most
earnestly to the Virgin, finds that she hears his prayer and impels the
Devil to return the contract.[69]

This simple, and even then conventional, plot does not seem to have
satisfied the demands of the time, since we find it occasionally
introduced with variations. One man (in No. 281) to gain his lost wealth
promises the Devil he will deny God and the Church, but refuses to deny
a certain one of the saints, and that is the Virgin. Diabolus hesitates,
but remarks

      “ ... Pois negaste
    Deus, non mi á ren que fazer
    de esa Madre non negares.”

Time passes and he prospers, until one day he is called upon to attend
the king on a public function during which, accidentally, the monarch
enters a church. The knight refuses to accompany him, saying it is
forbidden him to do so. With that the image of the Virgin beckons to
him, and upon being thus reassured he enters and confesses all. This act
has such an effect on the king that he adds a fortune to the visible
protection of Santa María (No. 281). Another illustration is that of the
man who barters his wife to the Devil, but the Blessed Mother does not
allow the bargain to be carried out.[70]

Aside from the above-mentioned traits, that are to be found almost
wherever the Devil himself is present, we notice a few others that are
rare.

There is the threat of bottling the imps later mentioned on page 116.

The _Primera Crónica General_ contains a legend in which the devils
appear almost like human beings holding a general conference. Antidio,
archbishop of Vesentine, on crossing the bridge of the river of Duero,
sees a group of devils in the field. Apparently without fear, the
archbishop approaches to see what it is all about. As he draws near his
attention is attracted by the report of one of the imps to the effect
that after seven years he has been successful in making the Pope sin.
The clergyman immediately demands as proof that the devil take him to
the Vatican on his back that he may verify the statement. This is done
and the report found to be correct. After making the Pope do penance,
the archbishop, by conjuring in the name of God and Santa Cruz, now
requires the diminutive devil, whom he has kept waiting all this time,
to carry him back to his diocese.[71]

Very often the Devil appears as a servant of God--as a sort of scavenger
whose business it is to do the disagreeable work. The Vandal king,
Gunderico, after sacking Seville, attempts to enter the church by force
to plunder it also. As he approaches the door he is met by the Devil and
is killed for his sacrilege.[72] In _Las Cantigas_ No. 34 the Devil
kills a Jew for robbing an image of the Virgin, while in No. 192 he so
torments an imprisoned Moor for two nights in succession that the Moor
is glad to become a Christian.[73]

Hell, the abode of the Devil, is miserably slighted by the pen of
Alfonso el Sabio. Numerous references are made to “el fuego dell
inferno”; a little more graphic is

      “D’ esto direy un miragre
    que fezo a Uírgen santa,
    Madre de Deus grorïosa,
    que nos faz mercée tanta,
    que nos dá saud’ e siso
    et äo demo quebranta
    _que nos quer äo inferno_
    _leuar, en que nos afume_.” (No. 338.)

But no attempts are made to describe the familiar place.[74]

Altho there can be no doubt that enchantment was known and practiced, as
evidenced by the laws against it,[75] it is strange that there is but
one instance of it in the _Primera Crónica General_, and that, the
story of Simon Magus, the enchanter, is in the narration of the history
of events in the time of Christ. In _Las Cantigas_, where we would
naturally look to find records of this nature, there are only such cases
as the threat of the clerk to bottle the devils (No. 125), occasional
accusations of the practice of enchantment (No. 8), or a reference to
the fact that medicine, enchantment, and prayers were all of no avail in
the attempt to cure a case of rabies until at last Santa María de Terena
was approached (No. 319). The motif furnished by this practice was not
developed, nor did it become popular in literature, until the Books of
Chivalry.[76]




CHAPTER VI

DIVINATIONS--OMENS--AUGURIES


The love of the mysterious found its greatest development in Spain in
the study of divination, in omens and in auguries. In the practice of
this art Spain excelled all other countries of Europe in the Middle
Ages. Gaston Paris makes the following significant statement in speaking
of the episode of the journey of the seven sons of Lara going to visit
their uncle Ruy Velázquez, the quarrel and reconciliation:

     “Tout cet épisode est fort beau et d’un caractère bien original; il
     n’y a rien de pareil dans notre épopée; on sait au contraire le
     grand rôle que jouait, dans le haut moyen âge espagnol, et surtout
     dans la vie des aventuriers qui faisaient la force et la terreur de
     la Castille, l’ inspection du vol des oiseaux; le Cid lui-même
     “vivait à augure.”[77]

The Spanish at this time, in spite of the intermixtures of other races,
were essentially a Roman people and this was one of the characteristics
of the old Roman civilization that had not been materially changed by
time or religion. It is true that such practices in all cases except by
means of astrology, were forbidden by law,[78] but the fact that the law
was so full and explicit implies that divination and the study of omens
and auguries not only existed but must have been quite common. Such
customs are usually mentioned merely in passing, as in the miracle of
the Host mentioned on page 118 or in such statements as the one to the
effect that king Herod died according to the prognostications of a Greek
augur,[79] or the simple statement that a certain person foretold that
certain events would come to pass without giving any clue as to how this
information was received[80]. Another indication that divining was quite
common is that when Tiberius expelled from Rome all who practiced black
magic the chronicler considered the event of such minor importance that
he gives it only two lines:

      “ ... Echo de la
    cibdat de Roma todos los adeuinos et los encantadores;”[81]

Under the law in _Las Siete Partidas_ treating of actions for which a
person might be legally dishonored, is the following entry:

        “_Como maguer el astrologo diga alguna cosa de otro por
             razón de su arte, non le puede ser desmandado
                            por deshonra._

Pierden los homes á las vegadas algunas de sus cosas, et van á los
astrólogos a rogar que caten por su arte quales son aquellos que las
tienen, et los astrólogos usando de su sabiduria dicen ó señalan á
algunos que las han: et en tal caso como este decimos que los que asi
señalaren non pueden demandar que les fagan emienda desto asi como en
manera de deshonra: et esto es porque lo que ellos dicen, fácenlo segunt
su arte, et non con entención de los deshonrar. Pero como quier que non
puedan demandar emienda dello como en manera de deshonra, con todo eso
si el adevino fuese baratador que faga muestra de saber lo que non sabe,
bien lo pueden acusar que reciba la pena que mandan las leyes del título
de los adevinos et de los encantadores.”[82]

Very closely associated with the foregoing accounts, altho differing
somewhat in nature, are a large number of legends mentioning wonderful
signs that appear in the heavens or on the earth at certain significant
moments in the life of an individual or nation. These differ from omens
and auguries because they are out-of-the-ordinary happenings, while with
auguries and omens proper there is nothing whatever unusual in the event
itself and all depends upon the interpretation. The wonderful signs
usually require interpretation, but the person seeing them, even the
uninitiated, knows immediately that they _have_ a meaning. When Octavius
Caesar ascended the throne there appeared a rainbow around a clear sun,
and again, three suns appeared that merged into one, signifying first,
that the Roman Empire, divided into three at the death of Caesar, would
become one, and second, that Christ would show the world the mystery of
the Trinity[83]. More portentous still were the phenomena which appeared
during the consulship of Sextus Julius Caesar and Lucius Marcus, when
many signs, fire and noises occurred in the sky, blood flowed from bread
as if it were meat when it was cut, real stones and earth were hailed
upon the land, the earth opened and flames shot to the sky, a mountain
of the color of gold descended from heaven and ascended again until it
covered the sun, tame animals became wild, etc.[84] Then, as we leave
Roman history and come on down to the 7th century, a sign in the form of
a sword appeared in the sky and remained for 30 days, which “demostraua
el sennorio que los moros auien de auer.”[85]

While usually quite distinct, the line between these marvelous signs,
and omens and auguries proper, may at times become almost
imperceptible; as, for instance, when queen Dido arrived in Africa she
immediately prepared to build a city, and as the workmen set about
digging the foundation for the walls they found the skull of a cow. This
was taken to the augurs and they declared it signified that any city
built there would always be one of toil and always under the power of
others. They moved to another place and again began to dig, this time
finding the skull of a horse, which, said the augurs, signified that a
city built in that place would always be one of pride and of
warriors.[86]

Incidents of this kind might conveniently be placed in either class,
because, altho the event itself does not startle one, it does not take a
soothsayer to tell a person of an imaginative turn of mind that a skull
found under such circumstances probably has a significance.

The foregoing have been but signs which _indicated_ the future, and no
matter how striking the _form_ an interpretation was necessary. But
there are a few cases recorded where a person is apparently given to see
into the future and somehow is permitted to know what is going to occur,
without any medium whatsoever, and furthermore is impelled to speak out
what he knows. We find that a Roman senator and his wife enter the
temple of Jupiter and as they do so a priest who has all the symptoms of
demoniac possession, cries out, “Aquest mugier trae en el uientre cosa
que destruya de rayz aqueste grand templo et menuzara todos los dios que
en el estan.”[87] The event foretold did come to pass when the child
referred to became a friend of the emperor and thereby succeeded in
having the temple destroyed. Then is added the significant statement
that this happened just 1000 years after Rome was founded.

The agent used to convey the message is usually a person, but it may be
an animal. An ox tells his master of the future;[88] or even an idol in
a heathen temple imparts the knowledge that the temple will stand only
“fasta que parriesse uirgen”[89].--The temple fell when Christ was
born.




CHAPTER VII

VISIONS


The two terms _dream_ and _vision_ seem to have been only vaguely
differentiated in the period we are studying, just as even at the
present time they are often used almost synonymously. In _las Cantigas_
we find:

    “ ... et log’ o meninno
    se fillou ben a _dormir_
    et uiú en _uijon á Madre_” (No. 53),

and

    “et _dormindo_, uiù en _uijon_
    Santa María con grand’az” (No. 68),

but in No. 336 the person certainly was not asleep, for:

    “El aquest assí fazendo
    e con o demo luitando,
    _non estand’ en un estado,_
    _mais caend’e leuantando_,
    uiú en _uijon_ a Reynna
    dos cëos, et él chorando
    lle disse....”

A similar confusion of the two words is characteristic of the other
works of Alfonso X.

Because they are thus synonymously employed it has not seemed desirable
to treat the two separately. Also it must be remembered that in many
instances, especially in _Las Cantigas_, some simple statement is made
such as “The Virgin appeared to him,” with no indication whether it was
in a dream or a vision, or whether, in the form of an ordinary human
being she appeared to the person concerned while he was in full
possession of his faculties. It is to be regretted that there is no
definition of either “dream” or “vision” in _Las Siete Partidas_. The
only reference to dreams is one to the effect that in themselves they
are not sufficient authority for the establishment of a church or an
altar[90].

Visions and significant dreams[91] may conveniently be divided into
three classes: (a) those which deal with what is to us the unknown fate
of persons in whom we are interested; (b) those concerned with
contemporary events at which we ourselves are not present; and (c) those
associated with the future.

In the literature of Alfonso X, those pertaining to the first group deal
exclusively with the fate of the soul in the other world. For instance,
shortly after the death of king Dagobert of France a holy man had a
vision in which he saw the devils contending for and almost successfully
carrying off to Hell the soul of the deceased king[92]. Many good men
desired this consummation, but Saint Denis, bishop of Paris, pleaded to
God for Dagobert’s soul and the bishop’s prayer was granted.[93]

In reading other passages we can almost imagine ourselves in the
presence of a clairvoyant medium. Alfonso X dreams of the destruction of
the church of Jerez (No. 343), and in a similar manner the Emperor
Justinian has a vision of the evil that Gilemer the Vandal is doing in
Africa[94]: while the Emperor Heraclius dreams of the misfortunes of his
troops in Africa.[95] All of these visions are contemporary with the
events involved.

By far the greater part of the visions and dreams have to do with the
future of the individual to whom they are manifested; and of these
visions by far the greater number are symbolic. Occasionally the
messenger appears and gives a direct command, as San Fernando when he
appeared to Maestro Jorge and bade him take a fine ring from the finger
of a statue recently erected to the saint’s memory by his son Alfonso X,
and put it on the finger of the image of the Virgin[96]; or as when the
saints appeared to Taion who had gone on a seemingly hopeless task to
Rome to find the famous book _Moralia in Job_ and told him where it was
to be found, even mentioning the exact position in the chest;[97] or
again, as when Aeneas, upon his landing on the shores of Africa, dreamed
of his future meeting and love affair with Dido[98]. But it is the
symbolic vision that was the most popular.

Usually this type of vision is quite simple in its elements, as when Our
Lord appeared to Emperor Marcian and showed him the broken bow of
Attila. The emperor was at a loss to understand the real import of this,
but interpreted it as a favorable omen. Later he discovered that on the
very night of the vision Attila had married, and had died as a result of
the debauch that had accompanied the wedding.[99] This is an example of
the usual type, but at times such a vision is considerably elaborated,
involving much symbolism and mysticism. One of the best introduces the
Emperor Constantine. It is given here in the writer’s words:

     “Et (el emperador) morando y en una cibdat que auie nombre
     Bizancio, auinol assi una noche, que el yaziendo durmiendo en su
     lecho, uinol en uision quel parauan delante una muger uegezuela muy
     fea et much enatia et muerta; et diziel sant Siluestre:
     “Costantino, faz oracion et ressuscitara esta muger”. Et el oraua
     luego, et ressuscitaua la muger, et tornauasse sana et muy fermosa;
     et pagauasse Constantino della de buen amor et casto, et cubriela
     de su manto, et poniel su corona en la cabeça, et todo quanto bien
     ell auie. E Elina su madre diziel: “Fijo, tuya sera aquesta, et
     numqua morra fasta la fin del mundo.”

On awaking, the Emperor fails to recognize the meaning of the dream,
until after seven days of fasting on his part, the Pope Sylvester.

     “apareciol otra uez et dizol: “la uieia que tu uiste es Bizancio,
     esta cipdat en que estas, que uees que a ya los muros todos caydos
     de uegedat. Et por ende sube en el cauallo en que andeste en Roma
     en las aluas el dia que fuste bateado, quando andeste por todas las
     yglesias de los apostoles et de los martires pintandolas et
     afeytandolas con oro et con plata et con piedras preciosas; et
     leuaras en tu mano la tu senna que a nombre _labaro_, et soltaras
     las riendas al cauallo, et iras por o quier que te ell angel guiar,
     et leuaras por tierra rastrando la punta del labaro, de guisa que
     fagas sennal que parezca. Et por o aquella sennal fuere, mandaras
     fazer muros muy altos et muy fuertes; et esta cibdat que es uieia,
     tornar la as nueua, et poner las nombre del tuyo, et sera en ella
     muy loado el nombre del Nuestro Sennor Ihesu Cristo, et aura y
     muchas yglesias a onra de todos los santos, et regnaran en ella tus
     fijos et tus nietos et todos los que de ti uinieren”.[100]

There is also quite a long account of the visions beheld by Mohammed
while he was at Jerusalem, from which city he was permitted to ascend
thru the seven heavens. The compilers preface the history of this
arch-enemy of the Christian faith with the statement that Mohammed
suffered from epilepsy, because of which he saw visions that he thought
were of God but in reality they were of the Devil.[101] The account ends
also with a reminder to the same effect[102].




CHAPTER VIII

VARIOUS MANIFESTATIONS


We now come to a group of miscellaneous elements which, altho some of
them were doubtless quite common in the daily life of the people, have
for one reason or another received comparatively slight attention at the
hands of Alfonso. Some of these, as conjuring for instance, are usually
now considered as a part of black magic, but it will be noted in the
following paragraphs that it was freely practiced by the Church and in
fact formed a part of the most sacred religious rites. In the discussion
that follows, these various subjects are taken up in alphabetical order.


I.--CONJURING

Conjuring, says Alfonso in effect, is the art of using potent words in
the right manner. Then he illustrates the point with naïve
quaintness--as he does so often: “These words, just like a carpenter’s
tool, may serve for many different purposes, but it is necessary, if
they are to have the effect desired, that they be said by a person who
knows how. The fact that they do have effect is seen from the results of
everyday life.”[103] The fourth rank of the clergy was held by the
Exorcist, and this title

     “quier tanto decir en griego como conjurador, ca estos han poder a
     conjurar en el nombre de Dios á los demonios que salgan de los
     homes et que non tornen á ellos jamas: et por ende deben saber
     estas conjuraciones de cuer porque las sepan decir quando menester
     fuere: et esta órden fizo primeramente el rey Soloman.”[104]

How much this short passage taken from a law book tells us of the
current beliefs, and of the place held by conjuring! Note, however, that
conjuring was limited, according to law, to dispossessing the Devil.
This practice, like baptism, was in the hands of the clergy and could
only be resorted to by the layman in cases of dire necessity.
Enchantment and wizardry were strictly forbidden, and for the practice
of such criminality a father was given the right to disinherit his
son[105]. In thus combatting the Devil the sacred oil, or _crisma_, was
one of the most powerful instruments. In setting forth its power and
significance, the law reads:

     “et por ende la crisma es asi como posadero de Ieso Cristo, que
     toma aquella posada para él, poniendo hi la su señal de la cruz et
     la entrega de quanto hi falla, echando de hi al diablo et todo lo
     que hi tiene.”[106]

The method by which the oil was to be prepared is expounded as follows:

     “ ... halo él (obispo) de tomar, et exôrcizarlo et bendecirlo desta
     guisa, deciendo que conjura á Satanás, et á todos sus malos
     espíritus, et a toda manera de fantasma en el nombre del Padre, et
     del Fijo et del Espíritu santo que si está en aquel olio que se
     parta dél ... etc.”

After having been thus carefully prepared,

     “Grande es la virtud que ha en este olio ... Esta virtud es en tres
     maneras: La primera en la natura del olio, la segunda en las
     palabras que se dicen sobre él, la tercera en las obras que se
     facen con él.”[107]

Not only the _crisma_, but certain words (among them the following)
possessed special virtue: “Avemaría”, because from the contents of that
prayer one comes to understand the mystery of Jesus, moreover it
contains the words of salutation used by the angel to María and these
words still greatly please her; “Paternoster”, because it reveals the
Father and contains the seven petitions which Jesus taught His
disciples; and “Credo in Deum”, because it reveals the Holy Spirit and
contains all the faith and science of Christianity.[108]

From these and similar regulations pertaining to the various sacraments,
especially baptism, perhaps we might not err seriously in supposing that
the practitioners of black magic received not a little of their
inspiration from the Church itself, altho much against the will of the
latter. With such a number of laws, regulations, etc., it might at
first seem a little surprising to find so few legends in which conjuring
plays an important part, but probably this can be accounted for by the
fact that it was so common a practice that it was scarcely esteemed
worthy of mention. The most interesting story for our present
purpose--and one which is illustrative of the group in general--is that
of the great debate conducted in Rome in the year 320 between the
Christians and the Jews. The latter, to prove the superiority of their
God, whispered His name in the ear of an angry bull, which promptly fell
dead. The Christians went even further; they whispered the name of their
God in the ear of the _dead_ animal, which immediately returned to life
and, quite gentle and meek, was led from the assembly.[109]

In _Las Cantigas_ conjuring is mentioned only in passing references, and
almost always it is the Devil who is conjured to leave a person (No.
67). But in one instance we have the well known story of a man, this
time a monk, who has at his command the services of the Devil and when
Satan cannot procure for him what he desires, because the person
concerned is under the special protection of Santa María, the monk
threatens him and his host of imps in these words:

                    “Ide fazer
    Com’ eu a donzela aia
    log’ esta noit’ en meu poder;
    se non, _eu hüa redoma_
    todos uos ensserraría.” (No. 125.)


II.--GHOSTS

There is not a genuine clean-cut ghost in the entire period. In fact,
such apparitions as we know them seem never to have flourished very
vigorously in Spain. There are _fantasmas_, and _sombras_, etc., in
abundance in a later period, but the ghost that appeals to present day
observers was entirely lacking. In the time of Alfonso X, the function
of the ghost, which is usually that of issuing warnings from the other
world, was generally exercised by the saints or angels. In one case, it
is true, a friar returns after his decease to explain to his two
brethren why his corpse turned black at death and was restored to its
natural color when a candle from the altar of the Virgin was placed in
its hand (No. 123). But this is a very poor example; there is no element
of fear recorded. The shade does not pass thru closed doors, weapons do
not pierce its body without effect, etc. Emperor Julian has a rather
ghostly experience when he is killed by the phantom knight,[110] but
this is in reality a returned saint and not a ghost, and besides he
kills with a weapon--a most unorthodox piece of behavior for a ghost.

There is only one good ghost story in the entire lot, and this claims to
be no more than a narrative from Roman history, apparently told solely
because it is in the old records. Emperor Caius Caligula was
assassinated and his enemies half burned his body, then in haste
partially buried it. Because of this his spirit could not rest in peace
but tormented the keepers of the garden where the body lay, and the
guardians of the place where he had been killed, until the cremation was
properly performed and the ashes suitably buried. This has indeed the
necessary elements of a ghost story, but as indicated above, it seems to
have found its way into the literature purely by chance and makes no
literary impression on the period.[111]


III.--THE HOST

The sacrament of communion was intended especially to remove the
tendency to do evil rather than good. This sacrament being the most
frequently observed of all and in many ways closely associated with
Extreme Unction which may be described as the most potent, there grew up
around the Host a number of legends. The Host, on account of its extreme
sacredness, became one of the favorite points of attack for the
practitioners of black magic, who seemed to have considered it as a most
powerful charm. Four of the miracles[112] in _Las Cantigas_ were
performed to protect it from such an unholy use, altho in only one of
these, which is briefly as follows, does the black magician appear in
person:[113] a countryman wished to secure a large yield of honey with
little effort, so he consulted a _sorteira_, who told him that next
time he went to communion he should not swallow the Host nor touch it
with his teeth but should take it and put it in one of the hives. Having
done so, he found later upon opening the hive, an image of the Virgin
and Child. Frightened, he hastened to the priest, who ordered the marvel
taken in procession to the church. There, when it was blessed, it turned
back again into the simple Host.

The Host is again transformed in No. 149. Here it is a devout priest who
cannot bring himself to believe in transubstantiation. One day at Mass
the Host disappeared and the priest saw before him the Virgin and Child.
He asked the Virgin if she had the Host. “Yes, it is here,” she said
showing him her Son. With that, upon explaining why it took the form of
bread and wine, she disappeared. As she vanished the priest again saw
the bread and wine as it was previously, but he no longer doubted.

Aside from this type of story, illustrating the sacredness and
inviolability of the Host, there are a number of cures of various kinds
purporting to have been wrought in persons waiting before the altar at
the time of Mass.[114] The hours themselves at which Mass was celebrated
were symbolic. These were ordinarily the third hour, the hour in which
the Jews demanded the death of Jesus and in which He was scourged; the
sixth hour, that of the crucifixion and the ascension; or the ninth
hour. In cases of conflict with an hour of regular occupation, or other
reason of necessity, private Mass might be said earlier or later up to
the ninth hour.[115] At Christmas a clergyman might recite three Masses
(usually he was allowed to recite only one a day), and they were to be
at the following hours: (1) at cock-crowing before dawn, signifying the
time when the people were still in darkness, (2) at dawn, signifying the
semi-light of the prophets, and (3) at the third hour, representing the
full light of the present dispensation.[116]

The ceremony of the Mass was one which the Devil could not venture to
look upon. In order to test whether a questionable peculiarity was of
the devil, the person affected by it was sometimes taken to Mass, as in
the case of a young girl who had been placed in a convent and
consecrated to the Church, but who developed a mania for fondling the
Child of the Virgin Mary, without opposition on the part of the Holy
Mother. At last the community discovered the situation, and, duly
shocked, appealed to the Pope. He did not know what to say, so he
decided to test the case at Mass. During the ceremony, at the girl’s
request, he had the image of the Virgin’s Child placed in the girl’s
arms. Upon receiving it she exclaimed, “This is my child and I want to
go with him.” Saying which, she took the Host and expired, going to be
with Him in paradise (No. 251).[117]


IV.--MYSTIC NUMBERS

The Spanish--as before intimated--are a highly imaginative race and
incline to look for a mystical meaning or a symbol in everything. It was
probably due to this that the Catholic faith, with its elaborate
ceremonial, crowded with symbolism, was so fervently embraced by the
nation as a whole. For them every event was fraught with an hidden
meaning. The enigma of the future, for example, had been written by the
mysterious finger of God in the stars. There was a special mystery,
again, shrouding certain numbers, particularly three, seven, and nine.
Since there were three clases of sins, venial, criminal, and mortal, the
priest, in the ceremony of baptism, was to breathe three times in the
face of the candidate, conjuring the Devil to leave the body; three
times was he to conjure salt and put it in the mouth of the person; and
three times must he immerse the infant who was the recipient of the
rite. Again there were nine orders of angels, nine also of the
clergy--nine being the square of three.[118] But the greatest and most
significant of all numbers was seven. There were seven things needed
before a church was complete (_Partidas_, 1-10-14); seven privileges of
the prelates over the clergy (1-5-65); seven punishments for crime
(7-31-4); seven virtues a king should possess (2-5-7 and 8). Each
official must swear to seven things; there are twice seven, or
fourteen, joints in the hand, and therefore twice seven articles of
faith, as the articles of faith have the same function in the divine
hand as the joints in the human (1-3-3). There are seven notes in the
musical scale.[119] But to give a just idea of the true significance of
this number I can do no better than to quote from the Prólogo of _Las
Siete Partidas_, pages six and seven.

     POR QUALES RAZONES ESTE LIBRO ES DEPARTIDO EN SIETE PARTES

     Septenario es un cuento muy noble que loaron mucho los sabios
     antiguos, porque se fallan en él muy muchas cosas et muy señaladas
     que se departen por cuento de siete, asi como todas las criaturas
     que son departidas en siete maneras. Ca segunt dixo Aristotiles et
     los otros sabios, ó es criatura que non ha cuerpo ninguno, mas es
     espiritual como angel et alma; ó es cuerpo simple que non se
     engendra nin se corrompe por natura, et es celestial, asi como los
     cielos et las estrellas; ó ha cuerpo simple que se corrompe et se
     engendra por natura, como los elementos; ó ha cuerpo compuesto et
     alma de crecer, et de sentir et de razonar como home; ó ha cuerpo
     compuesto et alma de crecer et de sentir et non de razonar, asi
     como las otras animalias que no son homes; ó ha cuerpo compuesto de
     crecer, mas non de sentimiento nin de razon, asi como los árboles
     et todas las otras plantas; ó ha cuerpo compuesto et non alma nin
     sentimiento, asi como los metales, et las piedras et las cosas
     minerales que se crian en la tierra. Otrosi todas las cosas
     naturales ban movimiento que se departe en siete maneras; ca o es
     asuso ó ayuso, ó delante ó atras, ó á diestro ó á siniestro, ó en
     derredor. Et en este mesmo cuento fallaron los sabios antiguos las
     siete estrellas mas nombradas, á que llaman planetas, et de que
     tomaron cuento por los siete cielos en que estan por los sus
     nombres; et ordenaron por ellos los siete dias de la semana. Et los
     sabios departieron por este cuento de siete las partes de toda la
     tierra á que llaman climas. Et por este mesmo cuento departieron
     los metales; et otrosi algunos hi hobo que por este cuento de siete
     partieron los saberes á que llaman artes: eso mesme fecieron de la
     edad del home. Et aun por ese mesmo cuento demostró Dios á los que
     eran sus amigos muchas de sus poridades por fecho et por semejanza,
     asi como á Noe, á quien mandó facer el area en que se salvase del
     deluvio, et que le mandó que de todas las cosas que fuesen buenas
     et limpias metiese en ella siete. Otrosi Jacob, que fue patriarca
     servió a su suegro siete años por Rachêl, et porque le dió a Lia
     servió otros siete por ella mesma, et esto fué por muy grant
     significanza. Et Josep, su fijo, que fue poderoso sobre toda la
     tierra de Egipto por el sueño que soltó al rey Faraon de los siete
     años de mengua et de los siete de abondo, segunt el sueño que el
     Rey soñara de las siete espigas et de las siete vacas: esto fue
     fecho de grant devocion. Otrosi á Moysen quando le mandó facer el
     tabernáculo en que feciesen oracion los fijos de Israel, le mandó
     que entre todas las otras cosas que señaladamente posiese dentro de
     él un candelero de oro fecho en manera de árbol, en que habiese
     siete ramos, que fuese fecho por grant significanza. Et David, que
     fue otrosi rey de Israel, por gracia que le veno de nuestro señor
     Ieso Cristo, fizo por Espíritu Santo el salterio, que es una de las
     mejores escripturas de santa Eglesia, et mostró en él siete cosas,
     asi como profecía, et oracion, et loor, et bendicion, et
     reprehendimiento, et consejo et penitencia. Et despues de todo esto
     quando nuestro Señor quiso facer tan grant mercer al mundo que
     deñó prender came de la virgen santa María por nos salvar, et que
     le podiésemos veer vesiblemente, et conoscer que era Dios et home,
     por este cuento, segun dixo el profeta, hobo él en si siete dones
     de Espiritu Santo. Et otrosi por este cuento, segunt dixieron los
     santos, hobo santa María siete placeres muy grandes del su fijo,
     que se cantan en santa eglesia. Et en este cuento mesmo nos dió
     nuestro señor Ieso Cristo siete sacramentos, porque nos podiésemos
     salvar. Et otrosi en este mesmo cuento nos mostró él mesmo la
     oracion del pater noster en que ha siete cosas en que le debemos
     pedir merced. Otrosi san Iohan evangelista, que fue pariente et
     amigo de nuestro señor Iesu Cristo, fizo un libro, á que llaman
     Apocalipse, de muy grandes poridades que le él demostró, et las
     mayores cosas que en él escribió son todas partidas por este cuento
     de siete. Onde por todas estas razones que muestran muchos bienes
     que en este cuento son, partimos este nuestro libro en siete
     partes, et mostramos en la primera dellas de todas las cosas que
     pertenescen a la santa fe católica.

While one of the greatest of all mysteries was that connected with
certain numbers the idea did not stop here. Jerusalem was destroyed in
the same month Jesus was crucified.[120] The well known biblical mystery
traditions connected with the earthly life of Jesus are all faithfully
narrated.[121] Attila is supplied with a sword from Vulcan in a
mysterious way.[122] Alejandro el Magno and his host, after traveling
for seven days in darkness in the Orient come to a river

     “que habia las aguas caldas, et fallaron alli allend ese rio
     mugieres que moraban y muy fermosas, et vestian unas vestiduras muy
     espantosas, et andaban en caballos et traien en las manos armas
     doro, por que non habien fierro nin cobre de que las facer, nin
     habie varon maslo entre todas ellas.

     “E Alexandre quisiera pasar el rio a ellas, mas non pudo por
     ninguna guisa por que era ancho et lleno de dragones et de otras
     bestias fieras muy grandes.”[123]

After leaving this place and journeying a little farther amid various
adventures they again come upon another land of

     “mugieres muy grandes de cuerpos et las barbas tan luenguas que les
     alcanzaban fasta en las tetas, et las cabezas planas; et vistien
     pielles, et eran muy buenas cazadoras et corredoras de mont, et
     pora correr mont en logares de canes, traien bestias fieras
     enseñadas pora ello, et ensañaban se las ellas. E cuando entraron
     Alexandre et su huest en aquellas selvas o estas mugieres eran, et
     vieron ellos a ellas et ellas a ellos fuxieron ellas; et caballeros
     de Macedonia cuando las vieron foir cogieron empos ellas en sus
     caballos et alcanzaron den ya cuantas, et prisieron dellas et
     aduxieron las a Alexandre.

     “Alexandre cuando las vió mandó las preguntar por el lenguaje de
     India que dixiesen como vinien a morar a aquellas selvas o morada
     de homne del mondo non habie. Fablaron ellas et dixieron que
     vivieron de caza que facien con bestias fieras et non dal, et que
     moraban por ende siempre en las selvas. Et salieron daquellas
     selvas Alexandre et su huest a los campos grandes et anchos, et
     fallaron alli de cabo otros varones et mugieres; et las mugieres
     desnuyas todas; et habien todos los cuerpos vellosos de pelos como
     bestias. Et era costumbre daquellos homes et daquellas mugieres de
     morar en aquel rio et en la tierra et asi como fue viniendo la
     huest et llegando les aquellas mugieres somurguieron se ellas luego
     en el rio; et estudieron alli una pieza Alexandre et su huest por
     veer si saldrien et probar ellos ende mas. Et movieron dalli et
     fueron yendo adelant, et fallaron otras mugieres que habien dientes
     como de puercos monteses et los cabellos de las cabezas tan luengos
     que les daban por los tobiellos, et el otro cuerpo que lo habien
     todo velloso de pelos como el estrucio et el camello, et en los
     lomiellos que habien como vaca que las colgaban alli ayuso; et el
     estado dellas de luengo era de doce pies.”[124]


V.--RELICS

Relics, which played an exceedingly important part in the life of the
medieval Church, might consist of anything which formerly belonged to a
saint or to Jesus, or anything which might serve as evidence in
establishing a miracle. Every altar, upon being consecrated, should have
some relics placed within it,[125] and these usually were of
miracle-working power themselves. At Chartres there was a certain dress
that had belonged to the Virgin, on which it was the custom to place
cloth which was made up into garments for warriors, because it was
believed that after being thus treated garments made from it would be
invulnerable. In fact a knight wearing one of these was attacked while
unarmed, and altho his enemies thought they had pierced him thru and
thru he was in reality unharmed (No. 148). The bones of St. Thomas,
together with a letter purporting to have been written by Jesus, were so
powerful that when placed over the gate of Edessa no enemy could enter
without first making peace with the city.[126] Very interesting is the
case of the humble woman who went to confession and after doing penance
asked for a written certificate of pardon, which after some hesitation
was given. Misfortune overtook her and she was forced to beg. In one
city she came upon a moneychanger and asked the loan of a small sum but
he would not let her have it without security. The only security she
could offer was this certificate of pardon. The moneychanger laughed at
the idea, but finally promised to let her have the equivalent of its
weight in gold, and putting it on his scales was astonished to find that
all his gold would not balance it. This convinced him, and becoming
converted he told the woman to take whatever amount she needed. (No.
305).

Such relics not only had the power to work miracles but were themselves
divinely protected. One man, a peasant, laughed at the idea that a
certain shoe on the altar in the church had ever belonged to the
Virgin, because, he said, a shoe as old as that would not be in so good
a state of preservation. To cure him of such flagrant unbelief she
afflicted him in the mouth in such a manner that he could be cured only
upon the application of the shoe in question (No. 61). At another time
some priests, by the exhibition of relics, were collecting money to
rebuild a church. In the course of their travels they entered a ship
with some merchantmen. After a short while they were attacked by
pirates, and in the face of danger the merchants, to secure immunity,
offered gifts of money for the building of the church. When the danger
was safely passed they repented of their extravagance and took back
their donations, buying wool for their own use with the money. Shortly
afterward a stroke of lightning set fire to their purchases, thus
avenging both God and the Virgin (No. 35).

Naturally, some relics were more powerful and more sacred than others,
and they varied in these respects according to the importance of the
saint to whom they belonged; and seemingly were protected in a like
measure. When Alfonso el Sabio left Seville for Castile he ordered the
relics of the Virgin, along with those of the other saints, to be
carefully put away, but when he returned ten years later he found only
those of the Virgin in perfect condition; those of the other saints had
decayed (No. 257).




CONCLUSION


After the foregoing investigation the fact is impressed on us more
vividly than ever that the Spain of the Middle Ages was truly the mother
of the Spain of today. Hers were a people with a lively imagination, but
this was dominated by the two elements which have always been most
marked in her history--religion and realism. And wherever these two
elements enter into the development of the supernatural in the mind of
man, the Spanish contribution has to be taken seriously into the
account.

It is impossible, as stated previously, to affirm which of the medieval
traditions are Spanish and which are not. The most that we can hope to
do is to note what type of legend appealed to this people; of all the
host of supernatural stories common through the Europe of the Middle
Ages, to determine what classes or types found their way into Spain and
there were welcomed, being repeated from generation to generation
(becoming thus a part of the national tradition); and what kind or kinds
were rejected because they did not have this appeal.

In Spain the beliefs and superstitions we have been passing in review,
having as their starting point the actual observation of objective
nature and of human nature, were amazingly multifarious. The study in
particular of omens and of auguries, based on the real experiences of
life, made a peculiar appeal to the Spaniards, as is witnessed by the
abundance of material concerning such found at every turn in the early
literature. Contrasted with this is the notable lack of the fantastic
and purely imaginary, so popular among the nations of the north, as well
as among the Mohammedans.

The effect of this realistic spirit on the religion of the people, the
other dominating element of their national life, must also be noted. The
unreal ghost has given place to the more naturalistic saint or angel,
for their religion permitted no denial of the existence of these two
orders of beings. Moreover, soothsayers, diviners, and other similar
characters were recognized by the Church as a real force, as is
evidenced by the Church’s constant warfare against them. And the Devil!
What good medieval Christian,--above all, what Spaniard,--could refuse
to believe in him?

To summarize: We are impressed first by the commanding prominence
accorded to the personalities of the saints, especially Saint Mary, then
of Santiago (St. James) and the others; next, of the predominating
importance of the rôle of the Child Jesus, with the relegation to a
comparatively unimportant place of the adult Saviour; and finally of the
enemies of God, headed by Diabolus. The works and influences of all the
above are manifested in dreams and visions, miracles and portents, in
almost every conceivable form, conjuring, fortune-telling, etc. The
ritual of the church service, especially of the sacraments, becomes
intertwined and adorned with what many faithful churchmen of the present
time would doubtless be willing to class as downright superstitions.
Omens and the like, because of their realistic appeal, continue in spite
of the constant opposition of the Church.

In contrast to this, however, we find no unquestionable ghosts. The
“magic ring”, moreover, is entirely lacking, as is nearly all that type
of Arabian magic. King Oberon, with his fairy band, has not yet made his
appearance, and the sage Merlin is only alluded to occasionally by the
learned. Subterranean cities still remain limited to their northern
abode. The well-known _mal de ojo_ is absent, and enchantment is little
heard of. The Werewolf, mentioned, it is said, by Pomponius Mela,
Herodotus, and Ovid, is entirely neglected and omitted either thru
simple ignorance of it or because it does not conform to their realistic
thought. The search for the elixir of life is only faintly hinted at in
the restoration of youth to the aged priest who seeks help from the
Virgin (No. 141). The myth of supernatural prolongation of life is to be
found only in its primitive stages, in such legends as that of María
Egipciaca and in some of the miracles contained in _Las Cantigas_, and
yet we are told that,

     “The first appearance of the Wandering Jew _in England_ is in the
     chronicles of Roger of Wendover, who reports the legend as being
     told at the monastery of St. Albans by an Armenian bishop, in 1228,
     but to hearers _already familiar with it_.”[127]

Arabian influence does appear, however, quite frequently, especially in
certain types of visions such as those in which a person is transported
from one point to another to witness various scenes; as well also as in
those in which the subject sleeps many years while experiencing the joys
of Paradise. French religious traditions dealing with various shrines
were common property. Many of the miracles related in _Las Cantigas_ are
said to have been performed in France, especially at Soissons.

The general impression gained from the study is that we are standing at
the beginning of a new period; that soon there is going to unfold before
us a magnificent spectacle, so far as the supernatural is concerned, in
which these elements, whose beginnings we can even now discern, will
present themselves in all their fullness, but at the same time those
which have already reached their culmination will survive, and, being
the product of the real life and soul of the nation, will still be the
determining factors in shaping its beliefs and practices, as it
continues its course among the hosts of outside influences it is soon to
encounter.

As we close the study we can not, if we would, resist the pervasive
charm cast over us by the simplicity of the primitive age with its
childlike faith. From time to time the canvas has been reversed, the
customary medieval picture has been changed, the sound of the bugle, the
glitter of burnished arms, the noise of battle, have now receded into
the background, and altho we are still faintly conscious of them we
become almost unaware of their presence. In the foreground have arisen,
we scarcely know how or whence, the common people, with their sheep and
their goats, their games of chance and their wine, their joys and their
sorrows, their loves and their hates, their marriages, births,
deaths--all these--along with their interesting superstitions and ardent
devotion to their local saints, as well as their fidelity to their lord,
who moves about among them as their guardian and protector.




CLASSIFICATION OF THE MIRACLES IN _LAS CANTIGAS_


I

A.--DIRECT ANSWER TO PRAYER BY THE VIRGIN

     _a._ Life restored or sustained. 14, 26, 43, 45, 76, 84, 111, 115,
     118, 122, 124, 133, 167, 168, 171, 178, 182, 197, 204, 224, 237,
     241, 334, 347, 378, 381, 389. (See p. 32-34 for discussion of
     group.)

     _b._ Bodily ailments cured. 37, 47, 53, 69, 77, 81, 86, 89, 91, 92,
     93, 101, 105, 114, 117, 126, 127, 134, 141, 146, 157, 163, 166,
     173, 174, 177, 179, 189, 191, 199, 201, 206, 209, 218, 221, 223,
     224, 234, 235, 244, 256, 263, 265, 268, 269, 275, 278, 279, 282,
     283, 289, 293, 298, 308, 314, 315, 316, 319, 322, 327, 333, 337,
     338, 343, 346, 357, 362, 363, 364, 367, 368, 372, 375, 385, 389,
     391, 393. (See p. 35-38.)

     _c._ Physical harm prevented. 7, 13, 15, 17, 22, 25, 28, 35, 36,
     49, 51, 55, 57, 64, 74, 78, 82, 83, 86, 94, 97, 102, 106, 107, 121,
     125, 135, 138, 142, 144, 151, 158, 165, 172, 181, 184, 185, 186,
     193, 194, 195, 213, 227, 233, 235, 236, 242, 245, 249, 251, 252,
     254, 255, 264, 266, 271, 286, 287, 291, 301, 303, 313, 325, 339,
     341, 354, 371, 383. (See p. 38-40.)

     _d._ Miracles in which bargaining occurs. 31, 43, 44, 97, 106, 112,
     118, 121, 129, 166, 167, 172, 176, 178, 197, 268, 271, 291, 347,
     352, 366, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 382, 385, 389. (See p. 40-43.)

     _e._ Unmoral miracles. 3, 7, 13, 17, 55, 94, 111, 214, 255, 291.
     (See p. 43-45.)

     _f._ Miracles in which sacred breasts or milk occur. 54, 93, 138.
     (See p. 45-46.)

     _g._ Possessions restored or saved or things supplied. 23, 44, 48,
     62, 73, 112, 143, 147, 159, 172, 178, 187, 202, 212, 231, 232, 243,
     323, 326, 348, 352, 354, 366, 369, 376, 382, 386, 398. (See p.
     46-49.)

     _h._ Those of other faiths protected. 89, 107, 167, 181. (See p.
     49.)

     _i._ Threats or the appeal to reputation avail much. 23, 76, 233,
     247. (See p. 49-51.)


B.--MIRACLES VOLUNTARILY PERFORMED

     _a._ Life restored or sustained. 6, 11, 21, 96, 131, 175, 311, 323,
     355. (See p. 55-58.)

     _b._ Physical ailments cured. 33, 41, 156, 228, 259, 262, 276, 279,
     324, 331. (See p. 58.)

     _c._ Physical harm prevented. 4, 64, 67, 109, 113, 119, 161, 164,
     192, 198, 205, 216, 222, 225, 251, 266, 302, 305, 317, 344, 359,
     399. (See p. 58.)

     _d._ Miracles in which bargaining occurs. 307. (See p. 58.)

     _e._ Unmoral miracles. 11, 119, 281. (See p. 58.)

     _f._ Miracles in which sacred breasts or milk occur. (See p. 61.)

     _g._ Possessions restored or saved or things supplied. 2, 52, 116,
     145, 203, 211, 228, 258, 328, 351, 356, 358, 379. (See p. 61-62.)

     _h._ Those of other faiths protected. 85, 205, 379. (See p. 62-65.)

     _i._ Aid in worship or in restraining evil passions. 137, 151, 152,
     156, 207, 227, 246, 266, 273, 336. (See p. 65-66.)

     _j._ Miracles in which visions occur. 2, 16, 24, 32, 53, 58, 65,
     66, 68, 69, 71, 75, 79, 85, 87, 88, 105, 119, 125, 131, 132, 135,
     138, 145, 149, 152, 158, 176, 192, 195, 261, 262, 263, 269, 274,
     284, 285, 288, 292, 295, 296, 299, 307, 309, 336, 345, 348, 359,
     365, 368, 372, 384, 399. (See p. 66-70.)

     _k._ Warnings and admonitions (not in visions). 47, 88, 154, 196,
     274. (See p. 70-73.)

     _l._ Rewards 2, 4, 5, 8, 18, 56, 63, 66, 87, 95, 124, 141, 155,
     251, 253, 281, 335, 353, 384. (See p. 73-77.)

     _m._ Violation of vows or acts of sacrilege punished. 42, 57, 59,
     108, 117, 132, 163, 285, 347, 392. (See p. 77-78.)

     _n._ Objects or places of worship protected. 2, 9, 12, 19, 27, 34,
     38, 46, 51, 59, 61, 123, 136, 139, 148, 161, 162, 164, 183, 183,
     198, 208, 215, 217, 229, 238, 239, 244, 248, 257, 262, 276, 277,
     283, 286, 289, 293, 294, 297, 302, 304, 314, 316, 317, 318, 327,
     329, 332, 345. (See p. 78-81.)

     _o._ Virgin acts as advocate. 14, 45. (See p. 81-82.)


II

     Miracles performed by image, name, or relics or Virgin. 9, 27, 34,
     38, 46, 51, 59, 61, 123, 139, 148, 161, 162, 164, 183, 185, 194,
     202, 209, 254, 256, 264, 272, 294, 303, 306, 321, 332, 353, 361.
     (See p. 83-87.)


III

     Miracles of mystery. 8, 29, 56, 103, 153, 162, 184, 188, 219, 226,
     305, 313, 315, 342, 361. (See p. 87-89.)




BIBLIOGRAPHY


PUBLISHED WORKS OF ALFONSO X, EL SABIO

_Alfonso X, el Sabio, Antología de sus obras_, by ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE,
Madrid, 1922, 275 pp. (A second volume is in preparation.)

_Cantigas de Santa María de Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia
Española (Preface by the Marquis of Valmar), Madrid, 1889, 2 vols.

_El libro de Ajedrez_, das Spanische Schachzabelbuch des königs Alfons
des weisen vorn jahre 1283; illustrierte handschrift im besitze der
königl. Bibliothek des Eskorial vollständige nachbildung der handschrift
in 194 lichtdrucktafeln, Leipzig, 1913. (Introduction by John G. White.)

_Los libros del Saber de Astronomía_, ed. M. Rico y Sinobas, Madrid,
1863-1867, 5 vols.

_El lapidario_, ed. J. Fernández Montaña, Madrid, 1881, XX pp., 76, 14
numb. 1., 76 pp.

_Opúsculos legales del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia de
la Historia, Madrid, 1836, 2 vols.

_Primera Crónica General_, ed. of R. Menéndez Pidal in _Nueva Biblioteca
de Autores Españoles_, vol. 5, Madrid, 1906, 4+1+ 776 pp.

_Las Siete Partidas_, glosadas por Gregorio López. There are numerous
editions of this work. Some of the editions available in the United
States are: Salamanca, 1576, 3 vols. + 1 vol. index; Madrid, 1611;
Valencia, 1767; Madrid, 1829-1831, 3 vols. + 1 vol. index (The title
page of this edition reads, “Las Siete Partidas del sabio rey Don
Alfonso _XI_, etc.”)

_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia de
la Historia, Madrid, 1807, 3 vols.

_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio._ Pandectas
hispano-mejicanas, o sea, código general comprensivo de las leyes
generales, útiles y vivas de las Siete Partidas, ed. Juan Rodríguez de
San Miguel, Méjico, 1839-1840, 3 vols.

_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, la primera partida,
textkritische untersuchung einer unveröffentlichten handschrift des
vierzehnten jahrhundrets, by Whilhelm Friedmann, Leipzig, 1911.

_Las Siete Partidas, and other writings, extracts from_, in _Warner’s
Library of the world’s best literature_, vol. 1, pp. 383-388.

_Tabule Alfonsi hispaniarum regis_ & L. Gaurici artium doctoris egregij
theoremata ... In calce huius libri seorsum annexe sunt tabule Elisabeth
regine nuper castigate & in ordinem redacte per L. Gauricum ...
Venetiis, 1524, 123 f. + 1.

_Tabulae Alphonsinae perpetuae motuum coelestium denuo restitutae et
illustr. a Franc. Garcia Ventanas._ Traduntur praecepta de fest.
mobilib. sec. correct. Gregorianam, et tabulae constr. ad meridian.
Toletanum con alg. grab. En 4. Matriti, 1641. Perg. 8 + 126 hh.


WORKS TREATING OF ALFONSO EL SABIO

_Books_

_Alfonso el Sabio, como rey y conquistador de la provincia de Cádiz._
Memoria inédita, Cádiz, 1892.

PEDRO AGUADO BLEYE, _Santa Maria de Salas en el siglo XIII; estudio
sobre las Cantigas de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, Bilbao, 1916, 98 pp.

THEOPHILO BRAGA, _Cancionero Portuguez da Vaticana_, Lisbon, 1878, 112 +
236 pp.

ARNOLD BUSSON, _Die doppelwahl des Jahres 1257 ... etc._ Münster, 1866,
6 + 137 pp.

EMILIO CASTELAR Y RIPOLLI, _Alfonso el Sabio, Rey de Castilla. Novela
histórica original_, Madrid, 1853, 16 + 407 + 3 pp.

MANUEL COLMIERO, _Cortes de los antiguos reinos de León y de Castilla_,
Madrid, 1883-1884, 2 vols.

--_Reyes cristianos desde Alonso VI hasta Alfonso XI_, Madrid, 1894, 4
vols.

EMILIO COTARELO Y MORI, _Estudios de la historia literaria de España_,
Madrid, 1901. See pp. 1-31. Also review in _Romania_, 1898, vol. 27, p.
525, by A. MOREL-FATIO.

--_Documentos de la época de Alfonso el Sabio_, Madrid, 1851, 2 vols.

PEDRO GÓMEZ DE LA SERNA, _Sobre el reinado de Don Alfonso el Sabio_.
(Speech read upon being received into the Real Academia de la Historia.)
Madrid, 1857, 72 pp.

GASPAR IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA PERALTA Y MENDOZA, marqués de Mondéjar,
_Memorias históricas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio i observaciones a su
Chrónica_, Madrid, 1777, 687 pp., Fol.

A. G. F. KOLDITZ, _De Alphonso X., Castillae Legionisque rege, cognomine
sapientis indigno_, Serveste, 1757.

R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, _L’Épopée Castillane à travers la littérature
espagnole_, Paris, 1910, 26-306 pp.

--_Estudios Literarios_, Madrid, 1920, 345 pp.

--_Crónicas generates de España_, 3rd. ed., Madrid, 9 + 1 + 238 pp.

FRANCISCO MARTÍNEZ MARINA, _Ensayo histórico-critico sobre la antigua
legislación y principalis cuerpos legates de los reinos de León y
Castilla, especialmente sobre el código de don Alfonso el Sabio,
conocido por el nombre de Las Siete Partidas_. 1st. ed., Madrid, 1808, 2
+ 450 pp.; 2nd. ed., Madrid, 1834, 2 vols.; 3rd. ed., Madrid, 1845, 21 +
23 + 574 pp.

ANDRÉS MARTÍNEZ SALAZAR, _Fragmento de un nuevo códice gallego de las
Partidas_, La Coruña, 1910.

GAYETANE PUCH Y PORTOLES, _Historia de las Siete Partidas de Alfonso X_,
Madrid, 1829, 32 pp.

ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE, _Alfonso X el Sabio, antología de sus obras_,
Madrid, 1922, 275 pp. (Second volume is in preparation.)

DIEGO SUÁREZ, _Don Alfonso X--sus ideas políticas y sociales_, (Speech
delivered upon receiving the degree of Doctor en Filosofía y Letras.)
Madrid, 1861, 28 pp.

LEOPOLDO AUGUSTO DE CUETO, Marqués de Valmar, _Estudio histórico-critico
y filólogico sobre las Cantigas del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_. 2nd. ed.,
Madrid, 1897, 22 + 1 + 400 pp. (This is the _Introduction_ to the
Academy edition of 1889 of Las Cantiagas, published in a separate
volume.)

JOSÉ DE VARGAS Y PONCE, _Elogio del Rey Alfonso el Sabio_, Madrid, 1782,
76 pp.


_Magazine Articles_

_Alfonso X of Spain and the code of 1256_, in _American Journal of
Education_, 1877, vol. 27, p. 157-164.

PEDRO D’AZEREDO, _Duas traducões Portuguesas do sec. XIV; um fragmento
da versão das Partidas de Castilla_, in _Revista Lusitana_, 1913, vol.
16, p. 101-111.

MICHAEL BARRINGTON, _The Lapidario_, etc., in _The Connoisseur_, London,
1906, vol. 14, p. 31-36.

RODOLFO BEER, _Los cinco libros que compiló Bernardo de Brihuega por
orden del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de
la Historia_, 1887, vol. 2, p. 363-369.

A. F. G. BELL, _The “Cantigas de Santa María” of Alfonso X_, in _Modern
Language Review_, 1915, vol. 10, p. 338-348.

SAMUEL BERGER, _Les Bibles Castellanes_, in _Romania_, 1889, vol. 28, p.
360-408 and 508-542.

MARY E. BLAKE, _Alfonso X and the Birth of Spanish Literature_, in
_Catholic World_, 1893, p. 518-530.

ANTONIO BALLESTEROS Y BERETTA, _Un detalle curioso de la biografía de
Alfonso X el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1918, vol. 73, p. 408-419.

--_Alfonso X de Castilla y la corona de Alemania_, in _Revista de
Archivos, bibliotecas y museos_, 1916, vol. 34, p. 1-23 and 187-219;
1916, vol. 35, p. 223-242; 1918, vol. 39, p. 142-162; 1919, vol. 40, p.
467-490.

HENRY COLLET and LUIS VILLALBA, _Contribution a l’étude des “Cantigas”
d’Alphonse le Savant_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1911, vol. 13, p.
270-290. (A musical study of some of the Cantigas.)

G. DAUMET, _Les testements d’Alphonse X le Savant, roi de Castille_, in
_Bibliotheque de l’École des Chartes_, 1906, vol. 67, p. 71-99.

ADOLF FANTA, _Ein Bericht über die Ausprüche des Königs Alfons auf den
deutschen Thron_, in _Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Osterreichische
Geschichtsforschung_, 1885, vol. 6, p. 94-104.

FIDEL FITA, _Biografías de San Fernando y de Alfonso el Sabio por Gil de
Zamora_, in _Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia_, 1884, vol. 5,
p. 308-328.

--_La Cantiga XLIX del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio--Fuentes históricas_, in
_Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_, 1889, vol. 15, p. 179-191.

--_Cincuenta leyendas por Gil de Zamora combinadas con “Las Cantigas” de
Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1885, vol. 7, p. 54-144.

--_San Dunstán, Arzobispo de Cantorbery, en una cantiga del rey Don
Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1888, vol. 12, p. 244-248.

--_El libro del Cerratense_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la
Historia_, 1888, vol. 13, p. 226-237.

R. FOULCHÈ-DELBOSC, _Les “Castigos e Documentos”_, in _Revue
Hispanique_, 1906, vol. 15, p. 340-371.

PAUL GROUSSAC, _Le Livre des “Castigos e Documentos”_, in _Revue
Hispanique_, 1906, vol. 15, p. 212-239.

FRIEDRICH HANSSEN, _Estudios ortográficos sobre la Astronomia del rey
Don Alfonso X_, in _Anales de la Universidad de Chili_, 1895, vol. 91,
p. 281-312.

--_Los endecasílabos de Alfonso X_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1913, vol.
15, p. 248-299.

C. DE LOLLIS, _Cantigas de amor e de maldizer di Alfonso el Sabio_, in
_Studi di filologia romanza_, 1887, vol. 2, p. 31-66.

JOSÉ RAMÓN DE LUANCO Y RIEGO, _Clavis sapientae Alphonsi regis
Castillae_ (In _Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo_), Madrid, 1899, vol. 1, p.
61-67.

PEDRO DE MADRAZO, _Sobre la edición fotocromolitográfica del códice del
Lapidario de Alfonso X_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la
Historia_, 1877, vol. I, p. 471-475.

F. F. MANN, _Eine altfranzösiche prosaversion des Lapidarus Marbod’s_ in
_Romanische Forschungen_, 1886, vol. 2, p. 363-374.

J. J. NUÑES, _A review of Fragmento de un nuevo código gallego de las
Partidas_, in _Revista Lusitana_, 1911, vol. 14, p. 312-316.

JUAN RUÍZ DE OBREGÓN Y RETORTILLO, _Alfonso X el emplazado--una
leyenda_, in _Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos_, 1916, vol. 32,
p. 420-449.

L. SERRANO, _El ayo de Alfonso “el sabio”_, in _Boletín de la Real
Academia Española_, 1920, vol. 7, p. 571-602.

ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE, _Intervención de Alfonso X. en la redacción de sus
obras_, in _Revista de Filología Española_, 1915, vol. 2, p. 283-288.

--_El códice florentino de las “Cantigas”_, in _Revista de Filología
Española_, 1918, vol. 5, p. 142-179.

O. T. TALLGREN, _Observationes sur les manuscrits de l’Astronomie
d’Alphonse X, etc._, in _Neuphilologische Mitteilungen_, 1908, p.
110-114.

F. VALLS Y TABERNIR, _Relations familiars i politiques entre Jaume el
conqueridor i Anfos el Savi_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1919, vol. 21,
p. 9-52.

MARY WARD, _Alfonso the Wise, King of Castille_, in _Macmillan’s
Magazine_, 1872, vol. 26, p. 126-136, and in _Living Age_, 1872, vol.
26, p. 51-59.

PAUL SCHEFFER-BOICHORST, _Zur Geschichte Alfons’ X, von Castilien_, in
_Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung_,
1888, vol. 9, p. 226-248.


A FEW GENERAL STUDIES

NILS ABERG, _La civilisation néolothique dans la péninsule ibèreque_,
Paris, 1921, 14 + 204 pp.

MIGUEL ASIN-PALACIO, _Escatología Musulmana en la “Divina Comedia”_,
Madrid, 1919, 403 pp.

PIERRE AUBRY, _Trouvères et Troubadours_, 2nd. ed., Paris, 1910, 2 p.
1., 223 (1) pp.

V. BALAGUER, _Los Trovadores_, 2nd. ed., Madrid, 1882, 4 vol. in 2.

ANTONIO BALLESTEROS Y BERETTA, _Sevilla en el siglo XIII_, Madrid, 1913,
338 + 255 pp.

The Bible--King James’ Version.

JOAQUÍN COSTA, _La Poesía popular española y mitología y literatura
celto-hispana_, Madrid, 1881, 8 + 489 pp.

GEORGES DOTTIN, _La langue gauloise_, Paris, 1920, 17 + 364 pp.

REINHART, P. DOZY, _Histoire des Musulmans d’Espagne jusqu’à la conquête
de l’Andalousie par les Almoravides_, Leyde, 1861, 4 vols.

--_Recherches sur l’histoire et la littérature de l’Espagne pendant la
moyen âge_, 3rd. ed., Leyde, 1881, 2 vols.

FRANCISCO GUILLÉN ROBLES, _Leyendas Moriscas_, Madrid, 1885-1886, 3
vols.

JAMES HASTINGS, _Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics_, Edinburgh and New
York, 1908-1922, 12 vols.

C. JULIAN, _Histoire de la Gaule_, Paris, 1908-1920, 6 vols.

E. H. KLOTSCHE, _The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides_,
Lincoln, Neb., 1918, 106 pp.

JOHN A. MACCULLOCH, _The Religion of the Ancient Celts_, Edinburg, 1911,
15 + 399 pp.

FRANCISCO MARTÍNEZ-MARINA, _Teoría de las cortes o grandes juntas
nacionales de los reinos de León y Castilla_, Madrid, 1813, 3 vols.

HUBERT MATTHEY, _Essai sur le merveilleux dans la littérature française
depuis 1800_, Paris, 1915, 318 pp.

R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, _La leyenda de los Infantes de Lara_, Madrid, 1896,
16 + 448 pp.

--_Discursos leídos ante la Real Academia_, Madrid, May 21, 1916.

M. MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, _Historia de los heterodoxos españoles_, Madrid,
2nd. ed., 1911-1918, 3 vols.

ALLEN MENZIE, _History of Religion_, New York, 1913, 17 + 440 pp.

MANUEL MILA Y FONTANALS, _De los trovadores en España, estudio de poesía
y lingua provenzal_, Barcelona, 1889, 32 + 542 pp.

ALONSO NÚÑEZ DE CASTRO, _Vida de San Fernando el tercero, rey de
Castilla y León_, Madrid, 1787, 8 + 513 + 9 pp.

JUAN DE PINEDA, _Memorial de la Excelente Santidad del Sr. Rey San
Fernando III_, Sevilla, 1627, 20 + 196, pp. numbered irregularly.

GASTON PARIS, _La Légende des Infants de Lara_, Paris, 1898, 28 pp.
(Extract from _Journal des savants_, mai et juin, 1898.)

ÉDOUARD PHILIPON, _Les Ibères_, Paris, 1909, 24 + 344 pp.

JOSÉ AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Historia crítica de la literatura española_,
Madrid, 1861-1865, 7 vols.

DOROTHY SCARBOROUGH, _The Supernatural in Modern English Fiction_, New
York, 1917, 7 + 329 pp.

MARIANO SORIANO FUERTES Y PIQUERAS, _Historia de la música española
desde la venida de los fenicios hasta el año 1850_, Madrid, 1855-1859, 4
vols.

SAMUEL M. WAXMAN, _Chapters on Magic in Spanish literature_, New York,
and Paris, 1916, 139 pp.

C. E. WHITMORE, _The Supernatural in Tragedy_, Cambridge, 1915, 8 + 370
pp.




INDEX OF PROPER NAMES


Because of the preceding classified list of miracles including the
indication of the pages treating of each class, it has been deemed
necessary to include in the index only the proper names cited in the
work and the titles of those works from which examples of the
supernatural have been drawn. The reader is referred to the Bibliography
(page 139-146) for works of the authors cited. Whenever various names of
an individual, or different forms of the same name are used, only the
best known or the most popular form will be given in the index, but the
pages indicated are those on which any of the variations appear. For
example, all references to Saint Mary will be found under “Virgin, The.”

Abderrahman II, 12

Aben Yussef, 56

Abran of Germany, Count, 75

Achela, 44n

Adán, 91n

Aeneas, 110

Africa, 21, 66n, 105, 109, 110

Agosto, 49, 62

Albans, St., 131

Albeza, 37

Alcocer, 17

Alejandro el Magno, 124, 125, 126

Alemany, José, 25n

Alexius, Emperor, 57

Alexander IV, Pope, 18

Alfonso III, of Portugal, 17

Alfonso VIII, 16

Alfonso IX, 16

Alfonso X, el Sabio, 5, 13, _15-26_,
    27, 29, 30, 30n, 31n, 34, 35, 44,
    45, 53, 67, 79, 84, 85, 88, 93, 96,
    96n, 97n, 107, 109, 113, 117, 128

Algeciras, 56

Amadís de Gaula, 33n

Andalucía, 17

Ann, Saint, Novena of, 9

Antidio, 95

Arcalaus, 33n

_Arcipreste de Hita_, El, 95

Aristotle, 54, 122

Arras, 71n

Asin Palacios, Miguel, 64n, 96n, 109n, 112n

Assisi, St. Francis of, 9

Atocha, 36

Attila, 110, 124

Ayamonte, 62


Barcelona, 56

Basilio, San, 68

Beatriz, Doña, 17

Beatrice, Queen, 84

Berceo, 59n, 77n, 93n, 97n

Bernat Descoll, 16

Bizancio, 110, 111

Bondoudar, 40

Burgos, 16, 46, 71, 88


Cádiz, 22

Caesar, 81

Caesar, Octavius, 103

Caesar, Sextus Julius, 104

Caesarea, 68

Caligula, Emperor Caius, 117

Canaan, 48

_Cantigas, Las_, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31n, 32, 68,
    85, 85n, 92, 93, 93n, 96, 97, 107, 108, 108n,
    116, 116n, 118, 131, 132

_Cantigas de amor et de maldecir_, 27

Castile, 16, 20, 79, 99, 128

Castrogériz, 39

Catalonia, 16, 84

Chartres, 126

Cid, the, 96, 126n

Cirot, G., 25n

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 74

_Conquista del Ultramar, La Gran_, 40n

Constantine, Emperor, 61, 110, 111

Constantinople, 57

Consuegra, 64

_Crónica General, La_, 22, _24_, 27, 40n,
    66n, 68, 74, 74n, 80, 93,
    95, 96n, 97, 100n, 104n, 105n, 106n,
    109n, 111n, 112n, 116n, 126n

Cueto, Leopoldo Augusto de, Marqués de Valmar, 23

Cunnegro, 66


Dagobert, 109

David, 123

Denis, Saint, 109

Devil, The, 39, 59, 64, 71,
    72, 77, 77n, 80, 85, 89n,
    _91-97_, 112, 114, 116, 120, 121, 130

Dido, 105, 110

Domingo, Santo, 33

Domingo, Don, 47

Doyle, Sir Conan, 91

Duero, 95


Eanes, D. Gonzalo, 64

Edessa, 126

Egypt, 40, 84, 123

Elina, 111

Enrique, Infante D., 19

Escorial, The, 88

Etna, Mount, 58

Europe, 5, 13, 32, 44, 58, 96n, 99, 129

Ezequias, 54n


Faraón, 123

Felipe, Infante Don, 19

Fernán Gonzales, 74n

Fernando III, 16, 24, 34, 109

Fernando IV, 16

Fernando de la Cerda, 20

Fernando, Infante Don, 80

France, 18, 20, 109, 132


Galileo, 69

García, Fernández, 16

García, Count Don, 74

Germany, 10

Gilemer, 109

God, 9, 29, 31, 31n, 32, 37, 50, 54n, 71,
    72, 80, 91, 93, 96, 102n, 109, 112, 114,
    115, 116, 121, 123, 124, 128, 130

Granada, 20, 22, 79

Granada, Emir of, 20

_Gran Estoria_, 22, _24_, 26

“Gran Britaña”, 56, 88

Gregory X, 18

Guillén Robles, Francisco, 37n, 109n, 112n

Gunderico, 96

Guzmán, Doña Mayor Guillén de, 17


Hastings, James, 76

Hell, 61, 64n, 91, 96, 109

Heraclius, Emperor, 109

Herodotus, 131

Herod, King, 51, 100

Holy Land, The, 83, 92

Holy Spirit, The, 115, 123, 124

Host, The, 62, 89n, _118-120_

Hudson River, The, 9

Huelgas, Las, 34


Ica, 40

India, 125

Ildefonso, San, 73

Israel, 123

Italy, 18, 96n


Jacob, 123

Jaime, el Conquistador, 17, 20

Jaén, 21

Jérez, 68, 109

Jérez de la Frontera, 22

Jerusalem, 48, 51, 111, 124

Jesus, 29, 31, 31n, 32, 45, 48, 49,
    50, 51, 54n, 63, 64, 67, 79, 81,
    83, 84, 92, 97, 103, 106, 111, 112,
    114, 115, 119, 120, 123, 124, 127, 130

Jordanes, 10

Jorge, Maestro, 109

Josef, 123

Juan, San, 124

Julian, Emperor, 68, 69, 81, 117

Justinian, Emperor, 109

Jupiter, temple of, 105


_Lapidario, El_, 23, _24_, 28

Lara, sons of, 99

Lebrija, 22

Leo, Pope, 58

Lia, 123

_Libro de Alejandro, El_, 96n, 97n, 126n

_Libro de Ajedrez, El_, 23, _25_

_Libros del Saber de Astronomia, Los_, 22, _23_, 28

Lisbon, 59

Lodge, Sir Oliver, 91


MacCulloch, J. A., 17

Macedonia, 125

Madrid, 36

Manuel, Infante Don, 41

Marcian, Emperor, 110

Marcus, Lucius, 104

_María Egipciaca_, 131

Mariana, 15

Marquina, 15

Marseilles, 38

Mártires, 65

Martos, 79

Mayor Arias, Doña, 16

Medina Sidonis, 22

Mela, Pomponius, 131

Menéndez Pidal, J., 104n

Menéndez Pidal, R., 22, 24

Menéndez y Pelayo, 12n

Menzie, Allan, 40n

Mercurio, San, 68, 69

Merlin, 131

_Milagros de Nuestra Señora, Los_, 59n, 77n, 93n, 97n

Mildmay, Mrs. S., 11n

Mahommed, 64, 111

Mondéjar, Marqués de, 16

Monsaras, 78

Monserrat, 56

Montana, José T., 25

_Moralia in Job_, 110

Moses, 24, 123

Murcia, 17, 78

Mussafia, 30n


Navarre, 17

Navarre, King of, 20

Navas, Conde de las, 117n

Niebla, 22

Nuño de Lara, 19, 68


Oberon, King, 131

Onís, Federico de, 6

Oro, San Juan Boco de, 45

Ovid, 131


Paris, 109

Paris, Gaston, 99

Pascual de Gayangos, 25n

Paschal II, Pope, 13

Pedro III, of Aragón, 21

Pedro IV, 16

Pena Cova, 39

Persia, 68, 69

Peter, Saint, 32, 81

Philipon, É., 11

Poitiers, Conde de, 80

Portugal, King of, 19

Puerto, 41, 47, 83


Rachel, 123

Recafredo, 12

_Reyes Magos, Los Tres_, 84n

Ribera, J., 23

Ribila, 79

Richard of Cornwall, 18

Rico y Sinobas, Manuel, 24

Ríos, José Amador de los, 10

Rocamador, 43, 93

Rodrigáñez, Hippolito, 25

Rome, 21, 100, 106, 110, 111, 116

Roman Empire, The Holy, 18, 20, 103

Roumania, 61

Rudolph of Hapsburg, 18

Ruy Velázquez, 99


Sancho, Infante Don, 20, 21

Santa Cruz, 95

Santiago, 57, 93, 130

Salas, 36, 42, 49, 83

Saussonna, 44

Scarborough, Dorothy, 8, 131n

Scythia, 10

Selfa, Antonio, 25

_Septenario, El_, 22

Seville, 17, 21, 56, 96, 128

Segovia, 80

Siagro, Don, 73

Siena, Bishop of, 72

_Siete Partidas, Las_, 16, 21, 22, 23,
    28, 53, 76n, 79n, 87n, 89n, 91, 91n,
    92n, 100, 108, 108n, 114n, 115n, 120n,
    121, 121n, 122, 126n

Sion, Mount, 81

Soissons, 40, 132

Solomon, 114

Solalinde, Antonio G., 6, 16, 24, 25n, 26n, 30n, 31n, 125n, 126n

Spain, 9, 11, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 27, 45, 92, 96n, 99, 117, 129

Sur, Libano de, 69

Sylvester, Pope, 110, 111


_Tablas, Alfonsíes ... Las_, 22

Taion, 110

Téllez, D. Alfonso, 64

Temperley, H., 11n

Terena, 43, 81, 97

Thomas, Saint, 127

Tiberius, 100

Toledo, Codex of, 88

Toledo, 16, 35, 47

Todd, Henry Alfred, 6

Tortosa de Ultramar, 40


Vatican, The, 95

Vesentina, 95

Virgin, The, 23, _27-89_, 92,
    94, 95, 96, 108, 110, 119,
    120, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131

Virgin, Cult of, 31

Violante of Aragón, Doña, 17

Violante, Queen, 21

Vistula, 10

Vulcan, 124


Wandering Jew, The, 131

Waxman, S. W., 97n

Wendover, Roger of, 131

Weeks, Raymond, 6

Werewolf, The, 131

White, J. G., 25

Whitmore, C. E., 118n

William of Holland, 18


Zaragoza, 41




CONTENTS


                                                                    PAGE

PREFACE                                                                5

INTRODUCTORY                                                           7

CHAPTER I. ALFONSO EL SABIO AS KING AND
SCHOLAR                                                               15

CHAPTER II. MIRACLES PERFORMED BY THE
VIRGIN IN RESPONSE TO PRAYER                                          27

CHAPTER III. MIRACLES PERFORMED VOLUNTARILY
BY THE VIRGIN                                                         53

CHAPTER IV. MIRACLES PERFORMED BY IMAGES                              83

CHAPTER V. “THE DEVIL AND ALL HIS WORKS”                              91

CHAPTER VI. DIVINATIONS--OMENS--AUGURIES                              99

CHAPTER VII. VISIONS                                                 107

CHAPTER VIII. VARIOUS MANIFESTATIONS                                 113

CONCLUSION                                                           129

CLASSIFICATION OF THE MIRACLES OF “LAS CANTIGAS”                     135

BIBLIOGRAPHY                                                         139

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES                                                147




PUBLICACIONES DEL
INSTITUTO DE LAS ESPAÑAS




LIBROS DE ENSEÑANZA


     La Enseñanza de Lenguas Modernas en los Estados Unidos.

     Por LAWRENCE A. WILKINS. 160 páginas. Rústica $1.25.

En este libro aparece la serie de conferencias que el autor dió en el
Centro de Estudios Históricos de Madrid y en el Instituto de Idiomas de
Valencia en el año de 1921. A manera de prólogo van las palabras
pronunciadas por el sabio filólogo español don Ramón Menéndez Pidal al
inaugurar estas conferencias. El método general, los métodos especiales
detalladamente descritos, la preparación para el profesorado, el
movimiento hispanista en los Estados Unidos, las relaciones entre este
país y los pueblos hispanos, son los temas principales tratados en este
libro. Por su exposición clara y sistemática y por su sana doctrina
pedagógica, esta obra se hace indispensable a todos los maestros de
idiomas, de cualquier país.


     Cervantes. Cartilla Escolar.

     Biografía y selección por M. ROMERA-NAVARRO. Vocabulario por J.
     MERCADO. 16 páginas. Rústica $.05.

Dedicado a los estudiantes de español de las escuelas de este país, fué
escrito este folleto a propósito de la Fiesta de la Lengua que celebra
el Instituto el 23 de abril de todos los años en honor de Cervantes.
Contiene una breve exposición de la vida y la obra de Cervantes y dos
trozos refundidos del Quijote, uno de ellos la celebrada aventura de los
molinos de viento. Al fin va un vocabulario español-inglés, compuesto
con el propósito de ayudar a los estudiantes de habla inglesa.


     Nuestro Futuro Diputado

     Por SAMUEL A. WOFSY. 64 páginas. Rústica $0.50.

Poquisimas son las piezas dramáticas en español que puedan ser
representadas por los Clubs de las escuelas y universidades de este
país. Las que existen o son muy largas o no son apropiadas. Este vacío
lo llena en parte la farsa en tres actos, con vocabulario
español-inglés, del Sr. Wofsy, profesor de español de la Universidad de
Wisconsin. Hay en ella bastante acción, ambiente netamente español y
situaciones cómicas. Estas cualidades solamente hacen de ella una pieza
interesante e instructiva para todos los dedicados al estudio de la
lengua española.


ESTUDIOS

     The Romantic Dramas of García Gutiérrez.

     By NICHOLSON B. ADAMS, PH. D. 149 pages. Paper $1.00.

Garcia Gutierrez is one of the most important figures in the Spanish
Romantic movement, and in poetic power he surpassed his contemporaries.
This study gives an insight into the plays of this famous Spanish
dramatist. The sketch of his life, which opens the book, paves the way
for the reader to reach an understanding of the man who wrote _El
Trovador_. The book itself, as well as the chronological list of the
plays of García Gutiérrez appended to it and the list of works either
partially or exclusively devoted to him, will be of valuable assistance
to all persons interested in the literary history of Spain.


     Martín Fierro: An Epic of the Argentine.

     By HENRY A. HOLMES, PH. D. 192 pages. Paper $1.00.

Peculiar colonial conditions in Argentina created in the isolation of
the pampa a striking type of horsemen: cowboys, trackers, Indian
fighters, etc. These men, called _gauchos_, were in many respects like
our western cowboys, but their unique traits call for such a sympathetic
study as is made in this book. The work takes its title from that of the
most celebrated Argentine cowboy poem, whose hero, Martín Fierro, sings
of _gauchos_, Indians, and the pampa, in truly epic vein.


     En Prensa: Jacinto Benavente.

     Estudio literario por FEDERICO DE ONÍS.


LITERATURA

     Desolación. Poemas.

     Por GABRIELA MISTRAL. 248 páginas. Rústica $1.50. Tela $2.25.

La fama de poetisa de Gabriela Mistral está ya tan bien cimentada en
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Esta es la primera vez que la autora ha dado su consentimiento para que
se publiquen en un libro, así sus poesías inéditas como todas las que ya
han visto la luz en diferentes revistas. El INSTITUTO se enorgullece de
prestar tal valioso servicio a la literatura hispánica moderna con la
publication de la obra completa, verso y prosa, de esta genial poetisa
chilena.


     Del Camino. Poesías.

     Por JULIO MERCADO. 120 páginas. Rústica $1.00.

Las Poesias que componen este libro, el cual nos presenta la obra
completa del poeta, no sólo darán solaz a quienes las leyeren, sino
llevaran igualmente al corazón y la mente de los lectores el
convencimiento de que se trata de un poeta de fuerza, con personalidad
propia. He aquí lo que dice el conocido critico don Federico de Onís,
prologuista de la obra: “La poesía de Mercado pertenece a ese modo de
poesía que siente y piensa al mismo tiempo, y que en la moderna
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Miguel de Unamuno.”


CONFERENCES

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     Por JOAQUÍN ORTEGA. 8 páginas. Rústica $.15.

El autor describe, dentro de un pequeño marco, todo lo que los
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Center for the study of Spanish, Portuguese and Hispano-American
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FOOTNOTES:

[1] Columbia University Press, 1917.

[2] See p. 53.

[3] It has not been deemed necessary (since this is not a study of the
sources but rather of the material itself) to begin with a more remote
period. The purposes of this résumé is to give the reader a general
idea of the people and their immediate environment. For studies on the
earlier invasion see the appended Bibliography.

[4] R. Menéndez Pidal _L’Epopée Castillane à travers la littérature
espagnole_. Paris, Colin, 1910, p. 15.

[5] Amador de los Ríos, _Historia Crítica de la literatura española_,
Madrid, 1865, Vol. 2, p. 193.

[6] _The Religion of the Ancient Celts_, Edinburgh, 1911, p. 246.

[7] _Les Ibères_, Paris, 1909, p. 202.

[8] Among the many interesting magazine articles on a recent widely
discussed phase of this phenomenon in the World War are _Phantom Armies
Seen in France_ by Mrs. S. Mildmay, _North American_, 202: 207-12,
August, 1915, and _On the Supernatural Element in History with Two
Examples from the Present Day_, by Mr. H. Temperley, _Contemporary
Review_, 110: 188-98, August, 1916.

[9] Menéndez y Pelayo, _Historia de los heterodoxos españoles_, Madrid,
1911-18, Vol. 2, Chap. 2.

[10] _Chronicon_ of Sebastian, No. 27.

[11] Amador de los Ríos, _Historia crítica de la literatura española_,
Vol. 3, p. 233.

[12] Antonio G. Solalinde, _Antología de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 21.

[13] The following brief résumé of the life of Alfonso X is based for
the most part on the Marqués de Mondéjar’s _Memorias históricas del Rei
D. Alfonso, el Sabio, i observaciones a su chrónica_, Madrid, 1845, and
the introduction to Sr. Solalinde’s _Antología de Alfonso X, el Sabio_.

[14] _Las Siete Partidas_--Partida II, Título XV, Ley II. Hereafter
references to this work will be expressed thus: _Partidas_ 2-15-2.

[15] _Estudios Literarios_, Madrid, 1920, p. 184-185.

[16] For a discussion of the date of the translation of this work
into Spanish see the following editions of _Calila y Dimna_; Pascual
de Gayangos, in _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, Vol. 51, Madrid,
1860; José Alemany, Madrid, 1915; and Antonio G. Solalinde, Madrid,
1917. In Bulletin Hispanique. Vol. 24, page 167-171 is to be found an
interesting review by G. Cirot of the last named work.

[17] Antonio G. Solalinde, _Interventión de Alfonso X en la redacción
de sus obras, Revista de Filología Española_, 1915, Vol. 2, p. 286.

[18] _Partidas_, 1-1-9.

[19] _Partidas_ 1-4-123 and 124 which is given in full on p. 53-54.

[20] See p. 66. The miracle of the restoration of the tongue, and notes.

[21] See p. 80. The bleeding image, and notes.

[22] Sr. Antonio G. Solalinde, in speaking of this, says: Según los
datos de Mussafia, existen 64 milagros, de los más difundidos en el
mundo cristiano, en las 100 primeras cantigas, 17 en las 100 cantigas
siguientes, 11 en el tercer centenar y 2 en el cuarto. Seguramente se
podría rectificar en detalle esta estadística, pero ello exigiría un
estudio minucioso de las fuentes de las cantigas y de la historicidad
de sus asuntos, tarea que sólo en parte se realizó en la edición
monumental. Creo que el pensamiento de Mussafia estaría mejor expresado
si dijera que aquellos asuntos universales abundan principalmente en la
primera edición de la obra, o sea en el ms. TOL (Ms. de la Biblioteca
Nacional de Madrid, Núm. 10069, procedente de la catedral de Toledo)
cuyas cantigas se reparten, como hemos visto, casi exclusivamente
en los dos primeros centenares de la edición definitiva, E (Ms.
escurialense j. b. 2). Los continuadores de la obra primitiva tuvieron
que recurrir a los milagros acaecidos en España, y aun a los que tienen
por protagonistas a Alfonso X y otros personajes de la corte, sin que
falten tampoco en las nuevas colecciones asuntos universales más o
menos difundidos en la literatura marial, ni milagros sin indicación de
lugar, y que tanto pueden ser españoles como extranjeros. _El códice
florentino de las “Cantigas”_, _Revista de Filología Española_, Vol. 5,
1918, p. 175-176.

[23] _Las Cantigas_ No. 361. Hereafter the number, written thus (No.
361), will be inserted in the body of the text. As mentioned above,
_Las Cantigas_ are written in the Gallego-Portugués dialect, the
favorite of the lyric poets of the time, and not in Castillian as are
the prose works of Alfonso.

[24] I have found 23 which relate miracles experienced by the king
himself or some of his kinsmen or friends: Nos. 122, 142, 209, 215,
221, 235, 243, 256, 257, 279, 292, 324, 328, 345, 348, 358, 366, 367,
376, 377, 379, 382, 386. Aside from these are a few others as Nos. 295,
349, 354, 375, etc., in which apparently the king is Alfonso himself
tho this is not specifically stated.

[25] For a discussion of the probable method of composition of Las
Cantigas see Antonio G. Solalinde, _El códice florentino de las
“Cantigas” y su relación con los demás manuscritos, Revista de
Filología Española_, Vol. 5, 1918, p. 169 ff.

[26] References to Deus, seu Fillo, are constantly recurring but only
in No. 75, 71, 309, and 353 have I found references to Deus Padre.

[27] This collection consists of 402 _Cantigas_ under the heading of
“Las Cantigas de Santa María” every tenth one of which is a “cantiga
de loor” and does not narrate a miracle. No. 1 also is a “cantiga de
loor”. No. 279 does not narrate a miracle but is a song of thanks.
Nos. 373, 387, 388, 394, 395, 396, 397, are repetitions of previous
cantigas. Nos. 401 and 403 are not miracles. This leaves a total of
351 in this group. Neither are there any to be found in the two groups
entitled “Cantigas de las fiestas de Santa María” and “Cantigas de las
fiestas de Nuestro Señor Jesucristo.” The group of five miscellaneous
cantigas not found in the _códice escurialense_ contains two miracles
making a total of 353.

[28] The mysterious ceremony performed here is quite similar to the
incantations used when Amadís was being brought out from under the
spell of the enchanter Arcalaus by the strange and almost fairy-like
damsels. Cf. _Amadís de Gaula_, in _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_,
Vol. 40, p. 50, Madrid, 1880.

[29] As is so often the case with the writers of the Middle Ages, we
cannot always take our poet too literally, for in this poem he says:
“D’esto direi un miragre _que ui_” and only a few stanzas later in
describing the acts of the mother he says: “_A todos da capela fez
sayr_”. But doubtless since he was so closely related to the mother
concerned he did not consider “_que uí_” too strong a statement
especially when it fitted the meter and the rhyme.

[30] Nos. 37, 53, 81, 91, 93, 105, and 134.

[31] Nos. 223, 275, 319, 372, 393. Note that the miracles narrating
cures of leprosy are all (with the exception of No. 259 not mentioned
in the above note because the cure was not in response to prayer to the
Virgin) in the first half of the collection, while the cures of rabies
are all in the latter half.

[32] Francisco Guillén Robles, in _Leyendas Moriscas_, Madrid, 1885-6.
Vol. 1, p. 181 ff. cites this as a legend of eastern origin.

[33] Nos. 83, 106, 158, 176, 227, 291, 301, 325, 359, 363.

[34] This motif of the appearance of the heavenly host is well
developed in the second part of the _Primera Crónica General_ in the
account of the battle with Abenhut, in which Alfonso himself took part,
p. 727 and also in the later work, _La Gran Conquista del Ultramar_, p.
321, _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, Vol. 44, Madrid, 1880, which
belongs to the period of Alfonso’s successor.

[35] See Allan Menzie, _History of Religion_, New York, 1913, p. 66 ff.

[36] Nos. 43, 44, 118, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 232, 247, 298, 333,
352, 357, 366, 375, 376, 382, 385.

[37] Nos. 171, 172, 197, 398, etc.

[38] In Nos. 272 and 162 are found similar instances of the mysterious
movement of objects, only here it is an image of the Virgin that
changes its location.

[39] This spider motif is the dominant feature in Nos. 222 and 225. In
the former the Capellán of La Señora de Achela was saying mass when
just as he raised the sacred cup to his lips he saw a big spider fall
into the wine. He hesitated for a moment not knowing what to do for
under no circumstances can the ceremony of Mass be interrupted. Only a
moment did he pause, then trusting in the Virgin he drank it, spider
and all. The prioress learning of it ordered him to be bled. As the
surgeon’s lance pierced the arm not blood but the spider, alive, came
out and the clergyman was unharmed. No. 225, probably simply a variant,
differs in that after drinking it the spider moved about between the
skin and the flesh while the poor man implored relief thru divine aid.
Finally, one day while in the sun the spider passed from the back and
breast to his arm and after much of scratching came out under the nail.

[40] See p. 40.

[41] The Italics are mine.

[42] The Italics are mine.

[43] 1-4-124.

[44] A still fuller definition is as follows: 1-4-123.

“Natura es fecho de Dios, et él es el señor et el facedor della: onde
todo lo que puede ser fecho por natura fácelo Dios, et demas otras
cosas á que non comple el poder della. Ca nature non puede dexar nin
desviarse de obrar segunt la órden cierta quel puso Dios porque obrase
asi como facer noche et dia, et frio et calentura: otrosi que los
tiempos non recudan á sus sazones segun el movemiento cierto del cielo
et de las estrellas en quien puso Dios poder de ordenar la natura,
nin puede facer otrosi que lo pesado non decenda, et lo liviano non
suba. Et desto dixo Aristótiles que la natura non se face a obrar en
contrario: et esto tanto quiera decir como que siempre guarda una
manera et una órden cierta por que obra. Otrosi non puede facer algo de
nada, mas todo lo que se face por ella conviene que se faga de alguna
cosa, asi como un elemento dotro ó de todos los quatro elementos, de
que se engendran todas las cosas naturales et compuestas; mas Dios face
todo esto, et puede facer demas contra este ordenamiento, asi como
facer que el sol que nace al oriente et va á occidente, que se torna
á oriente por aquella mesma carrera ante que se ponga, segunt fizo
por ruego de Ezequias quando tornó el sol quince grados atras. Et aun
puede facer eclipse estando el sol et la luna en oposición, así como
fue el dia de la pasion de Iesu Cristo: et puede facer del muerto vivo,
et del que nunca vió que vea, asi como quando resucitó a Lázaro et
fizo ver al que nació ciego. Otrosi puede facer las cosas de nimigaja
(_sic_) asi como fizo el mundo et los ángeles, et los cielos et las
estrellas, que non fueron fechos de elementos nin de otra materia,
et face cada día las almas de entendimiento que son en los homes. Et
este poder es apartadamiente de Dios; et quando obra por él á lo que
dícenle miraglo, porque quando acaesce es cosa maravillosa a las gentes
et esto es porque los homes caten todavía los fechos de natura. Et por
onde quando alguna cosa se face contra ella maravillanse onde viene,
mayormiente quando acaesce pocas veces; ca estonces han de maravillarse
como de cosa nueva et extraña. Et desto fabló el Sabio con razon et
dixo, miraglo es cosa que vemos, mas non sabemos onde viene: et esto se
entiende quanto al pueble comunalmiente: mas los sabios et entendudos
bien entienden que la cosa que non puede facer natura nin artificio de
home, del poder de Dios viene solamente et non de otri.”

[45] This legend of flowers being found in the mouth of the dead was
quite common in the Middle Ages as was also that of the body of a dead
person giving off delightful odors. This miracle is quite similar to
that to be found en Berceo’s _Milagros de Nuestra Señora_ No. 3.

[46] It is interesting to compare this journey with the discussion of
Sr. Asin of the various legends of journeys to Hell and also maritime
journeys of the early Middle Ages. _Escatología musulmana en la “Divina
Comedia”_, p. 229 ff.

[47] This is very similar to the account in the _Primera Crónica
General_, p. 252 column b, line 42. (Hereafter such references will be
indicated in the usual manner thus: _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 252 b 42.)
Here, however, the scene is in Africa and, after losing his tongue, the
bishop could sing and preach louder and more clearly than ever before.
The heretics who ridiculed him were, in this instance, the ones who
lost the power of speech.

[48] See table on p. 136 for numbers.

[49] A candle with healing power is mentioned in No. 259. St. Mary
appeared to two men just before a duel and told them to go to her
church at Arras. There she appeared to them again and inspired them
with the spirit of forgiveness. She also gave them a taper that would
cure leprosy. A bishop hearing of this wonderful instrument, took it
and because of that contracted the disease; they, with the aid of the
candle cured him, discovering that only in their hands did it have any
effect.

[50] This peculiar use of the term “gentile” meaning “non-Christian” is
quite common in the literature of the period.

[51] There is some similarity between this one and No. 259 summarized
on p. 71, note 7.

[52] In the _Crónica_ the knight is the son of Fernán González and the
Virgin sends “un ángel”. Otherwise the story is the same tho told in
greater detail.

[53] According to the laws the only ordeal allowed was that of combat
and that was only encouraged between knights (_Partidas_ 7-6-1). In
speaking of ordeals in general the law reads: _Partidas_ 3-14-8.

Et hay otra que se face por fama, ó por leyes ó por derechos que las
partes muestran en juicio para averiguar et veneer sus pleytos asi
como delante mostraremos: et aun acostumbraron antiguamente et _úsanlo
hoy en día_, otra manera de prueba, asi como por lid de caballeros ó
de peones que se face en razon de riepto ó de otra manera: et como
quier que en algunas tierras hayan (_sic_) esto por costumbre, pero
los sabios antiguos que ficieron las leyes non lo tuvieron por derecha
prueba: et esto por dos razones; la una porque muchas vegadas acaesce
que en tales lides pierde la verdat et vence la mentira: la otra porque
aquel que ha voluntad de se aventurar á esta prueba semeja que quiere
tentar a Dios Nuestro Señor, que es cosa que él defendió por su palabra
allí do dixo: ve a riedro satanas, non tentarás a Dios tu señor.--(The
Italics are mine).

See also “Ordeal” in Hastings _Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics_,
Vol. IX, page 508.

[54] In Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_ No. 20, we find the same
legend, but here the Devil takes the form of a bull, _a dog_ and a
lion. The Virgin takes the priest home and puts him to bed and then
bids him go to confession next morning and do penance.

[55] According to the law it was forbidden to make effigies while
trying to produce or break the spell of love. _Partidas_ 7-23-2.

[56] The conception of wounding an image is developed further in the
_Prim. Crón. Gral_. p. 258 a 52, where a Jew for spite enters a church
and wounds the image with his knife and then, hiding it under his
mantle, makes his way home, where he further mutilates it. When he
reaches home he finds the mantle wet with blood but he does not notice
that it has dripped on the ground, thus leaving his traces. When the
Christians meet at the church they miss the image and trace it by its
blood. When the Jew is found, due punishment is meted out to him.

[57] Compare this with the story of Jesus walking through the midst
of the crowd that had gathered to throw him over the precipice (Luke
4:28-30).

[58] Los Tres Reyes Magos.

[59] Probably that containing the first one hnndred _Cantigas_. See p.
30, note 4.

[60] For a further study of conjuring, and the power of the names of
the Deity see p. 113 ff.

[61] According to _Las Siete Partidas_, it was prohibited to bury in
holy ground those who died in tournaments, for the Church forbade such
pastimes. _Partidas_, 1-13-10.

[62] Physicians were forbidden to give medicine until after confession
under penalty of excommunication, because illness, it was claimed, was
often due to sin. _Partidas_, 1-4-83.

[63] In these three chapters, as stated above, I have summarized only
a sufficient number of the miracles of this collection to illustrate
the various types of supernatural phenomena presented. Some of the
incidents, altho closely connected with Saint Mary, better illustrate
some other phase of this study (such as the character of the Devil, the
power of the Host, conjuring, etc.), and when this is the case they
have been used in their appropriate place.

[64] Et quanto en síse todas las criaturas fizo buenas, mas cayeron
algunas dellas en yerro; las unas por si mesmas, asi como el diablo se
perdió por su orgullo et por su soberbia, et los otros por consejo de
otri, asi como Adan, etc. _Partidas_, 1-3.--Introduction p. 38.

[65] “Cerca de las eglesias tovieron por bien los santos padres que
fuesen las sepolturas de los cristianos, et esto por quatro razones:
... la quarta porque los diablos non han poder de se allegar tanto á
los cuarpos de los muertos que son soterrados en los cementerios como á
los que yacen de fuera:” _Partidas_ 1-13-2.

[66] See conjuring, p. 113.

[67] p. 266. For a further discussion see “Visions”, p. 107.

[68] _Las Cantigas_ No. 26, See also Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra
Señora_, VIII.

[69] _Las Cantigas_, No. 3. Berceo: _Los Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_,
No. 24, varies from this slightly.

[70] _Idem_ No. 216. Very interesting for its details is the devil-pact
story in _El Arcipreste de Hita_, 1454 ff.

[71] p. 206.

[72] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 212.

[73] See p. 63.

[74] In _El Libro de Alejandro_ is a vivid description, 2180 ff. which
was doubtless known by Alfonso. See also Sr. Miguel Asín Palacios’
_La Escatología Musulmana en La Divina Comedia_, Madrid, 1919, for a
discussion of the Mohammedan legends of Inferno and their influence on
Europe in general and Spain and Italy in particular.

[75] See the laws cited under p. 101.

[76] The best example of enchantment in Castillian prior to Alfonso is
Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_, XXIV, _Biblioteca de Autores
Españoles_, Vol. 57. Madrid, 1883. In _El Libro de Alejandro_ are to
be found enchanted fountains, 1331 ff., enchanted armor, 615 ff.,
enchanted persons, 678 ff., and the magic knot no one can untie, 787
ff. See Samuel M. Waxman, _Chapters in Spanish Magic_, New York, 1916,
for a study of this subject in the period immediately following Alfonso.

[77] La légende des infants de Lara, Paris, 1898, p. 5-6. (Extract from
_Journal des savants_, mai et juin, 1898.)

[78] See note 6, p. 101.

[79] _Prim. Crón. Gral._ 120 b 30.

[80] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 115 a 39 ff.

[81] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 111 a 51-53.

[82] _Partidas_, 7-9-17. The very interesting Título _De los adevinos
et de los encantadores_ is as follows:

TITULO XXIII

_De los Agoreros, et de los Sorteros, et de los otros Adevinos, et de
los Hechiceros et de los Truhanes._

Adevinar las cosas que son por venir cobdician los homes naturalmente
et porque algunos dellos prueban esto en manera que yerran ellos et
meten á otros muchos en yerro, por ende pues que en el título ante
deste fablamos de los alcahuetes que facen errar á los homes et á las
mugeres en muchas maneras, queremos aqui decir otrosi destos que son
muy dañosos á la tierra: et mostraremos qué quiere decir adevinanza: et
quántas maneras son della: et quién puede acusar a los facedores della:
et ante quién: et qué pena merescen los que se trabajan a obrar della
como non deben.

LEY I

_Qué quiere decir Adevinanza, et quántas maneres son della._

Adevinanza tanto quiere decir como querer tomar poder de Dios para
saber las cosas que son por venir. Et son dos maneras de adevinanza:
la primera es la que se face por arte de astronomía, que es una de
las siete artes liberales: et esta segunt el fuero de las leyes non
es defendida de usar á los que son ende maestros et la entienden
verdaderamente, porque los juicios et los asmamientos que se dan por
esta arte, son catados por el curso natural de los planetas et de las
otras estrellas, et tomados de los libros de Tolomeo et de los otros
sabidores que se trabajaron desta esciencia: mas los otros [sic] que
non son ende sabidores, non deben obrar por ella, como quier que se
puedan trabajar de aprenderla estudiando en los libros de los sabios.
La segunda manera de adevinanza es de los agoreros, et de los sorteros
et de los fechiceros que catan en aguero de aves, ó de estornudos ó de
palabras, a que llaman proverbio, ó echan suertes, ó catan en agua, ó
en cristal, ó en espejo, ó en espada ó en otra cosa luciente, ó facen
fechizos de metal ó de otra cosa qualquier, o adevinan en cabeza de
home muerto, ó de bestia, ó de perro, ó en palma de niño ó de muger
vírgen. Et estos truhanes atales et todos los otros semejantes dellos
porque son homes dañosos et engañadores, et nacen de sus fechos muy
grandes daños et malos á la tierra, defendemos que ninguno dellos non
more en nuestro señorio nin use hi destas cosas: et otrosi que ninguno
non sea osado de acogerlos en sus casas nin de encobrirlos.

LEY II

_De los que escantan (encantan?) los Espíritus Malos ó facen imágines ó
otros fechizos, ó dan yerbas para enamoramiento de los homes et de las
mugeres._

Nigromancia dicen en Latin á un saber estraño que es para escantar
los espíritus malos. Et porque de los homes que se trabajan á facer
esto viene muy grant daño á la tierra et señaladamente á los que los
creen et les demandan alguna cosa en esa razón, acaesciéndoles muchas
ocasiones por el espanto que reciben andando de noche buscando estas
cosas atales en los lugares extraños, de manera que algunos dellos
mueren, ó fincan locos o demuniados; por ende defendemos que ninguno
non sea osado de trabajarse de usar tal nemiga como esta, porque es
cosa que pesa á Dios et viene ende muy grant daño a los homes. Otrosi
defendemos que ninguno non sea osado de facer imágines de cera, nin
de metal nin de otros fechizos malos para enamorar los homes con las
mugeres, nin para partir el amor que algunos hobiesen entre sí. Et aun
defendemos que ninguno non sea osado de dar yerbas nin brebage á home
ó á muger por razon de enamoramiento, porque acaesce a las vegadas que
destos brebages atales vienen a muerte los que los toman, ó han muy
grandes enfermedades de que fincan ocacionados para siempre.

LEY III

_Quién puede acusar á los Truhanes, et á los Baratadores sobredichos et
qué pena merescen._

Acusar pueda cada uno del pueblo delante del judgador á los agoreros,
et á los sorteros et á los otros baratadores de que fablamos en
las leyes deste título. Et si les fuere probado por testigos o
por conoscencia dellos mesmos que facen ó obran contra nuestro
defendimiento algunos de los yerros sobredichos, deben morir por ende:
et los que los encubieren en sus casas á sabiendas, deben seer echados
de la tierra para siempre. Pero los que ficiensen encantamientos ó
otras cosas con buena entención, asi como para sacas demonios de los
cuerpos de los homes o para deslegar a los que fuesen marido et muger
que non pudiesen convenir en uno, o para desatar nube que echase
granizo ó niebla porque non corrompiese los frutos de la tierra, ó para
langosta ó pulgon que daña el pan ó las viñas, ó por alguna otra cosa
provechosa semejante destas non debe haber pena, ante decimos que deben
rescebir gualardon por ello.

[83] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 97 b 26 ff.

[84] _Idem_, p. 55 a 4 ff.

[85] _Idem_, p. 274 b 22 ff. On page 307 b 4 is to be found Alfonso’s
version of the legend of the last king of the Goths which is as
follows: After opening the palace and finding the ark “el rey mando la
abrir, et non fallaron en ella sinon un panno en que estauan escriptas
letras ladinas que dizien assi: que quando aquellas cerraduras
fuessen crebantadas et ell arca et el palacio fuessen abiertos et
lo que y yazie fuesse uisto, que yentes de tal manera como en aquel
panno estauan pintadas que entrarien en Espanna et la conqueririen et
serien ende sennores. El rei quando aquello oyo, pesol mucho por que
el palacio fiziera abrir, e fizo cerrar ell arca et el palacio assi
como estauan de primero. En aquel palacio estauan pintados omnes de
caras et de parescer et de manera et de uestido assi como agora andan
los alaraues, e tenien sus cabecas cubiertas de tocas, et seyen en
cauallos, et los uestidos dellos eran de muchos colores, e tenian en
las manos espadas et ballestas et sennas alcadas. E el rey et los altos
omnes fueron mucho espandados por aquellas pinturas que uiran.”

For a detailed study of this legend see Juan Menéndez Pidal, _Leyendas
del último rey godo_.

[86] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 35 b 49 ff.

[87] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 164 a 13 ff.

[88] _Idem_, p. 98 a 8 ff.

[89] _Idem_, p. 107 a 40.

[90] _Partidas_, 1-10-10 and reads as follows:

“_Que non deben facer eglesia nin altar por sueño nin por antoianza de
ninguno._

Descubren o facen algunos homes engañosamente altares por los campos
o por las villas, diciendo que ha en aquellos lugares reliquias de
algunos santos asacando que facen miraglos; et por esta razon mueven
las gentes de muchas partes que vengan alli como en romeria por llevar
algo dellos: otros hi ha que por sueños o por vanas antoianzas que les
aparescen facen altares et las descubren en los lugares sobredichos:
... el obispo debe amonestar las gentes que non vayan a aquellos
lugares en romeria, fueras ende si fallasen hi ciertamente cuerpo ó
reliquias de algunt santo que hobiese hi fecho su morada, o fuese hi
martrizado.”

[91] Repetition will not be made here of what already has been said as
the characteristics of the visions in _Las Cantigas_, Cf. pages 66 ff.

[92] Asín, in _La Escatalogia Musulmana_, p. 287 ff., and Guillén
Robles in _Leyendas Moriscas_, Prólogo, Vol. I, discuss this type of
legends and their origins.

[93] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 276.

[94] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 253 b 24.

[95] _Idem_, p. 270 a 1.

[96] _Las Cantigas_ No. 292.

[97] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 279 b 1.

[98] _Idem_, p. 38 b 11.

[99] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 237 b 29.

[100] _Idem_, p. 195 a 16.

[101] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 266-274.

[102] Asín, in _Escatalogia Musulmana_, has made a careful study of
this and similar visions. See also the _Prólogo_ to Guillén Robles’,
_Leyendas Moriscas_, p. 66 ff.

[103] A summary of _Partidas_, 1-4-16.

[104] _Idem_, 1-6-11.

[105] _Idem_, 6-7-4.

[106] _Idem_, p. 1-4-49.

[107] _Partidas_, 1-4-38 and 39.

[108] _Idem_, 1-4-71.

[109] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, 189 ff. In _Las Cantigas_ No. 144 the scene
of the miracle is a bull ring. For a history of the bullfight in Spain
see Conde de las Navas, _Historia de las corridas de toros_.

[110] See p. 68.

[111] For the study of the ghost in the drama see C. E. Whitmore, _The
Supernatural in Tragedy_, Cambridge. Harvard University Press, 1915.

[112] Nos. 104, 128, 208, and 238.

[113] That is in No. 128.

[114] Nos. 12, 128, 133, 145, 149, 179, 211, 228, 234, 251, 293, 311,
322.

[115] _Partidas_, 1-4-104.

[116] _Partidas_, 1-4-105.

[117] This same motif of wishing to join the Child Jesus in heaven is
beautifully enlarged upon in No. 139. A Flemish woman takes her child
with her to ask guidance of the Virgin. On arriving before the shrine
the little fellow, who has been eating bread on the way, offers his
bread to the Child Jesus, saying, “Do you want some?” In answer to the
invitation the Christ Child replies “Tomorrow you will eat with me in
heaven.” No. 353 has many points of resemblance.

[118] _Partidas_, 1-6. Intro, p. 250.

[119] Antonio G. Solalinde, _General Estoria_ in _Antologia de Alfonso
X, el Sabio_, p. 201-202.

[120] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 136-b-21.

[121] _Idem_, p. 108 ff.

[122] _Idem_, p. 235 a 3 ff.

[123] Solalinde, _Antologia de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 262.

[124] Solalinde, _Antologia de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 264-65. In
the _Libro de Alejandro_ we find the mysterious bird continually
being burned in its nest only to be revived again when half consumed,
line 2311, as well as the hen that ceases to lay the golden eggs when
Alejandro is born, because they would be no longer needed to pay
tribute, line 130. There are also the two “grifos” which carry him thru
the air all over Asia, Africa, and Europe (lines 2333 ff.).

In the second part of the _Primera Crónica General_ the body of the
Cid, now _seven_ years dead, is said to draw its sword a palm’s breadth
when affronted by a Jew and never could the sword be forced back into
its scabbard (p. 642 b 26).

[125] _Partidas_, 1-10-12, “Et non deben consagrar altar ninguno,
fueras ende el que fuere de piedra, _et quando lo consagren deben meter
en él algunas reliquias_”. (Italics are mine.)

[126] _Prim. Crón. Gral._ 161 b 30 ff.

[127] Dorothy Scarborough, _The Supernatural in Modern English
Fiction_, p. 175. The Italics in the quotation are mine.



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