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Title: Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624

Editor: George Parker Winship

Release date: March 13, 2022 [eBook #67623]
                Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Houghton, Mifflin & Co

Credits: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SAILORS NARRATIVES OF VOYAGES ALONG THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1524-1624 ***

  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

  This book was published in 1905; only 440 copies were printed.

  The first chapter, Verrazano’s voyage in 1524, is a modern
  translation of the original Italian. The other chapters are literal
  reproductions of their original English publications, and so retain
  the spelling, the hyphenation and punctuation seen in those books.

  This etext maintains this careful reproduction of the original English
  text. Variant spellings of names and place names have not been changed.

  The Sidenotes, created by the editor G. P. Winship, have been
  inserted in-line, and are delimited by ♦. The first Sidenote for
  example (page 3) is ♦_January 1524_♦.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

  A superscript is denoted by ^x, for example M^r or y^e.

  A double space, in the narrative of the Popham voyage (pp. 155-175),
  is denoted by ·· and indicates, in most cases, the start of a new
  sentence.

  Multiple spaces in a paragraph are denoted by ······· and indicate
  a blank space in the original text for a missing name or date.

  Three minor changes have been made to the etext:
  Page 27: ‘Com of _Essex_’ has a ~ (tilde) over the m in the
    original text.
  Page 123: ‘assoone as they’ replaced by ‘as soone as they’.
  Page 155 Sidenote: ‘♦_1605 June_♦’ replaced by ‘♦_1607 June_♦’.




  SAILORS NARRATIVES

  OF VOYAGES

  along

  The New England Coast

  1524-1624


  [Illustration: _John Smith’s Map of New England_ (1616)]




  SAILORS

  Narratives

  OF VOYAGES

  _along the_

  New England Coast

  1524-1624

  _With notes by_ GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP
  _of the_ JOHN CARTER BROWN _Library_

  [Illustration: (ship at sea)]

  _BOSTON_

  Published by _Houghton, Mifflin & Company_

  1905




  COPYRIGHT 1905 BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.

  ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


  FOUR HUNDRED AND FORTY COPIES PRINTED

  NUMBER

  [Illustration: (339; handwritten)

  (signature of Bruce Rogers; graphic designer of this book)]




CONTENTS


  GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO, 1524
                  _Narragansett Bay_                                 1

  DAVID INGRAM, 1568
                  _Maine_                                           25

  BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, 1602
                  _Buzzard’s Bay_                                   31

  MARTIN PRING, 1603
                  _Plymouth Harbour_                                51

  SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, 1605
                  _Maine and Massachusetts_                         65

  GEORGE WAYMOUTH, 1605
                  _St. George’s River_                              99

  GEORGE POPHAM AND RALEGH GILBERT, 1607
                  _Kenebeck River_                                 153

  HENRY HUDSON, 1609
                  _Penobscot and the Fishing Banks_                177

  SAMUEL ARGALL, 1610
                  _Penobscot Bay_                                  193

  JOHN SMITH, 1614
                  _Monhegan_                                       211

  THOMAS DERMER, 1619
                  _Maine and Cape Cod_                             249

  CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, 1624
                  _York and Portland_                              259




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


  JOHN SMITH’S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND                       _Frontispiece_

      _From Smith’s Description of New England, London, 1616._
      (_Reduced_)

  FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF BRERETON’S BRIEFE AND
    TRUE RELATION                                                   32

      _This book, published in 1602, gives an account of the
      voyage of Bartholomew Gosnold, and is the earliest book
      in English relating to New England_

  MAP OF PORT ST. LOUIS (PLYMOUTH BAY)                              52

      _From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition_

  MAP OF THE MOUTH OF THE KENNEBEC                                  66

      _From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition_

  FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF ROSIER’S TRUE RELATION                   100

      _This book, published in 1605, gives an account of the
      voyage of George Waymouth, and is the second book in
      English relating to New England_

  FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF SMITH’S DESCRIPTION OF
    NEW ENGLAND, 1616                                              212

      _It is in this book that the name “New England” first
      occurs, being substituted by Captain Smith for “North
      Virginia”_




Giovanni da Verrazano

1524

NARRAGANSETT BAY

  GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO, _a Florentine sailor in the service of
  France who had attracted the royal attention by his successful
  attacks on Spanish commerce, was commissioned by Francis I, in the
  spring of 1523, to cross the Atlantic in search for a sea route
  to Cathay. In April, the agents of Spain in France notified their
  government that Verrazano was ready to start. Two months later, the
  Spanish authorities learned that he had returned to La Rochelle,
  bringing the captured vessels in which Cortes had shipped the
  treasure gathered from the Aztec lords of Mexico. The proposed
  voyage of discovery was not, however, merely a blind for this
  attack on the Spanish West Indian fleet. Verrazano refitted his
  ships and made a second start, only to be driven back by a Biscayan
  storm. With his single remaining seaworthy vessel, he finally got
  away for the West. In March, 1524, land was sighted, probably
  near Cape Fear, on the Carolina coast. After looking in vain for
  a harbour toward the south, he turned northward and followed the
  shore line as far as Maine or Nova Scotia._

  _Verrazano arrived in Dieppe before the eighth of July, the date
  of his report to the King. An Italian version of this letter was
  printed at Venice in 1556 by Ramusio, from whose “Navigationi” it
  was translated into English by Hakluyt, for his “Divers Voyages,”
  printed in 1582. A somewhat different contemporary manuscript copy,
  also in Italian, is preserved at Florence. This was printed by the
  New York Historical Society in 1841, with a translation which has
  been revised for the present volume._


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO _to his Most Serene Majesty the_ KING _of_
  FRANCE.

SINCE the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I
have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty concerning
the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new
lands, because I thought you must have been before apprized of all
that had happened to us--that we had been compelled by the impetuous
violence of the winds to put into Brittany in distress with only
the two ships Normandy and Dauphine; and that after having repaired
these ships, we made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast
of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard, and also of our new plan
of continuing our intended voyage with the Dauphine alone; being now
returned from this voyage, I proceed to give your Majesty an account
of our discoveries.

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near
the island of Madeira, ♦_January 1524_♦ belonging to his most Serene
Majesty, the King of Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions
sufficient for eight months, arms and other warlike munition and
naval stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly
breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 14th
of February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever
weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance and
goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our
good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of the
waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the West, a little northwardly, in
twenty-four days more, ♦_March_♦ having run four hundred leagues, we
reached a new country, which had never before been seen by any one,
either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very
low, ♦_Carolina Coast_♦ but on approaching it to within a quarter of
a league from the shore we perceived, by the great fires near the
coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the
south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port,
in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of
the country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we
could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretch to the south, we
resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, and as we
still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a
boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side fled
at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon
us with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various
friendly signs, to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on
beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion.
They then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure
our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty
may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and
customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible.
They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins
of small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited grass,
to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals
hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and the head
are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds’ feathers.

The complexion of these people is black, not much different from
that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and thick, and not very
long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little
tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle stature, a
little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arms,
and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body; the only
exception to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but not
all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black
eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in body, but
acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by
observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people
of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a
great many particulars of their usages on account of our short stay
among them, and the distance of our ship from the shore.

We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we
judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand,
about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about
fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms of the
sea which make in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as
the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance
♦_The Carolinas_♦ rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful
fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees,
more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and
charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that they
are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and the
northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with
palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe,
that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which
we could not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and
not on account of any difficulty in traversing the woods, which, on
the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the Orient stretches around this country, I think it cannot be
devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches
of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground.
It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other
similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant
and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and
ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34, the air is
salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes of both
heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions, the
most prevalent are the north-west and west. In summer, the season
in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain: if
fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are
immediately dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright
again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle.
Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not
dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and bold, so that
within four or five fathoms from the shore there is twenty-four feet
of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in
a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so good that no ship can
part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experience;
for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale
in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in
all countries, we found our anchor broken before it started from its
hold or moved at all.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore,
which we found stretching out to the west; ♦_North Carolina_♦ the
inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires.
While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter,
we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water,
but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on
account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an
open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating
by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on shore.
One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known
to your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore
through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells,
looking-glasses, and other like trifles; when he came near three
or four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to
get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so
dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When
these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took him up
by the head, legs and arms, and carried him to a distance from the
surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered
very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they
could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear.
Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they
took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the
greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in
the boat seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very
near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined
that the natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he
had recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by
signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great
affection, and accompanied him to the shore, then leaving him, that
he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from
which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man
remarked that these people were black like the others, that they had
shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate
bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick
in their minds; this is all that he observed of them.

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to
the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land,
♦_Delaware and New Jersey Coast_♦ which appeared very beautiful and
full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with
twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found
that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear.
By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old woman
and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed
themselves for the same reason; the old woman carried two infants on
her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age;
when we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to the
men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions,
which they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any;
every thing we offered to her being thrown down in great anger. We
took the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to France,
and would have taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and very
tall, but it was impossible because of the loud shrieks she uttered
as we attempted to lead her away; having to pass some woods, and
being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy
only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering
made of certain plants, which hung down from the branches of the
trees, tying them together with threads of wild hemp; their heads are
without covering and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a
kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and size from
ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides they take birds and
fish for food, using snares and bows made of hard wood, with reeds
for arrows, in the ends of which they put the bones of fish and other
animals. The animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe from
being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many of their boats
made of one tree twenty feet long and four feet broad, without the
aid of stone or iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country for
the space of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone
of any sort. To hollow out their boats they burn out as much of a
log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to make them
float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility and beauty,
is like the other, abounding also in forests filled with various
kinds of trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and
colder.

We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which entwine
about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the plains of
Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce excellent wine if they
were properly cultivated and attended to, as we have often seen the
grapes which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not unlike
our own. They must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully
remove the shrubbery from around them, wherever they grow, to allow
the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies,
and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own.
We cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior of
the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be
formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing
that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the
sky. Of their other usages we know nothing; we believe, however, that
all the people we were among live in the same way.

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast,
as we could find no harbour we determined to depart, and coast along
the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel only by day,
and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues,
we found a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through
which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the
sea; ♦_New York Harbour_♦ from the sea to the estuary of the river,
any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, which
rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth,
we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of the
mouth; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found
the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing
much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds
of various colours. They came towards us with evident delight,
raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most
securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a
league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues
in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their
small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who
came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators,
a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to
return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which
seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed must
also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of
minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed fifty leagues toward the east,
as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it;
♦_Block Island_♦ at length we discovered an island of a triangular
form, about ten leagues from the mainland, in size about equal to
the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well
peopled, judging from the great number of fires which we saw all
around its shores; we gave it the name of your Majesty’s illustrious
mother.

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but proceeded
to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we
found a very excellent harbour. ♦_Newport Harbour_♦ Before entering
it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about
our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not
approach nearer than within fifty paces; stopping, they looked at
the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they
all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased.
By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with
confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them
some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and
looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among
them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can
possibly be described; one was about forty years old, the other about
twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner: The
oldest had a deer’s skin around his body, artificially wrought in
damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was tied back
in various knots; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented
with many stones of different colours. The young man was similar
in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and
the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage.
They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion;
some of them incline more to a white, and others to a tawny colour;
their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning
of which they bestow great pains; their eyes are black and sharp,
their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique.
I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which
are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men.
Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine
countenances and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty; they
wear no clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by
the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various
ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also
hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear different
ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and
the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their
ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several
pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold,
as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by
them as the most ordinary of the metals--yellow being the colour
especially disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest
estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized
most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in
their ears and about their necks; they do not value or care to have
silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel
or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration,
and only asked how they were made; the same was the case with the
looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they
had looked at them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they
have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered
into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of
a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off
to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces
painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing
us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best
ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast
anchor. We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves
with many things of which we were in want, during which time they
came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives,
of whom they were very careful; for, although they came on board
themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in
the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties or
any presents we could make them. One of the two kings often came with
his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement; but he
always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent
a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they would come
and see our ship--this was done for safety, and as soon as they had
an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around;
but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the
queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an
island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a
long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his
fanciful notions about every thing in the ship, and asking the use of
all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food,
he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two
or three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various
necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight
of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, often asking us
if we intended to remain there long, and offering us everything at
his command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and
down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five
or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant
as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind,
whether of corn, wine or oil; there are open plains twenty-five
or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other
hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there
will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed
that they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the
trees of which they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others
unknown in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, and many
other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals,
which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other
species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their
chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for
the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other
sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of
sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct
their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and
sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons; their
oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by
force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as
they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form,
of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split
in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered with
roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain.
There is no doubt that they could build stately edifices if they
had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea-coast abounds in
shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it
has coverts and retreats for animals. They change their habitations
from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may
require; this is easily done, as they have only to take with them
their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father
and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers; in
some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as
with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more
carefully cultivated; in the time of sowing they are governed by the
moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They
live by hunting and fishing, and they are long-lived. If they fall
sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the fire,
and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to
be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives--making
loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling
to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life,
their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing,
for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. This
region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40′ of north
latitude, but much colder from accidental circumstances, and not by
nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and confine
myself at present to the description of its local situation. It
looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league
broad; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and
north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it forms a very
large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small
islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty
trees. ♦_Narragansett Bay_♦ Among these islands any fleet, however
large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers.
Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both
sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear
water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance,
there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the
construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the
harbour.

Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the fifth
of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty
leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our
sight; the nature of the country appeared much the same as before,
but the mountains were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in
minerals. We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable
for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. ♦_Cape
Cod_♦ The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond more
to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very
thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a
cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we
had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude
and barbarous that we were unable by any signs we could make, to
hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins
of bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as far as
we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained
by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort of
root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs
of cultivation; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of
fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffick
with them, they came to the sea shore and stood upon the rocks, from
which they lowered down by a cord to our boats beneath whatever
they had to barter, continually crying out to us, not to come
nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given
in exchange; they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened
steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies; when we had nothing
left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the most
brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we
penetrated two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five
men; when we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows,
raising the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the woods.
In this region we found nothing extraordinary except vast forests and
some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the
people wore copper earrings. Departing from thence, we kept along
the coast, steering north-east, and found the country more pleasant
and open, free from woods, and distant in the interior we saw lofty
mountains, but none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues
we discovered thirty-two islands, ♦_Coast of Maine_♦ all near the
main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed
as to afford excellent harbours and channels, as we see in the
Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with
the people, but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages
to those we were last among. After sailing between east and north
the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our
provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and
water and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, that
is 700 leagues of unknown lands.

As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding
their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures any
thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion nor laws,
nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they worshipped
neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other planets; nor could
we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any
sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or houses of
prayer in their villages;--our conclusion was, that they have no
religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely free.
All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to be
persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all which
they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship.

On board the ship Dauphine, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, the
8th of July, 1524.

  Your humble servitor,
  JOHN DE VERRAZZANO.




David Ingram

1568

MAINE

  DAVID INGRAM _was one of the companions of Sir John Hawkins, when
  he was forced to take refuge from a storm in the Mexican harbour
  of San Juan de Ulua, in the autumn of 1568. After several days of
  amicable traffic for the slaves brought by Hawkins from Africa, the
  English ships were suddenly attacked by an overpowering Spanish
  force. Hawkins succeeded in gathering most of his men into two of
  the vessels, and in fighting his way out of the harbour. The escape
  from danger was only temporary, however, for the two ships were
  so overcrowded that it quickly became evident that they could not
  possibly make the voyage across the Atlantic to England. About a
  hundred men were therefore set on shore, on the northern coast of
  the Gulf of Mexico. Three of these men succeeded in making their
  way across the central and eastern portion of what is now the
  United States. A French fur-trader found them somewhere on the
  eastern Maine coast and carried them back to Europe._

  _One of these trans-continental wanderers, David Ingram, wrote
  an account of his adventures, in which he mingled much fiction
  with some probable truth. The paragraphs reprinted here contain
  the most plausible portion of his narrative. There are numerous
  contemporary manuscript copies of Ingram’s narrative, testifying to
  the curiosity which it excited at the time. It was first printed in
  1582 by Hakluyt, who omitted it from his subsequent publications
  because of its dubious veracity._


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  THE Relacon of _Davyd Ingram_ of _Barkinge_ in the Com of _Essex_
  Saylor, being nowe abowt the age of fortye yeares, of sundrye
  thinges which he with others did see in Travelinge by lande from
  the moste northerlie parte of the Baye of _Mezico_ where he with
  many others weare sett on shoare by M^r _Hawkyns_ throughe a greate
  parte of _Ameryca_ vntill they came within fivetye leagues or
  theraboutes of Cape _Britton_ which he reported vnto Sr. _ffrauncys
  Walsingham_ Kt. her Majesties principall Secretarye and to Sr.
  _George Peckham_ Knight and dyuers others of good iudgment and
  Creditt in August and September Anno Domini 1582.

ABOUTE the beginninge of Octobar Anno Domini 1568 ♦_1568 October_♦
Davyd Ingram with the reste of his Company beinge an C. [i. e. 100]
persons in all weare sett on lande by Mr. John Hawkyns about sixe
leagues to the weste of the Ryvar Camina or Rio de Mynas which
standethe aboute 140 leagues weste and by northe from the Cape of
floryda he hathe travayled in those Countryes from beyonde terra
florida extendinge towardes the Cape Britton about eleaven monethes
in the whole, and aboute seaven monethes therof in those Countryes
which lye towardes the northe of the Ryu of Maii. In which tyme as
the saide Ingram thincketh he travayled by land 2000 myles at the
leaste, and never contynued in any one place above 3 or 4. daies
savinge onlye at the Cyttie of Balma where he stayed VI or VII. daies.

       *       *       *       *       *

After longe travayle the foresaid Davyd Ingram with his twoe
Companions Browne and Twyde came to the head of a Ryvar called Gugida
♦_St. John River_♦ which is 60 leagues weste from Cape Britton where
they vnderstode by the people of that Countrye, of the arryvall of
a Christyan, whervppon they made there repayer to the Sea syde, and
there founde a frenche Capitaine named Mounsieur Champaine whoe toke
them into his Shippe and brought them vnto Newhaven, and from thence
they weare transported into England Anno Domini 1569.

This Mounsieur Champaine with dyvers of his Company was brought into
the village of Baryniathe aboute twentye myles vpp into the Countrye
by the saide Ex^t and his twoe Companions by whose meanes he had a
trade with the people, of dyvers sortes of fyne furres and of great
redde leaves of Trees almoste a yarde longe and aboute a foote broade
which he thincketh are good for dyenge.

Alsoe the saide Mounsieur Champaine had there for exchange of
tryflinge wares a good quantytie of rude and vnwrought sylver.

He saieth furthar that dyvers of the saide frenche men which weare
in the saide Shippe called the Gargaryne, are yet lyvinge in ·······
vppon the Coaste of ffraunce as he thincketh, for he did speake with
some of them within these three yeares.

Aboute a fortnight after there cominge from Newhaven into England
this Ex^t and his twoe Companyons came to Mr. John Hawkyns whoe had
sett them on shoare vppon the Baye of Mezico, and vnto eache of them
he gave a Rewarde.

Richard Browne his Companyon was slayne aboute five yeares paste in
the Elizabeth of Mr. Cockens of London, and Richard Twyde his other
Companyon dyed at Ratclif in John Sherwoodes howse there aboute three
yeares paste.

Grando is a word of salutacion, as amonge vs good morrowe good even
god save you, and such like.

Garriccona a Kinge.

Garraccona a Lorde.

Tona Bredde.

Carningnaz, the privyties.

Kerrucca the sonne.

Alsoe the saide Davyd Ingram travelinge towardes the northe founde
the mayne Sea vppon the northe syde of Ameryca, ♦_Great Lakes_♦ and
travayled in the sighte therof the space of twoe whole dayes, where
the people signifyed vnto him that they had seene Shippes on that
Coaste and did drawe vppon the grounde the Shape and signe of Shippes
and of there Sales and flagges which thinge especyallye provethe the
passage of the northe weste and is agreable to the experyence of the
Spanishe Captaine Vasques de Coronado, founde a Shippe of China or
Caytaia vppon the northe weste of Ameryca.




Bartholomew Gosnold

1602

BUZZARD’S BAY

  BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD _and Bartholomew Gilbert, the latter a son
  of Sir Humphrey, visited the south-eastern New England coast in
  the summer of 1602, for the purpose of finding out what chances
  there were for profitable trading in that region. They probably
  chose this locality because it had not before been explored by
  English sailors, and because they sailed without a license from
  Sir Walter Ralegh, to whom had been granted the exclusive right of
  English trade with that part of the world. Had they succeeded in
  returning undetected to England, nobody to-day would know anything
  about the details of their voyage. A sudden drop in the price of
  sassafras showed Ralegh that something was wrong, and investigation
  soon brought their cargo to light. As some men prominent in the
  court circle had taken shares in the Gosnold-Gilbert venture,
  a compromise was arranged to avoid public scandal, and Ralegh
  allowed the report to go out that he had authorized the voyage. An
  account of the voyage, written by John Brereton, was published for
  circulation among those who it was hoped might subscribe toward the
  cost of equipping another expedition to the same locality._


[Illustration: _Earliest English Book relating to New England_

  A
  Briefe and true Relation of
  the Discouerie of the North
  part of _Virginia_; being a
  most pleasant, fruitfull
  and commodious
  soile:

  Made this present yeere 1602, by
  Captaine _Bartholomew Gosnold_, Captaine
  _Bartholowmew Gilbert_, and diuers
  other gentlemen their associates, by the
  permission of the honourable knight,
  Sir WALTER RALEGH, &c.

  _Written by M._ John Brereton
  _one of the voyage_.

  Whereunto is annexed a Treatise,
  of M. _Edward Hayes_, conteining important
  inducements for the planting in those
  parts, and finding a passage that
  way to the South sea,
  and _China_.

  _With diuers instructions of speciall moment
  newly added in this second impression._

  LONDINI,
  _Impensis_ Geor. Bishop.
  1602.]


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  TO THE HONOURABLE Sir WALTER RALEGH, _Kt., Captaine of her_
  Maiesties Guards, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Lieutenant of
  _Cornwall_, and Gouernour of the Isle of _Jersey_.

HONOURABLE sir, being earnestly requested by a deere friend, ♦_1602_♦
to put downe in writing, some true relation of our late performed
voyage to the North parts of _Virginia_; at length I resolued to
satisfie his request, who also imboldened me, to direct the same to
your honourable consideration; to whom indeed of duetie it perteineth.

May it please your Lordship therefore to understand, that upon the
sixe and twentieth of March _1602_, ♦_March_♦ being Friday, we went
from _Falmouth_, being in all, two & thirtie persons, in a small
barke of _Dartmouth_, called The _Concord_, holding a course for the
North part of Virginia: and although by chance the winde fauoured
vs not at first as we wished, but inforced vs so farre to the
Southward, as we fell with _S. Marie_, one of the islands of the
_Açores_ (which was not much out of our way) yet holding our course
directly from thence, we made our iourney shorter (than hitherto
accustomed) by the better part of a thousand leagues, yet were wee
longer in our passage than we expected; which happened, for that our
barke being weake, we were loth to presse her with much saile; also,
our sailers being few, and they none of the best, we bare (except in
faire weather) but low saile; besides, our going vpon an vnknowen
coast, made vs not ouer-bolde to stand in with the shore, but in open
weather; which caused vs to be certeine daies in sounding, before we
discouered the coast, the weather being by chance, somewhat foggie.
♦_May_♦ But on Friday the foureteenth of May, early in the morning,
we made the land, being full of faire trees, the land somewhat low,
certeine hummocks or hilles lying into the land, the shore ful of
white sand, but very stony or rocky. And standing faire alongst by
the shore, about twelue of the clocke the same day, we came to an
anker, ♦_Cape Neddock Maine_♦ where sixe Indians, in a Baske-shallop
with mast and saile, an iron grapple, and a kettle of copper, came
boldly aboord vs, one of them apparelled with a wastcoat and breeches
of blacke serdge, made after our sea-fashion, hose and shoes on his
feet; all the rest (sauing one that had a paire of breeches of blue
cloth) were all naked. These people are of tall stature, broad and
grim visage, of a blacke swart complexion, their eie-browes painted
white; their weapons are bowes and arrowes: it seemed by some words
and signes they made, that some Basks or of _S. Iohn de Luz_, haue
fished or traded in this place, being in the latitude of 43 degrees.
But riding heere, in no very good harbour, and withall, doubting the
weather, about three of the clocke the same day in the afternoone
we weighed, & standing Southerly off into sea the rest of that day
and the night following, with a fresh gale of winde, in the morning
we found ourselues embayed with a mightie headland; but comming to
an anker about nine of the clocke the same day, within a league of
the shore, ♦_Cape Cod_♦ we hoised out the one halfe of our shallop,
and captaine _Bartholomew Gosnold_, my selfe, and three others, went
ashore, being a white sandie and very bolde shore; and marching
all that afternoon with our muskets on our necks, on the highest
hilles which we saw (the weather very hot) at length we perceiued
this headland to be parcell of the maine, and sundrie Islands
lying almost round about it: so returning (towards euening) to our
shallop (for by that time, the other part was brought ashore and set
together) we espied an Indian, a yong man, of proper stature, and
of a pleasing countenance; and after some familiaritie with him,
we left him at the sea side, and returned to our ship, where, in
fiue or sixe houres absence, we had pestered our ship so with Cod
fish, that we threw numbers of them ouer-boord againe: and surely,
I am persuaded that in the moneths of March, April, and May, there
is vpon this coast, better fishing, and in as great plentie, as in
_Newfoundland_: for the sculles of Mackerell, herrings, Cod, and
other fish, that we dayly saw as we went and came from the shore,
were wonderfull; and besides, the places where we tooke these Cods
(and might in a few daies haue laden our ship) were but in seuen
faddome water, and within lesse than a league of the shore; where,
in _Newfound-land_ they fish in fortie or fiftie fadome water, and
farre off. From this place, we sailed round about this headland,
almost all the points of the compasse, the shore very bolde: but as
no coast is free from dangers, so I am persuaded, this is as free
as any; the land somewhat lowe, full of goodly woods, but in some
places plaine: at length we were come amongst many faire Islands,
which we had partly discerned at our first landing; ♦_Nantucket_♦ all
lying within a league or two one of another, and the outermost not
aboue sixe or seuen leagues from the maine: ♦_Martha’s Vineyard_♦
but comming to an anker vnder one of them, which was about three
or foure leagues from the maine, captaine _Gosnold_, my selfe, and
some others, went ashore, & going round about it, we found it to
be foure English miles in compasse, without house or inhabitant,
sauing a little old house made of boughes, couered with barke, an
olde piece of a weare of the Indians, to catch fish, and one or two
places, where they had made fires. The chiefest trees of this Island,
are Beeches and Cedars; the outward parts all ouergrowen with lowe
bushie trees, three or foure foot in height, which beare some kinde
of fruits, as appeared by their blossomes; Strawberies, red and
white, as sweet and much bigger than ours in _England_, Rasberies,
Gooseberies, Hurtleberies, and such; an incredible store of Vines,
as well in the wooddie part of the Island, where they run upon euery
tree, as on the outward parts, that we could not goe for treading
vpon them: also, many springs of excellent sweet water, and a great
standing lake of fresh water, neere the sea side, an English mile
in compasse, which is mainteined with the springs running exceeding
pleasantly thorow the wooddie grounds which are very rockie. Here
are also in this Island, great store of Deere, which we saw, and
other beasts, as appeared by their tracks; as also diuers fowles,
as Cranes, Hernshawes, Bitters, Geese, Mallards, Teales, and other
fowles, in great plenty; also, great store of Pease, which grow in
certeine plots all the Island ouer. On the North side of this Island
we found many huge bones and ribbes of Whales. This Island, as also
all the rest of these Islands, are full of all sorts of stones fit
for building; the sea sides all couered with stones, many of them
glistering and shining like minerall stones, and very rockie: also,
the rest of these Islands are replenished with these commodities, and
vpon some of them, inhabitants; as vpon an Island to the Northward,
and within two leagues of this; yet wee found no townes, nor many
of their houses, although we saw manie Indians, which are tall big
boned men, all naked, sauing they couer their priuy parts with a
blacke tewed skin, much like a Black-smithes apron, tied about their
middle and betweene their legs behinde: they gaue vs of their fish
readie boiled (which they carried in a basket made of twigges, not
unlike our osier) whereof we did eat, and iudged them to be fresh
water fish: they gaue vs also of their Tabacco, which they drinke
greene, but dried into powder, very strong and pleasant, and much
better than any I haue tasted in _England_: the necks of their pipes
are made of clay hard dried (whereof in that Island is great store
both red and white) the other part, is a piece of hollow copper,
very finely closed and semented together: we gaue vnto them certeine
trifles, as kniues, points, and such like, which they much esteemed.
From hence we went to another Island, to the Northwest of this, and
within a league or two of the maine, which we found to be greater
than before we imagined, being 16 English miles at the least in
compasse; ♦_Cuttyhunk_♦ for it conteineth many pieces or necks of
land, which differ nothing frō seuerall Islands, sauing that certeine
banks of small bredth do like bridges ioyne them to this Island:
on the outsides of this Island are many plaine places of grasse,
abundance of Strawberies & other berries before mentioned: in mid May
we did sowe in this Island (as for a triall) in sundry places, Wheat,
Barley, Oats, and Pease, which in foureteene daies were sprung up
nine inches and more: the soile is fat and lustie; the vpper crust,
of gray colour; but a foot or lesse in depth, of the colour of our
hempe-lands in _England_; and being thus apt for these and the like
graines; the sowing or setting (after the ground is cleansed) is no
greater labour, than if you should set or sowe in one of our best
prepared gardens in England. This Island is full of high timberd
Oaks, their leaues thrise so broad as ours; Cedars, strait and tall;
Beech, Elme, Hollie, Walnut trees in abundance, the fruit as bigge
as ours, as appeared by those we found under the trees, which had
lien all the yeere vngathered; Haslenut trees, Cherry trees, the
leafe, barke and bignesse not differing from ours in _England_, but
the stalke beareth the blossomes or fruit at the end thereof, like
a cluster of Grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch; Sassafras trees
great plentie all the Island ouer, a tree of high price and profit;
also, diuers other fruit trees, some of them with strange barks, of
an Orange colour, in feeling soft and smoothe like veluet: in the
thickest parts of these woods, you may see a furlong or more round
about. On the Northwest side of this Island, neere to the sea side,
is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in
compasse, in the middest whereof stands a plot of wooddie ground, an
acre in quantitie or not aboue: this Lake is full of small Tortoises,
and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowles before rehearsed,
which breed, some lowe on the banks, and others on lowe trees about
this Lake in great abundance, whose yoong ones of all sorts we tooke
and eat at our pleasure: but all these fowles are much bigger than
ours in _England_. Also, in euery Island, and almost in euery part
of euery Island, are great store of Ground nuts, fortie together
on a string, some of them as bigge as hennes egges; they grow not
two inches vnder ground: the which nuts we found to be as good as
Potatoes. Also, diuers sorts of shell-fish, as Scallops, Muscles,
Cockles, Lobsters, Crabs, Oisters, and Wilks, exceeding good and
very great. But not to cloy you with particular rehearsall of such
things as God & Nature hath bestowed on these places, in comparison
whereof, the most fertil part of al _England_ is (of it selfe) but
barren; we went in our light-horsman frō this Island to the maine,
right against this Island some two leagues off, where comming ashore,
we stood a while like men rauished at the beautie and delicacie of
this sweet soile; ♦_Buzzard’s Bay_♦ for besides diuers cleere Lakes
of fresh water (whereof we saw no end) Medowes very large and full of
greene grasse; euen the most wooddy places (I speake onely of such as
I saw) doe grow so distinct and apart, one tree from another, vpon
greene grassie ground, somewhat higher than the Plaines, as if Nature
would shew herselfe aboue her power, artificiall. Hard by, we espied
seuen Indians; and comming vp to them, at first they expressed some
feare; but being emboldned by our courteous vsage, and some trifles
which we gaue them, they followed vs to a necke of land, which we
imagined had beene seuered from the maine; but finding it otherwise,
we perceiued a broad harbour or riuers mouth, which ranne vp into
the maine: but because the day was farre spent, we were forced to
returne to the Island from whence we came, leauing the discouerie
of this harbour, for a time of better leasure: of the goodnesse of
which harbour, as also of many others thereabouts, there is small
doubt, considering that all the Islands, as also the maine (where we
were) is all rockie grounds and broken lands. Now the next day, we
determined to fortifie our selues in the little plot of ground in
the midst of the Lake aboue mentioned, where we built an house, and
couered it with sedge, which grew about this lake in great abundance;
in building whereof, we spent three weeks and more: but the second
day after our comming from the maine, we espied 9 canowes or boats,
with fiftie Indians in them, comming toward vs from this part of
the maine, where we, two daies before, landed; and being loth they
should discouer our fortification, we went out on the sea side to
meet them; and comming somewhat neere them, they all sat downe upon
the stones, calling aloud to vs (as we rightly ghessed) to doe the
like, a little distance from them: hauing sat a while in this order,
captaine _Gosnold_ willed me to go vnto them, to see what countenance
they would make; but as soone as I came vp vnto them, one of them,
to whom I had giuen a knife two daies before in the maine, knew me
(whom I also very wel remembred) and smiling vpon me, spake somewhat
vnto their lord or captaine, which sat in the midst of them, who
presently rose vp and tooke a large Beauer skin from one that stood
about him, and gaue it vnto me, which I requited for that time the
best I could: but I pointing towards captaine _Gosnold_, made signes
vnto him, that he was our captaine, and desirous to be his friend,
and enter league with him, which (as I perceiued) he vnderstood,
and made signes of ioy: whereupon captaine _Gosnold_ with the rest
of his companie, being twentie in all, came vp vnto them; and after
many signes of gratulations (captain _Gosnold_ presenting their L.
with certeine trifles which they wondred at, and highly esteemed)
we became very great friends, and sent for meat aboord our shallop,
and gaue them such meats as we had then readie dressed, whereof they
misliked nothing but our mustard, whereat they made many a sowre
face. While wee were thus merry, one of them had conueied a target
of ours into one of their canowes, which we suffered, onely to trie
whether they were in subiection to this L. to whom we made signes
(by shewing him another of the same likenesse, and pointing to the
canowe) what one of his companie had done: who suddenly expressed
some feare, and speaking angerly to one about him (as we perceiued
by his countenance) caused it presently to be brought backe againe.
So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them for Furres,
which are Beauers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wild-cat skinnes very
large and deepe Furre, blacke Foxes, Conie skinnes, of the colour
of our Hares, but somewhat lesse, Deere skinnes very large, Seale
skinnes, and other beasts skinnes, to vs vnknowen. They haue also
great store of Copper, some very redde, and some of a paler colour;
none of them but haue chaines, earrings or collars of this mettall:
they head some of their arrows herewith, much like our broad arrow
heads, very workmanly made. Their chaines are many hollow pieces
semented together, ech piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds, a
finger in length, ten or twelue of them together on a string, which
they weare about their necks: their collars they weare about their
bodies like bandelieres a handfull broad, all hollow pieces, like the
other, but somewhat shorter, foure hundred pieces in a collar, very
fine and euenly set together. Besides these, they haue large drinking
cups, made like sculles, and other thinne plates of Copper, made much
like our boare-speare blades, all which they so little esteeme, as
they offered their fairest collars or chaines, for a knife or such
like trifle, but we seemed little to regard it; yet I was desirous
to vnderstand where they had such store of this mettall, and made
signes to one of them (with whom I was verie familiar) who taking
a piece of Copper in his hand, made a hole with his finger in the
ground, and withall, pointed to the maine from whence they came. They
strike fire in this manner; euery one carrieth about him in a purse
of tewed leather, a Minerall stone (which I take to be their Copper)
and with a flat Emerie stone (wherewith Glasiers cut glasse, and
Cutlers glase blades) tied fast to the end of a little sticke, gently
he striketh vpon the Minerall stone, and within a stroke or two, a
sparke falleth vpon a piece of Touch-wood (much like our Spunge in
_England_) and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently. We
had also of their Flaxe, wherewith they make many strings and cords,
but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England: I am perswaded
they haue great store growing vpon the maine, as also Vines and many
other rich commodities, which we, wanting both time and meanes, could
not possibly discouer. Thus they continued with vs three daies, euery
night retiring themselues to the furthermost part of our Island two
or three miles from our fort: but the fourth day they returned to the
maine, pointing fiue or six times to the Sun, and once to the maine,
which we vnderstood, that within fiue or six daies they would come
from the maine to vs againe: but being in their canowes a little from
the shore, they made huge cries & shouts of ioy vnto vs; and we with
our trumpet and cornet, and casting vp our cappes into the aire, made
them the best farewell we could: yet sixe or seuen of them remained
with vs behinde, bearing vs company euery day into the woods, and
helpt vs to cut and carie our Sassafras, and some of them lay aboord
our ship. These people, as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of
disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that we
haue seene; so for shape of bodie and louely fauour, I thinke they
excell all the people of _America_; of stature much higher than we;
of complexion or colour, much like a darke Oliue; their eie-browes
and haire blacke, which they weare long, tied vp behinde in knots,
whereon they pricke feathers of fowles, in fashion of a crownet:
some of them are blacke thin bearded; they make beards of the haire
of beasts: and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of
our sailers, for his that grew on his face, which because it was of
a red colour, they iudged to be none of his owne. They are quicke
eied, and stedfast in their looks, fearelesse of others harmes, as
intending none themselues; some of the meaner sort giuen to filching,
which the very name of Saluages (not weighing their ignorance in good
or euill) may easily excuse: their garments are of Deere skins, and
some of them weare Furres round and close about their necks. They
pronounce our language with great facilitie; for one of them one day
sitting by me, vpon occasion I spake smiling to him these words:
_How now (sirha) are you so saucie with my Tabacco_: which words
(without any further repetition) he suddenly spake so plaine and
distinctly, as if he had beene a long scholar in the language. Many
other such trials we had, which are heere needlesse to repeat. Their
women (such as we saw) which were but three in all, were but lowe
of stature, their eie-browes, haire, apparell, and maner of wearing,
like to the men, fat, and very well fauoured, and much delighted in
our compane; the men are very dutifull towards them. And truely, the
holsomnesse and temperature of this Climat, doth not onely argue this
people to be answerable to this description, but also of a perfect
constitution of body, actiue, strong, healthfull, and very wittie, as
the sundry toies of theirs cunningly wrought, may easily witnes. For
the agreeing of this Climat with vs (I speake of my selfe, & so I may
iustly do for the rest of our companie) that we found our health &
strength all the while we remained there, so to renew and increase,
as notwithstanding our diet and lodging was none of the best, yet
not one of our company (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or
inclination to any disease or sicknesse, but were much fatter and in
better health than when we went out of _England_. But after our barke
had taken in so much Sassafras, Cedar, Furres, Skinnes, and other
commodities, as were thought conuenient; some of our company that
had promised captaine _Gosnold_ to stay, hauing nothing but a sauing
voyage in their minds, made our company of inhabitants (which was
small enough before) much smaller; so as captaine _Gosnold_ seeing
his whole strength to consist but of twelue men, and they but meanly
prouided, determined to returne for _England_, leauing this Island
(which he called _Elizabeths Island_) with as many true sorrowfull
eies, as were before desirous to see it. So the 18 of June, being
Friday, we weighed, and with indifferent faire winde and weather came
to anker the 23 of July, being also Friday (in all, bare fiue weeks)
before _Exmouth_.

  Your Lordships to command,
  _Iohn Brereton_.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  A briefe Note of such commodities as we saw in the countrey
  notwithstanding our small time of stay.


_Trees._

  SAssafras trees, the roots whereof at 3. s. the pound are 336. l.
    the tunne.
  Cedars tall and straight, in great abundance.
  Cypres trees.
  Oakes.
  Walnut trees great store.
  Elmes.
  Beech.
  Hollie.
  Haslenut trees.
  Cherry trees.
  Cotten trees.
  Other fruit trees to vs vnknowen.


_Fowles._

  EAgles.
  Hernshawes.
  Cranes.
  Bitters.
  Mallards.
  Teales.
  Geese.
  Pengwins.
  Ospreis and Hawks.
  Crowes.
  Rauens.
  Mewes.
  Doues.
  Sea-pies.
  Blacke-birds with carnation wings.

  _The finder of our Sassafras in these parts, was one Master_ Robert
  Meriton.


_Beasts._

  DEere in great store, very great and large.
  Beares.
  Luzernes.
  Blacke Foxes.
  Beavers.
  Otters.
  Wilde-Cats, verie large and great.
  Dogs like Foxes, blacke and sharpe nosed.
  Conies.


_Fruits, Plants, and Herbs._

  TAbacco, excellent sweet and strong.
  Vines in more plenty than in _France_.
  Ground-nuts, good meat, & also medicinable.
  Strawberries.
  Raspeberries.
  Gooseberries.
  Hurtleberries.
  Pease growing naturally.
  Flaxe.
  Sorrell, & manie other herbs wherewith they made fallets.


_Fishes._

  WHales.
  Tortoises, both on land and sea.
  Seales.
  Cods.
  Mackerell.
  Breames.
  Herrings.
  Thornbacke.
  Hakes.
  Rockefish.
  Doggefish.
  Lobsters.
  Crabbes.
  Muscles.
  Wilks.
  Cockles.
  Scallops.
  Oisters.

  SNakes foure foot in length, and sixe inches about, which the
  Indians eat for daintie meat, the skinnes whereof they vse for
  girdles.


_Mettals and Stones._

  COpper in great abundance.
  Emerie stones for Glasiers & Cutlers.
  Alabaster very white.
  Stones glistering and shining like Minerall stones.
  Stones of a blue metalline colour, which we take to be Steele oare.
  Stones of all sorts for buildings.
  Cley, red and white.




Martin Pring

1603

PLYMOUTH HARBOUR

  MARTIN PRING, _who became more famous ten years later in the East
  India trade, and who rose to the dignity of “Generall to the
  Fraternity of the Trinitie House” at Bristol, was selected by
  sundry of the chiefest merchants of that town in 1603 to represent
  their interests on a voyage to the region where Gosnold and Gilbert
  had gathered a profitable cargo of sassafras. He was given the
  charge of “a small ship called the Speed-well in burthen about
  fiftie tunnes, manning the same with some thirtie men and Boyes ...
  with a Barke called the Discoverer, of six and twentie tunnes or
  thereabout, being thirteene men and a Boy in all in that Barke.”
  They made land on the Maine coast, and after following the northern
  shore of Massachusetts Bay for a ways, struck across to the
  southwest, hitting upon Plymouth harbour. Here there was abundance
  of sassafras, and the ships’ companies made a camp on shore while
  they gathered their cargo._

  _Pring wrote an account of the voyage for Richard Hakluyt, who
  had persuaded the Bristol merchants to make the venture. Samuel
  Purchas, who came into possession of Hakluyt’s papers, printed the
  narrative at London in 1625, in the fourth volume of “Purchas his
  Pilgrimes.”_


[Illustration: _Champlain’s Map of Port St. Louis_ (_Plymouth Bay_)]


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  A VOYAGE set out from the Citie of _Bristoll_ at the charge of the
  chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of the said Citie with a small
  Ship and a Barke for the discouerie of the North part of _Virginia_.

WE set saile from _Milford Hauen_ ♦_April 1603_♦ (where the winds had
stayed vs a fortnight, in which space we heard of Queen _Elizabeths_
death) the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the
Iles of the _Açores_, had first sight of the _Pike_, and afterward
of the Iland of _Cueruo_ and _Flores_, and after we had runne some
fiue hundred leagues, ♦_June_♦ we fell with a multitude of small
Ilands on the North Coast of _Virginia_, in the latitude of 43.
degrees, the ······· of Iune, which Ilands wee found very pleasant
to behold, adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees, as
Cedars, Spruce, Pines, and Firre-trees. Heere wee found an excellent
fishing for Cods, which are better then those of _New-found-land_,
and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon:
also we see no reason to the contrary, but that Salt may bee made
in these parts, a matter of no small importance. We sayled to the
South-west end of these Ilands, and there rode with our ships vnder
one of the greatest. One of them we named _Foxe Iland_, because we
found those kind of beasts thereon. So passing through the rest with
our Boates to the mayne Land, which lieth for a good space North-east
and South-west, we found very safe riding among them, in sixe, seuen,
eight, ten and twelue fathomes. At length comming to the Mayne in
the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe, we ranged the same to the
South-west. In which course we found foure Inlets, the most Easterly
whereof was barred at the mouth, but hauing passed ouer the barre,
wee ranne vp into it fiue miles, and for a certaine space found very
good depth, and comming out againe, as we sailed South-westward, we
lighted vpon two other Inlets, which vpon our search we found to
pierce not farre into the Land, the fourth and most Westerly was the
best, which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles.

In all these places we found no people, but signes of fires where
they had beene. Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods
replenished with tall Okes, Beeches, Pine-trees, Firre-trees,
Hasels, Wich-hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts of
Beasts, as Stags, Deere, Beares, Wolues, Foxes, Lusernes, and
Dogges with sharpe noses. But meeting with no Sassafras, we left
these places with all the foresaid Ilands, ♦_Cape Neddock Nubble_♦
shaping our course for _Sauage Rocke_ discouered the yeere before
by Captaine _Gosnold_, where going vpon the Mayne we found people,
with whom we had no long conuersation, because here also we could
find no Sassafras. Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe
which Captaine _Gosnold_ ouer-shot the yeere before, coasting and
finding people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in our
expectation, we left them and sailed ouer, and came to an Anchor on
the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minute: where
we went on Land in a certaine Bay, ♦_Plymouth Harbour_♦ which we
called _Whitson Bay_, by the name of the Worshipfull Master _Iohn
Whitson_ then Maior of the Citie of _Bristoll_, and one of the chiefe
Aduenturers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning, wee
called it _Mount Aldworth_, for Master _Robert Aldworths_ sake a
chiefe furtherer of the Voyage, as well with his Purse as with his
trauell. Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras.

At our going on shore, vpon view of the people and sight of the
place, wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe
diligent watch and ward in, for the aduertizement and succour of our
men, while they should worke in the Woods. During our abode on shore,
the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten, twentie,
fortie or threescore, and at one time one hundred and twentie at
once. We vsed them kindly, and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest
Merchandize. They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men. Their owne
victuals were most of fish.

We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne, in
whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight, and would giue him
many things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes skinnes of sixe foot
long, which they vse for Girdles, Fawnes skinnes, and such like, and
danced twentie in a Ring, and the Gitterne in the middest of them,
vsing many Sauage gestures, singing _lo, la, lo, la, la, lo_: him
that first brake the ring, the rest would knocke and cry out vpon.
Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long, and halfe a foote
broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe
foot long of Wich-hasell, painted blacke and yellow, the strings of
three twists of sinewes, bigger then our Bow-strings. Their Arrowes
are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds, but of a fine
light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke
feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite, as closely fastened with
some binding matter, as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on. Their
Quiuers are full a yard long, made of long dried Rushes wrought about
two handfuls broad aboue, and one handfull beneath with prettie
workes and compartiments, Diamant wise of red and other colours.

We carried with vs from _Bristoll_ two excellent Mastiues, of whom
the _Indians_ were more afraid, then of twentie of our men. One
of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth. And one
Master _Thomas Bridges_ a Gentleman of our company accompanied only
with one of these Dogs, and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey
hauing lost his fellowes, and returned safely. And when we would be
rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues, and
suddenly with out-cryes they would flee away. These people in colour
are inclined to a swart, tawnie, or Chestnut colour, not by nature
but accidentally, and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts,
and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind: in which
haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and
pleasure. They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather
drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and
before: whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seeme to bee
somewhat iealous of their women, for we saw not past two of them,
who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees,
and a Beares skinne like an _Irish_ Mantle ouer one shoulder. The
men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people, strong,
swift, well proportioned, and giuen to treacherie, as in the end we
perceiued.

Their Boats, whereof we brought one to _Bristoll_, were in proportion
like a Wherrie of the Riuer of _Thames_, seuenteene foot long and
foure foot broad, made of the Barke of a Birch-tree, farre exceeding
in bignesse those of _England_: it was sowed together with strong
and tough Oziers or twigs, and the seames couered ouer with Rozen
or Turpentine little inferiour in sweetnesse to Frankincense, as we
made triall by burning a little thereof on the coales at sundry times
after our coming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and sharpe at
both ends, sauing that the beake was a little bending roundly vpward.
And though it carried nine men standing vpright, yet it weighed not
at the most aboue sixtie pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible
in regard of the largenesse and capacitie thereof. Their Oares were
flat at the end like an Ouen peele, made of Ash or Maple very light
and strong, about two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly:
Passing vp a Riuer we saw certaine Cottages together, abandoned by
the Sauages, and not farre off we beheld their Gardens and one among
the rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was sowne Tobacco,
Pompions, Cowcumbers and such like; and some of the people had Maiz
or _Indian_ Wheate among them. In the fields we found wild Pease,
Strawberries very faire and bigge, Gooseberries, Raspices, Hurts, and
other wild fruits.

Hauing spent three Weeks vpon the Coast before we came to this place
where we meant to stay and take in our lading, according to our
instructions giuen vs in charge before our setting forth, we pared
and digged vp the Earth with shouels, and sowed Wheate, Barley,
Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time
of our abode there, being about seuen Weeks, although they were late
sowne, came vp very well, giuing certaine testimonie of the goodnesse
of the Climate and of the Soyle. And it seemeth that Oade, Hempe,
Flaxe, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground,
would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diuers places here
we found grasse aboue knee deepe.

As for Trees the Country yeeldeth Sassafras a plant of souereigne
vertue for the _French_ Poxe, and as some of late haue learnedly
written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines,
Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing
fruit whereof wee did eate, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best wood of
all other to make Sope-ashes withall, Walnut-trees, Maples, holy to
make Bird-lime with, and a kinde of tree bearing a fruit like a small
red Peare-plum with a crowne or knop on the top (a plant whereof
carefully wrapped vp in earth, Master _Robert Salterne_ brought to
Bristoll.) We found also low trees bearing faire Cheries. There were
likewise a white kind of Plums which were growne to their perfect
ripenesse. With diuers other sorts of trees to vs vnknowne.

The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deere in abundance, Beares, Wolues,
Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tygres, Porcupines, and Dogges with
sharpe and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose
Cases and Furres being hereafter purchased by exchange may yeeld no
smal gaine to vs. Since as we are certainly informed, the _Frenchmen_
brought from _Canada_ the value of thirtie thousand Crownes in the
yeare 1604. Almost in Beuers and Otters skinnes only. The most
vsuall Fowles are Eagles, Vultures, Hawkes, Cranes, Herons, Crowes,
Gulls, and great store of other Riuer and Sea-fowles. And as the
Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea replenished with
great abundance of excellent fish, as Cods sufficient to lade many
ships, which we found vpon the Coast in the moneth of Iune, Seales
to make Oile withall, Mullets, Turbuts, Mackerels, Herrings, Crabs,
Lobsters, Creuises and Muscles with ragged Pearles in them.

By the end of Iuly we had laded our small Barke called the
Discouerer, ♦_July_♦ with as much Sassafras as we thought sufficient,
and sent her home into _England_ before, to giue some speedie
contentment to the Aduenturers; who arriued safely in _Kingrode_
aboue a fortnight before vs. After their departure we so bestirred
our selues, that our shippe also had gotten in her lading, during
which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noone tide
while our men which vsed to cut down Sassafras in the Woods were
asleepe, as they vsed to doe for two houres in the heat of the day,
there came downe about seuen score Sauages armed with their Bowes and
Arrowes, and enuironed our House or Barricado, wherein were foure
of our men alone with their Muskets to keepe Centinell, whom they
sought to haue come downe vnto them, which they vtterly refused, and
stood vpon their guard. Our Master likewise being very carefull and
circumspect hauing not past two with him in the shippe put the same
in the best defence he could, lest they should haue inuaded the same,
and caused a piece of great Ordnance to bee shot off, to giue terrour
to the _Indians_, and warning to our men which were fast asleepe in
the Woods: at the noyse of which Peece they were a little awaked, and
beganne a little to call for _Foole_ and _Gallant_, their great and
fearefull Mastiues, and full quietly laid themselues downe againe,
but beeing quickned vp eftsoones againe with a second shot they
rowsed vp themselues, betooke them to their weapons and with their
Mastiues, great _Foole_ with an halfe Pike in his mouth drew downe
to their ship: whom when the _Indians_ beheld afarre off, with the
Mastiue which they most feared, in dissembling manner they turned all
to a iest and sport, and departed away in friendly manner: yet not
long after, euen the day before our departure, they set fire on the
Woods where wee wrought, which wee did behold to burne for a mile
space, and the very same day that wee weighed Anchor, they came downe
to the shoare in greater number, to wit, very neere two hundred by
our estimation, and some of them came in their Boates to our ship,
and would haue had vs come in againe: but we sent them backe, and
would none of their entertainment.

About the eighth or ninth of August, ♦_August_♦ wee left this
excellent Hauen at the entrance whereof we found twentie fathomes
water, and rode at our ease in seuen fathomes being Land-locked, the
Hauen winding in compasse like the shell of a Snaile, and it is in
latitude of one and forty degrees and fiue and twentie minutes.

This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captaine fell so
much to the Northward because he would find high grounds, where
commonly the best Hauens are: which also fell out to his expectation.
We also obserued that we could find no Sassafras but in sandie
ground. In our returne we brought our selues into the latitude of
eight and thirtie degrees about the _Açores_ for certaine causes, and
within fiue weekes space came from our Port of _Virginia_, into the
Soundings of _England_, but there being long encountred with Easterly
winds, we came at length into _Kingrode_, the second of October 1603.
The Discouerer was out fiue moneths and an halfe. The _Speedwell_ was
out sixe moneths vpon the Voyage.




  Samuel de Champlain

  1605

  MAINE AND
  MASSACHUSETTS

  SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN _first demonstrated his talents as an observer
  of unfamiliar regions during a two years’ trip through the West
  Indies and to the City of Mexico. His report on these travels
  doubtless commended him to the French king, who appointed him in
  1603 to accompany an expedition which visited the St. Lawrence in
  search of a suitable location for a settlement. The following year
  Champlain made another voyage to America with Sieur de Monts, who
  attempted to plant a colony in Nova Scotia. The location proving
  unsatisfactory, Champlain made three voyages toward the west,
  hoping to find a place more to his liking. In September, 1604, he
  visited Mount Desert, and sailed up the Penobscot as far as Bangor.
  In the summer of 1605 he sailed along the Maine and Massachusetts
  coasts as far as Nauset harbour on the outer shores of Cape Cod. In
  1606 he continued his explorations, visiting Gloucester harbour,
  then crossing to Cape Cod, and following the coast around to
  Vineyard Sound._

  _Champlain made careful notes of all his observations, drawing maps
  and sketches of all important points. His reports were afterwards
  written out and sent home to France, where they were printed, the
  volumes going through several editions. An English translation of
  Champlain’s writings, by Dr. Charles P. Otis, with editorial notes
  by the Rev. E. F. Slafter, was issued in 1878 by the Prince Society
  of Boston, by whose courtesy that translation of chapters vii,
  viii, and ix of Champlain’s “Voyages,” printed at Paris in 1613, is
  now reprinted with some verbal changes._


[Illustration: _Champlain’s Map of the Mouth of the Kennebec_]


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  DISCOVERY of the Coast of the _Almouchiquois_ as far as the
  Forty-Second Degree of Latitude, and Details of this Voyage.

ON the 18th of the month of June, 1605, ♦_1605 June_♦ Sieur de Monts
set out from the Island of St. Croix with some gentlemen, twenty
sailors, and a savage named Panounias, together with his wife,
whom he was unwilling to leave behind. These we took, in order to
serve us as guides to the country of the Almouchiquois, in the hope
of exploring and learning more particularly by their aid what the
character of this country was, especially since she was a native of
it.

Coasting along inside of Manan, ♦_Manan Island_♦ an island three
leagues from the main land, we came to the Ranges on the seaward
side, at one of which we anchored, where there was a large number of
crows, of which our men captured a great many, and we called it the
Isle aux Corneilles. Thence we went to the Island of Monts Deserts,
♦_Mount Desert_♦ at the entrance of the river Norumbegue, as I have
before stated, and sailed five or six leagues among many islands.
♦_Mouth of Penobscot River_♦ Here there came to us three savages in
a canoe from Bedabedec Point, where their captain was; and, after we
had had some conversation with them, they returned the same day.

On Friday, the 1st of July, ♦_July_♦ we set out from one of the
islands at the mouth of the river, where there is a very good harbour
for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and fifty tons. This day we
made some twenty-five leagues between Bedabedec Point and many
islands and rocks, which we explored as far as the river Quinibequy,
♦_Kennebec River_♦ at the mouth of which is a very high island, which
we called the Tortoise. ♦_Seguin Island_♦ Between the latter and the
main land there are some scattering rocks, which are covered at full
tide, although the sea is then seen to break over them. Tortoise
Island and the river lie south-south-east and north-north-west. As
you enter, there are two medium-sized islands forming the entrance,
one on one side, the other on the other; and some three hundred paces
farther in are two rocks, where there is no wood, but some little
grass. We anchored three hundred paces from the entrance in five and
six fathoms of water. While in this place, we were overtaken by fogs,
on account of which we resolved to enter, in order to see the upper
part of the river and the savages who live there; and we set out for
this purpose on the 5th of the month. Having made some leagues, our
barque came near being lost on a rock which we grazed in passing.
Further on, ♦_Back River_♦ we met two canoes which had come to hunt
birds, which for the most part are moulting at this season, and
cannot fly. We addressed these savages by aid of our own, who went
to them with his wife, who made them understand the reason of our
coming. We made friends with them and with the savages of this river,
who served us as guides. Proceeding farther, in order to see their
captain, named Manthoumermer, we passed, after we had gone seven or
eight leagues, by some islands, straits, and brooks, ♦_Hockamock
Bay_♦ which extend along the river, where we saw some fine meadows.
After we had coasted along an island some four leagues in length,
♦_Westport Island_♦ they conducted us to where their chief was with
twenty-five or thirty savages, who as soon as we had anchored,
♦_Wiscasset Harbour_♦ came to us in a canoe, separated a short
distance from ten others, in which were those who accompanied him.
Coming near our barque, he made an harangue, in which he expressed
the pleasure it gave him to see us, and said that he desired to
form an alliance with us and to make peace with his enemies through
our mediation. He said that, on the next day, he would send to two
other captains of savages, who were in the interior, one called
Marchin, and the other Sasinou, chief of the river Quinibequy.
Sieur de Monts gave them some cakes and peas, with which they were
greatly pleased. The next day they guided us down the river another
way than that by which we had come, in order to go to a lake; and,
passing by some islands, they left, each one of them, an arrow near
a cape, ♦_Hockamock Point_♦ where all the savages pass, and they
believe that if they should not do this some misfortune would befall
them, according to the persuasions of the devil. They live in such
superstitions, and practice many others of the same sort. Beyond this
cape we passed a very narrow waterfall, ♦_Hell Gate_♦ but not without
great difficulty; for, although we had a favorable and fresh wind,
and trimmed our sails to receive it as well as possible, in order
to see whether we could not pass it in that way, we were obliged
to attach a hawser to some trees on shore and all pull on it. In
this way, by means of our arms, together with the help of the wind,
which was favourable to us, we succeeded in passing it. The savages
who were with us carried their canoes by land, being unable to row
them. After going over this fall, we saw some fine meadows. I was
greatly surprised by this fall, since as we descended with the tide
we found it in our favour, but contrary to us when we came to the
fall. But, after we had passed it, it descended as before, which gave
us great satisfaction. Pursuing our route, we came to the lake,
♦_Merrymeeting Bay_♦ which is from three to four leagues in length,
where there are some islands, and two rivers enter it, the Quinibequy
coming from the north-north-east, and the other from the north-west,
♦_Kennebec and Androscoggin Rivers_♦ whence Marchin and Sasinou were
to come. Having awaited them all this day, and seeing that they
did not come, we resolved to improve our time. We weighed anchor
accordingly, and there accompanied us two savages from this lake to
serve as guides. The same day we anchored at the mouth of the river,
where we caught a large number of excellent fish of various sorts.
Meanwhile, our savages went hunting, but did not return. The route
by which we descended this river is much safer and better than that
by which we went up. Tortoise Island before the mouth of this river
is in latitude 44°; and 19° 12′ of the deflection of the magnetic
needle. ♦_Real latitude 43° 42′ 25″_♦ They go by this river across
the country to Quebec some fifty leagues, making only one portage
of two leagues. After the portage, you enter another little stream
♦_Chaudière River_♦ which flows into the great river St. Lawrence.
This river Quinibequy is very dangerous for vessels half a league
from its mouth, on account of the small amount of water, great tides,
rocks and shoals that are there outside as well as within. But it has
a good channel, if it were well marked out. The little of the country
which I have seen, along the shores of the river, is very poor,
for there are only rocks on all sides. There are a great many small
oaks, and very little arable land. This place abounds in fish, as do
the other rivers which I have mentioned. The people live like those
in the neighbourhood of our settlement; and they told us that the
savages who plant the Indian corn dwelt very far in the interior, and
that they had given up planting it on the coasts on account of the
war they had with others, who came and took it away. This is what I
have been able to learn about this region, which I think is no better
than the others.

On the 8th of the month, we set out from the mouth of this river,
which we could not do sooner on account of the fogs. We made that
day some four leagues, and passed a bay, ♦_Casco Bay_♦ where there
are a great many islands. From here large mountains are seen to
the west, ♦_White Mountains_♦ in which is the dwelling-place of a
savage captain called Aneda, who encamps near the river Quinibequy.
I was satisfied from this name that it was one of his tribe that
had discovered the plant called Aneda, which Jacques Cartier said
was so powerful against the malady called scurvy, of which we have
already spoken, which harassed his company as well as our own, when
they wintered in Canada. The savages have no knowledge whatever
of this plant, and are not aware of its existence, although the
above-mentioned savage has the same name. The following day we made
eight leagues. As we passed along the coast, we perceived two columns
of smoke which some savages made to attract our attention. We went
in the direction of them and anchored behind a small island near the
main land, ♦_Prout’s Neck_♦ where we saw more than eighty savages
running along the shore to see us, dancing and giving expression to
their joy. Sieur de Monts sent two men together with our savage to
visit them. After they had spoken some time with them, and assured
them of our friendship, we left with them one of our number, and they
delivered to us one of their companions as a hostage. Meanwhile,
Sieur de Monts visited an island, ♦_Richmond Island_♦ which is very
beautiful in view of what it produces; for it has fine oaks and
nut-trees, the soil cleared up, and many vineyards bearing beautiful
grapes in their season, which were the first we had seen on all
these coasts from the Cap de la Hève. We named it Isle de Bacchus.
It being full tide, we weighed anchor and entered a little river,
which we could not sooner do; ♦_Saco River_♦ for there is a bar,
there being at low tide only half a fathom of water, at full tide a
fathom and a half, and at the highest water two fathoms. On the other
side of the bar there are three, four, five, and six fathoms. When
we had anchored, a large number of savages came to us on the bank
of the river, and began to dance. Their captain, whom they called
Honemechin, was not with them at the time. He arrived about two or
three hours later with two canoes, when he came sweeping entirely
round our barque. Our savage could understand only a few words, as
the language of the Almouchiquois (as this nation is called) differs
entirely from that of the Souriquois and Etechemins. These people
gave signs of being greatly pleased. Their chief had a good figure,
was young and agile. We sent some articles of merchandise on shore
to barter with them; but they had nothing but their robes to give in
exchange, for they preserve only such furs as they need for their
garments. Sieur de Monts ordered some provisions to be given to their
chief, with which he was greatly pleased, and came several times to
the side of our boat to see us. These savages shave off the hair far
up on the head, and wear what remains very long, which they comb and
twist behind in various ways very neatly, intertwined with feathers
which they attach to the head. They paint their faces black and red,
like the other savages which we have seen. They are an agile people,
with well-formed bodies. Their weapons are pikes, clubs, bows and
arrows, at the end of which some attach the tail of a fish called
the signoc, others bones, while the arrows of others are entirely of
wood. They till and cultivate the soil, something which we have not
hitherto observed. In the place of ploughs, they use an instrument
of very hard wood, shaped like a spade. This river is called by the
inhabitants of the country Choüacoet.

The next day Sieur de Monts and I landed to observe their tillage on
the bank of the river. We saw their Indian corn, which they raise
in gardens. Planting three or four kernels in one place, they then
heap up about it a quantity of earth with shells of the signoc before
mentioned. Then three feet distant they plant as much more, and thus
in succession. With this corn they put in each hill three or four
Brazilian beans, which are of different colours. When they grow up,
they interlace with the corn, which reaches to the height of from
five to six feet. They keep the ground very free from weeds. We saw
there many squashes, and pumpkins, and tobacco, which they likewise
cultivate.

The Indian corn which we saw was at that time about two feet high,
some of it as high as three. The beans were beginning to flower, as
also the pumpkins and squashes. They plant their corn in May, and
gather it in September.

We saw also a great many white nuts, which are small and have several
divisions. There were as yet none on the trees, but we found plenty
under them, from the preceding year. We saw also many grape-vines,
on which there was a remarkably fine berry, from which we made
some very good verjuice. We had heretofore seen grapes only on the
Island of Bacchus, distant nearly two leagues from this river. Their
permanent abode, the tillage, and the fine trees led us to conclude
that the air here is milder and better than that where we passed
the winter, and at the other places we visited on the coast. But I
cannot believe that there is not here a considerable degree of cold,
although it is in latitude 43° 45′. The forests in the interior are
very thin, although abounding in oaks, beeches, ashes, and elms; in
wet places there are many willows. The savages dwell permanently
in this place, and have a large cabin surrounded by palisades made
of rather large trees placed by the side of each other, in which
they take refuge when their enemies make war upon them. They cover
their cabins with oak bark. This place is very pleasant, and as
agreeable as any to be seen. The river is very abundant in fish, and
is bordered by meadows. At the mouth there is a small island ♦_Ram
Island_♦ adapted for the construction of a good fortress, where one
could be in security.

On Sunday, the 12th of the month, we set out from the river
Choüacoet. After coasting along some six or seven leagues, a contrary
wind arose, which obliged us to anchor and go ashore, ♦_Wells Neck_♦
where we saw two meadows, each a league in length and half a league
in breadth. We saw there two savages, whom at first we took to be
the great birds called bustards, to be found in this country; who,
as soon as they caught sight of us, took flight into the woods, and
were not seen again. From Choüacoet to this place, where we saw some
little birds, which sing like blackbirds, and are black excepting the
ends of the wings, which are orange-coloured, there is a large number
of grape-vines and nut-trees. This coast is sandy, for the most
part, all the way from Quinibequy. This day we returned two or three
leagues towards Choüacoet, as far as a cape which we called Island
Harbour, ♦_Cape Porpoise_♦ favourable for vessels of a hundred tons,
about which are three islands. Heading north-east a quarter north,
one can enter another harbour near this place, to which there is no
approach, although there are islands, except the one where you enter.
At the entrance there are some dangerous reefs. There are in these
islands so many red currants that one sees for the most part nothing
else, and an infinite number of pigeons, of which we took a great
quantity. This Island Harbour is in latitude 43° 25′.

On the 15th of the month we made twelve leagues. Coasting along,
we perceived a smoke on the shore, which we approached as near as
possible, but saw no savage, which led us to believe that they had
fled. The sun set, and we could find no harbour for that night,
since the coast was flat and sandy. Keeping off, and heading south,
in order to find an anchorage, after proceeding about two leagues,
we observed a cape on the main land south a quarter south-east of
us, some six leagues distant. ♦_Cape Anne_♦ Two leagues to the east
we saw three or four rather high islands, ♦_Isles of Shoals_♦ and
on the west a large bay. The shore of this bay, reaching as far as
the cape, extends inland from where we were perhaps four leagues.
It has a breadth of two leagues from north to south, and three at
its entrance. Not observing any place favourable for putting in, we
resolved to go to the cape above mentioned with short sail, which
occupied a portion of the night. Approaching to where there were
sixteen fathoms of water, we anchored until daybreak.

On the next day we went to the above-mentioned cape, where there are
three islands near the main land, full of wood of different kinds,
as at Choüacoet and all along the coast; and still another flat one,
where there are breakers, and which extends a little farther out
to sea than the others, on which there is no wood at all. We named
this place Island Cape, near which we saw a canoe containing five
or six savages, who came out near our barque, and then went back
and danced on the beach. Sieur de Monts sent me on shore to observe
them, and to give each one of them a knife and some biscuit, which
caused them to dance again better than before. This over, I made
them understand, as well as I could, that I desired them to show me
the course of the shore. After I had drawn with a crayon the bay,
and the Island Cape, where we were, with the same crayon they drew
the outline of another bay, which they represented as very large;
here they placed six pebbles at equal distances apart, giving me to
understand by this that these signs represented as many chiefs and
tribes. Then they drew within the first mentioned bay a river which
we had passed, ♦_Merrimac River_♦ which has shoals and is very long.
We found in this place a great many vines, the green grapes on which
were a little larger than peas, also many nut-trees, the nuts on
which were no larger than musket-balls. The savages told us that all
those inhabiting this country cultivated the land and sowed seeds
like the others, whom we had before seen. The latitude of this place
is 43° and some minutes. Sailing half a league farther, we observed
several savages on a rocky point, who ran along the shore to their
companions, dancing as they went, to inform them of our coming. After
pointing out to us the direction of their abode, they made a signal
with smoke to show us the place of their settlement. We anchored near
a little island, ♦_Thatcher’s Island_♦ and sent our canoe with knives
and cakes for the savages. From the large number of those we saw, we
concluded that these places were better inhabited than the others we
had seen.

After a stay of some two hours for the sake of observing these
people, whose canoes are made of birch bark, like those of the
Canadians, Souriquois, and Etechemins, we weighed anchor and set
sail with a promise of fine weather. Continuing our course to
the west-south-west, we saw numerous islands on one side and the
other. Having sailed seven or eight leagues, we anchored near an
island, ♦_Boston Harbour_♦ whence we observed many smokes along the
shore, and many savages running up to see us. Sieur de Monts sent
two or three men in a canoe to them, to whom he gave some knives
and paternosters to present to them; with which they were greatly
pleased, and danced several times in acknowledgment. We could not
ascertain the name of their chief, as we did not know their language.
All along the shore there is a great deal of land cleared up and
planted with Indian corn. The country is very pleasant and agreeable,
and there is no lack of fine trees. The canoes of those who live
there are made of a single piece, and are very liable to turn over if
one is not skilful in managing them. We had not before seen any of
this kind. They are made in the following manner. After cutting down,
at a cost of much labour and time, the largest and tallest tree they
can find, by means of stone hatchets (for they have no others except
some few which they received from the savages on the coasts of La
Cadie, who obtained them in exchange for furs), they remove the bark,
and round off the tree except on one side, where they apply fire
gradually along its entire length; and sometimes they put red-hot
pebble-stones on top. When the fire is too fierce, they extinguish it
with a little water, not entirely, but so that the edge of the boat
may not be burnt. It being hollowed out as much as they wish, they
scrape it all over with stones, which they use instead of knives.
These stones resemble our musket flints.

On the next day, the 17th of the month, we weighed anchor to go
to a cape we had seen the day before, which seemed to lie on our
south-south-west. This day we were able to make only five leagues,
and we passed by some islands covered with wood. I observed in the
bay all that the savages had described to me at Island Cape. As we
continued our course, large numbers came to us in canoes from the
islands and main land. We anchored a league from a cape, which we
named St. Louis, ♦_Brant Rock Point_♦ where we noticed smoke in
several places. While in the act of going there, our barque grounded
on a rock, where we were in great danger, for, if we had not speedily
got it off, it would have overturned in the sea, since the tide was
falling all around, and there were five or six fathoms of water.
But God preserved us, and we anchored near the above-named cape,
when there came to us fifteen or sixteen canoes of savages. In some
of them there were fifteen or sixteen, who began to manifest great
signs of joy, and made various harangues, which we could not in the
least understand. Sieur de Monts sent three or four men on shore in
our canoe, not only to get water, but to see their chief, whose name
was Honabetha. The latter had a number of knives and other trifles,
which Sieur de Monts gave him, when he came alongside to see us,
together with some of his companions, who were present both along
the shore and in their canoes. We received the chief very cordially,
and made him welcome; who, after remaining some time, went back.
Those whom we had sent to them brought us some little squashes as
big as the fist, which we ate as a salad, like cucumbers, and which
we found very good. They brought also some purslane, which grows in
large quantities among the Indian corn, and of which they make no
more account than of weeds. We saw here a great many little houses,
scattered over the fields where they plant their Indian corn.

There is, moreover, in this bay a very broad river, which we named
River du Guast. ♦_Charles River_♦ It stretches, as it seemed to me,
towards the Iroquois, a nation in open warfare with the Montagnais,
who live on the great river St. Lawrence.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  Continuation of the Discoveries along the Coast of the
  Almouchiquois, and what we observed in detail.

THE next day we doubled Cap St. Louis, so named by Sieur de Monts, a
land rather low, and in latitude 42° 45′. The same day we sailed two
leagues along a sandy coast, as we passed along which we saw a great
many cabins and gardens. The wind being contrary, we entered a little
bay to await a time favourable for proceeding. ♦_Plymouth Harbour_♦
There came to us two or three canoes, which had just been fishing for
cod and other fish, which are found there in large numbers. These
they catch with hooks made of a piece of wood, to which they attach
a bone in the shape of a spear, and fasten it very securely. The
whole has a fang-shape, and the line attached to it is made out of
the bark of a tree. They gave me one of their hooks, which I took
as a curiosity. In it the bone was fastened on by hemp, like that
in France, as it seemed to me, and they told me that they gathered
this plant without being obliged to cultivate it; and indicated that
it grew to the height of four or five feet. This canoe went back
on shore to give notice to their fellow inhabitants, who caused
columns of smoke to arise on our account. We saw eighteen or twenty
savages, who came to the shore and began to dance. Our canoe landed
in order to give them some bagatelles, at which they were greatly
pleased. Some of them came to us and begged us to go to their river.
We weighed anchor to do so, but were unable to enter on account of
the small amount of water, it being low tide, and were accordingly
obliged to anchor at the mouth. I went ashore, where I saw many
others, who received us very cordially. I made also an examination of
the river, but saw only an arm of water extending a short distance
inland, where the land is only in part cleared up. Running into this
is merely a brook not deep enough for boats except at full tide. The
circuit of the bay is about a league. On one side of the entrance to
this bay there is a point which is almost an island, covered with
wood, principally pines, with sand-banks, which are very extensive,
all about. On the other side, the land is high. There are two islets
in this bay, which are not seen until one has entered, and around
which it is almost entirely dry at low tide. This place is very
conspicuous from the sea, for the coast is very low, excepting the
cape at the entrance to the bay. We named it the Port du Cap St.
Louis, distant two leagues from the above cape, and ten from the
Island Cape. It is in about the same latitude as Cap St. Louis.

On the 19th of the month, we set out from this place. Coasting along
in a southerly direction, we sailed four or five leagues, and passed
near a rock on a level with the surface of the water. As we continued
our course, we saw some land which seemed to us to be islands, but
as we came nearer we found it to be the main land, lying to the
north-north-west of us, and that it was the cape of a large bay,
containing more than eighteen or nineteen leagues in circuit, into
which we had run so far that we had to wear off on the other tack in
order to double the cape which we had seen. ♦_Cape Cod_♦ The latter
we named Cap Blanc, since it consisted of sands and downs which had
a white appearance. A favourable wind was of great assistance to us
here, for otherwise we should have been in danger of being driven
upon the coast. This bay is very safe, provided the land be not
approached nearer than a good league, there being no islands nor
rocks except that just mentioned, which is near a river that extends
some distance inland, which we named St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc,
♦_Wellfleet Harbour_♦ whence across to Cap St. Louis the distance
is ten leagues. Cap Blanc is a point of sand, which bends around
towards the south some six leagues. This coast is rather high, and
consists of sand, which is very conspicuous as one comes from the
sea. At a distance of some fifteen or eighteen leagues from land, the
depth of the water is thirty, forty, and fifty fathoms, but only ten
on nearing the shore, which is unobstructed. There is a large extent
of open country along the shore before reaching the woods, which are
very attractive and beautiful. We anchored off the coast, and saw
some savages, towards whom four of our company proceeded. Making
their way upon a sand-bank, they observed something like a bay, and
cabins bordering it on all sides. When they were about a league and a
half from us, there came to them a savage dancing all over, as they
expressed it. He had come down from the high shore, but turned about
shortly after to inform his fellow inhabitants of our arrival.

The next day, the 20th of the month, we went to the place which our
men had seen, and which we found a very dangerous harbour ♦_Nauset
Harbour_♦ in consequence of the shoals and banks, where we saw
breakers in all directions. It was almost low tide when we entered,
and there were only four feet of water in the northern passage; at
high tide, there are two fathoms. After we had entered, we found the
place very spacious, being perhaps three or four leagues in circuit,
entirely surrounded by little houses, around each one of which there
was as much land as the occupant needed for his support. A small
river enters here, which is very pretty, and in which at low tide
there are some three and a half feet of water. There are also two or
three brooks bordered by meadows. It would be a very fine place, if
the harbour were good. I took the altitude, and found the latitude
42°, and the deflection of the magnetic needle 18° 40′. Many savages,
men and women, visited us, and ran up on all sides dancing. We named
this place Port de Mallebarre.

The next day, the 21st of the month, Sieur de Monts determined to go
and see their habitations. Nine or ten of us accompanied him with our
arms; the rest remained to guard the barque. We went about a league
along the coast. Before reaching their cabins, we entered a field
planted with Indian corn in the manner before described. The corn
was in flower, and five and a half feet high. There was some less
advanced, which they plant later. We saw many Brazilian beans, and
many squashes of various sizes, very good for eating; some tobacco,
and roots which they cultivate, the latter having the taste of an
artichoke. The woods are filled with oaks, nut-trees, and beautiful
cypresses, which are of a reddish colour and have a very pleasant
odour. There were also several fields entirely uncultivated, the
land being allowed to remain fallow. When they wish to plant it,
they set fire to the weeds, and then work it over with their wooden
spades. Their cabins are round, and covered with heavy thatch made
of reeds. In the roof there is an opening of about a foot and a
half, whence the smoke from the fire passes out. We asked them if
they had their permanent abode in this place, and whether there was
much snow. But we were unable to ascertain this fully from them,
not understanding their language, although they made an attempt to
inform us by signs, by taking some sand in their hands, spreading
it out over the ground, and indicating that it was of the colour of
our collars, and that it reached the depth of a foot. Others made
signs that there was less, and gave us to understand also that the
harbour never froze; but we were unable to ascertain whether the snow
lasted long. I conclude, however, that this region is of moderate
temperature, and the winter not severe. While we were there, there
was a north-east storm, which lasted four days; the sky being so
overcast that the sun hardly shone at all. It was very cold, and we
were obliged to put on our great-coats, which we had entirely left
off. Yet I think the cold was accidental, as it is often experienced
elsewhere out of season.

On the 23d of July, four or five seamen having gone on shore with
some kettles to get fresh water, which was to be found in one of the
sand-banks a short distance from our barque, some of the savages,
coveting them, watched the time when our men went to the spring, and
then seized one out of the hands of a sailor, who was the first to
dip, and who had no weapons. One of his companions, starting to run
after him, soon returned, as he could not catch him, since he ran
much faster than himself. The other savages, of whom there were a
large number, seeing our sailors running to our barque, and at the
same time shouting to us to fire at them, took to flight. At the time
there were some of them in our barque, who threw themselves into
the sea, only one of whom we were able to seize. Those on the land
who had taken to flight, seeing them swimming, returned straight
to the sailor from whom they had taken away the kettle, hurled
several arrows at him from behind, and brought him down. Seeing
this, they ran at once to him, and despatched him with their knives.
Meanwhile, haste was made to go on shore, and muskets were fired from
our barque: mine, bursting in my hands, came near killing me. The
savages, hearing this discharge of fire-arms, took to flight, and
with redoubled speed when they saw that we had landed, for they were
afraid when they saw us running after them. There was no likelihood
of our catching them, for they are as swift as horses. We brought in
the murdered man, and he was buried some hours later. Meanwhile, we
kept the prisoner bound by the feet and hands on board of our barque,
fearing that he might escape. But Sieur de Monts resolved to let
him go, being persuaded that he was not to blame, and that he had
no previous knowledge of what had transpired, as also those who, at
the time, were in and about our barque. Some hours later there came
some savages to us, to excuse themselves, indicating by signs and
demonstrations that it was not they who had committed this malicious
act, but others farther off in the interior. We did not wish to harm
them, although it was in our power to avenge ourselves.

All these savages from the Island Cape wear neither robes nor furs,
except very rarely: moreover, their robes are made of grasses and
hemp, scarcely covering the body, and coming down only to their
thighs. They have only the private parts concealed with a small piece
of leather; so likewise the women, with whom it comes down a little
lower behind than with the men, all the rest of the body being naked.
Whenever the women came to see us, they wore robes which were open
in front. The men cut off the hair on the top of the head like those
at the river Choüacoet. I saw, among other things, a girl with her
hair very neatly dressed, with a skin coloured red, and bordered on
the upper part with little shell-beads. A part of her hair hung down
behind, the rest being braided in various ways. These people paint
the face red, black, and yellow. They have scarcely any beard, and
tear it out as fast as it grows. Their bodies are well-proportioned.
I cannot tell what government they have, but I think that in this
respect they resemble their neighbours, who have none at all. They
know not how to worship or pray; yet, like the other savages, they
have some superstitions, which I shall describe in their place. As
for weapons, they have only pikes, clubs, bows and arrows. It would
seem from their appearance that they have a good disposition, better
than those of the north, but they are all in fact of no great worth.
Even a slight intercourse with them gives you at once a knowledge
of them. They are great thieves and, if they cannot lay hold of any
thing with their hands, they try to do so with their feet, as we
have oftentimes learned by experience. I am of opinion that, if they
had any thing to exchange with us, they would not give themselves to
thieving. They bartered away to us their bows, arrows and quivers,
for pins and buttons; and if they had had any thing else better they
would have done the same with it. It is necessary to be on one’s
guard against this people, and live in a state of distrust of them,
yet without letting them perceive it. They gave us a large quantity
of tobacco, which they dry and then reduce to powder. When they eat
Indian corn, they boil it in earthen pots, which they make in a way
different from ours. They pound it also in wooden mortars and reduce
it to flour, of which they then make cakes, like the Indians of Peru.

In this place and along the whole coast from Quinibequy, there are
a great many _siguenocs_, ♦_Horseshoe Crab_♦ which is a fish with a
shell on its back like the tortoise, yet different, there being in
the middle a row of little prickles, of the colour of a dead leaf,
like the rest of the fish. At the end of this shell, there is another
still smaller, bordered by very sharp points. The length of the tail
varies according to their size. With the end of it, these people
point their arrows, and it contains also a row of prickles like the
large shell in which are the eyes. There are eight small feet like
those of the crab, and two behind longer and flatter, which they use
in swimming. There are also in front two other very small ones with
which they eat. When walking, all the feet are concealed excepting
the two hindermost, which are slightly visible. Under the small shell
there are membranes which swell up, and beat like the throat of a
frog, and rest upon each other like the folds of a waistcoat. The
largest specimen of this fish that I saw was a foot broad, and a
foot and a half long.

We saw also a sea-bird with a black beak, the upper part slightly
aquiline, four inches long and in the form of a lancet; namely, the
lower part representing the handle and the upper the blade, which is
thin, sharp on both sides, and shorter by a third than the other,
which circumstance is a matter of astonishment to many persons, who
cannot comprehend how it is possible for this bird to eat with such
a beak. It is of the size of a pigeon, the wings being very long in
proportion to the body, the tail short, as also the legs, which are
red; the feet being small and flat. The plumage on the upper part
is gray-brown, and on the under part pure white. They go always in
flocks along the sea-shore, like the pigeons with us.

The savages, along all these coasts where we have been, say that
other birds, which are very large, come along when their corn is
ripe. They imitated for us their cry, which resembles that of the
turkey. They showed us their feathers in several places, with which
they feather their arrows, and which they put on their heads for
decoration; and also a kind of hair which they have under the throat
like those we have in France, and they say that a red crest falls
over upon the beak. According to their description, they are as large
as a bustard, which is a kind of goose, having the neck longer and
twice as large as those with us. All these indications led us to
conclude that they were turkeys. We should have been very glad to
see some of these birds, as well as their feathers, for the sake
of greater certainty. Before seeing their feathers, and the little
bunch of hair which they have under the throat, and hearing their cry
imitated, I should have thought that they were certain birds like
turkeys, which are found in some places in Peru, along the sea-shore,
eating carrion and other dead things like crows. But these are not so
large; nor do they have so long a wattle, or a cry like that of real
turkeys; nor are they good to eat like those which the Indians say
come in flocks in summer, and at the beginning of winter go away to
warmer countries, their natural dwelling-place.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  Return from the Discoveries along the Coast of the Almouchiquois.

We had spent more than five weeks in going over three degrees of
latitude, and our voyage was limited to six, since we had not taken
provisions for a longer time. In consequence of fogs and storms, we
had not been able to go farther than Mallebarre, where we waited
several days for fair weather, in order to sail. Finding ourselves
accordingly pressed by the scantiness of provisions, Sieur de Monts
determined to return to the Island of St. Croix, in order to find
another place more favourable for our settlement, as we had not been
able to do on any of the coasts which we had explored on this voyage.

Accordingly, on the 25th of July, we set out from this harbour,
in order to make observations elsewhere. In going out, we came
near being lost on the bar at the entrance, from the mistake of
our pilots, Cramolet and Champdoré, masters of the barque, who had
imperfectly marked out the entrance of the channel on the southern
side, where we were to go. Having escaped this danger, we headed
north-east for six leagues, until we reached Cap Blanc, sailing
on from there to Island Cape, a distance of fifteen leagues, with
the same wind. Then we headed east-north-east sixteen leagues, as
far as Choüacoet, where we saw the savage chief, Marchin, whom we
had expected to see at the Lake Quinibequy. He had the reputation
of being one of the valiant ones of his people. He had a fine
appearance: all his motions were dignified, savage as he was. Sieur
de Monts gave him many presents, with which he was greatly pleased;
and, in return, Marchin gave him a young Etechemin boy, whom he had
captured in war, and whom we took away with us; and thus we set
out, mutually good friends. We headed north-east a quarter east for
fifteen leagues, as far as Quinibequy, where we arrived on the 29th
of the month, and where we were expecting to find a savage, named
Sasinou, of whom I spoke before. Thinking that he would come, we
waited some time for him, in order to recover from him an Etechemin
young man and girl, whom he was holding as prisoners. While waiting,
there came to us a captain called Anassou, who trafficked a little
in furs, and with whom we made an alliance. ♦_Waymouth in the
Archangel_♦ He told us that there was a ship, ten leagues off the
harbour, which was engaged in fishing, and that those on her had
killed five savages of this river, under cover of friendship. From
his description of the men on the vessel, we concluded that they were
English, and we named the Island where they were La Nef; ♦_Monhegan_♦
for, at a distance, it had the appearance of a ship. Finding that the
above-mentioned Sasinou did not come, we headed east-south-east, for
twenty leagues, to Isle Haute, where we anchored until morning.

On the next day, the 1st of August, ♦_August_♦ we sailed east some
twenty leagues to Cap Corneille, where we spent the night. ♦_Machias
Bay_♦ On the 2d of the month, we sailed north-east seven leagues
to the mouth of the river St. Croix, on the western shore. Having
anchored between the two first islands, ♦_Campobello and Eastport_♦
Sieur de Monts embarked in a canoe, at a distance of six leagues from
the settlement of St. Croix, where we arrived the next day with our
barque. We found there Sieur des Antons of St. Malo, who had come in
one of the vessels of Sieur de Monts, to bring provisions and also
other supplies for those who were to winter in this country.




  George Waymouth

  1605

  ST. GEORGE’S RIVER

  GEORGE WAYMOUTH _was sent to the Maine coast in 1605 to select a
  location for a settlement. His employers, the Earl of Southampton
  and Thomas Arundell, had some definite purpose in mind, but their
  plans were never fulfilled, and nothing is now known regarding
  their intentions. Hon. James Phinney Baxter, in his life of Sir
  Ferdinando Gorges, published at Portland in 1890, suggested that
  Arundell, who was a papal count, may have had some scheme for
  establishing a colony in which Roman Catholic Englishmen might find
  a refuge in case of a renewal of persecution in England. A document
  in the Roman archives shows that a Catholic priest accompanied
  Waymouth’s ship. He may have been the James Rosier who wrote an
  account of the voyage, which was printed at London shortly after
  the return._


[Illustration: _Second English Book relating to New England_

  A
  TRVE RELATION
  of the most prosperous voyage
  _made this present yeere 1605_,
  by Captaine _George Waymouth_,
  in the Discouery of the land
  of _Virginia_.

  Where he discouered 60 miles vp
  a most excellent Riuer; together
  with a most
  fertile land.

  _Written by_ IAMES ROSIER,
  _a Gentleman employed
  in the voyage._

  LONDINI
  _Impensis_ GEOR. BISHOP.
  1605.]


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  A TRUE RELATION of Captaine GEORGE WAYMOUTH his Voyage, made
  this present yeere 1605; in the Discouerie of the North part of
  _Virginia_.

VPON Tuesday the 5 day of March, ♦_1605 March_♦ about ten a clocke
afore noone, we set saile from Ratcliffe, and came to an anker that
tide about two a clocke before Grauesend.

From thence the 10 of March being Sunday at night we ankered in the
Downes: and there rode til the next day about three a clocke after
noone, when with a scant winde we set saile; and by reason the winde
continued Southwardly, we were beaten vp and doune: but on Saturday
the 16 day about foure a clocke after noon we put into Dartmouth
Hauen, where the continuance of the winde at South & Southwest
constrained vs to ride till the last of this moneth. There we shipped
some of our men and supplied necessaries for our Ship and Voyage.

Upon Easter day, being the last of March, the winde comming at
North-North-East, about fiue a clocke after noone we wayed anker, and
put to sea. In the name of God, being well victualled and furnished
with munition and all necessaries: Our whole Company being but 29
persons; of whom I may boldly say, few voyages have beene manned
forth with better Sea-men generally in respect of our small number.

Munday the next day, being the first of Aprill, ♦_April_♦ by sixe a
clocke in the morning we were sixe leagues South-South-East from the
Lizarde.

At two a clocke in the afternoone this day, the weather being very
faire, our Captaine for his owne experience and others with him
sounded, and had sixe and fiftie fathoms and a halfe. The sounding
was some small blacke perrie sand, some reddish sand, a match or two,
with small shels called Saint James his Shels.

The foureteenth of Aprill being Sunday, betweene nine and ten of the
clocke in the morning our Captaine descried the Iland Cueruo: which
bare South-West and by West, about seuen leagues from vs: by eleuen
of the clocke we descried Flores to the Southward of Cueruo, as it
lieth: by foure a clocke in the afternoone we brought Cueruo due
South from vs within two leagues of the shore, but we touched not,
because the winde was faire, and we thought our selues sufficiently
watered and wooded.

Heere our Captaine obserued the Sunne, and found himselfe in the
latitude of 40 degrees and 7 minutes: so he judged the North part
of Cueruo to be in 40 degrees. After we had kept our course about a
hundred leagues from the Ilands, by continuall Southerly windes we
were forced and driuen from the Southward, whither we first intended.
And when our Captaine by long beating saw it was but in vaine to
striue with windes, not knowing Gods purposes heerein to our further
blessing, (which after by his especiall direction wee found) he
thought best to stand as nigh as he could by the winde to recouer
what land we might first discouer.

Munday, the 6 of May, ♦_May_♦ being in the latitude of 39 and a
halfe about ten a clocke afore noone, we came to a riplin, which we
discerned a head our ship, which is a breach of water caused either
by a fall, or by some meeting of currents, which we judged this to
be; for the weather being very faire, and a small gale of winde, we
sounded and found no ground in a hundred fathoms.

Munday, the 13 of May, about eleuen a clocke afore noone, our
Captaine, judging we were not farre from land, sounded, and had a
soft oaze in a hundred and sixty fathomes. At fowre a clocke after
noone we sounded againe, and had the same oaze in a hundred fathoms.

From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning,
our Captaine tooke in all sailes and lay at hull, being desirous to
fall with the land in the day time, because it was an unknowen coast,
which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs, otherwise we had run
our ship vpon the hidden rockes and perished all. For when we set
saile we sounded in 100 fathoms: and by eight a clock, hauing not
made aboue fiue or six leagues, our Captaine vpon a sudden change of
water (supposing verily he saw the sand) presently sounded, and had
but fiue fathoms. Much maruelling because we saw no land, he sent one
to the top, who thence descried a whitish sandy cliffe, ♦_Sankaty
Head_♦ which bare West-North-West about six leagues off from vs: but
comming neerer within three or fowre leagues, we saw many breaches
still neerer the land: at last we espied a great breach a head vs
al along the shore, into which before we should enter, our Captaine
thought best to hoise out his ship boate and sound it. Which if he
had not done, we had beene in great danger: for he bare vp the ship,
as neere as he durst after the boate: vntill Thomas Cam, his mate,
being in the boat, called to him to tacke about & stand off, for in
this breach he had very showld water, two fathoms and lesse vpon
rockes, and sometime they supposed they saw the rocke within three
or fowre foote, whereon the sea made a very strong breach: which we
might discerne (from the top) to run along as we sailed by it 6 or
7 leagues to the Southward. This was in the latitude of 41 degrees,
20 minuts: wherefore we were constrained to put backe againe from the
land: and sounding, (the weather being very faire and a small winde)
we found our selues embaied with continuall showldes and rockes in
a most uncertaine ground, from five or sixe fathoms, at the next
cast of the lead we should haue 15 & 18 fathoms. Ouer many which we
passed, and God so blessed vs, that we had wind and weather as faire
as poore men in this distresse could wish: whereby we both perfectly
discerned euery breach, and with the winde were able to turne, where
we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the land,
which we had not so much before desired, and at the first sight
rejoiced, as now we all joifully praised God, that it had pleased him
to deliuer vs from so imminent danger.

Heere we found great store of excellent Cod fish, and saw many
Whales, as we had done two or three daies before.

We stood off all that night, and the next day being Wednesday; but
the wind still continuing between the points of South-South-West, and
West-South-West: so as we could not make any way to the Southward, in
regard of our great want of water and wood (which was now spent) we
much desired land and therefore sought for it, where the wind would
best suffer vs to refresh our selues.

Thursday, the 16 of May, we stood in directly with the land, and much
maruelled we descried it not, wherein we found our sea charts very
false, putting land where none is.

Friday, the 17 of May, about sixe a clocke at night we descried the
land, which bare from vs North-North-East; but because it blew a
great gale of winde, the sea very high and neere night, not fit to
come vpon an vnknowen coast, we stood off till two a clocke in the
morning, being Saturday: then standing in with it againe, we descried
it by eight a clocke in the morning, bearing North-East from vs. It
appeared a meane high land, as we after found it, ♦_Monhegan_♦ being
but an Iland of some six miles in compasse, but I hope the most
fortunate euer yet discouered. About twelve a clocke that day, we
came to an anker on the North side of this Iland, about a league from
the shore. About two a clocke our Captaine with twelue men rowed in
his ship boat to the shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our
boat with dry wood of olde trees vpon the shore side, and returned to
our ship, where we rode that night.

This Iland is woody, growen with Firre, Birch, Oke and Beech, as
farre as we saw along the shore; and so likely to be within. On the
verge grow Gooseberries, Strawberries, Wild pease, and Wild rose
bushes. The water issued foorth downe the Rocky cliffes in many
places: and much fowle of diuers kinds breed vpon the shore and rocks.

While we were at shore, our men aboord with a few hooks got aboue
thirty great Cods and Hadocks, which gaue vs a taste of the great
plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the
coast.

From hence we might discerne the maine land from the West-South-West
to the East-North-East, and a great way (as it then seemed, and
as we after found it) vp into the maine we might discerne very
high mountaines, ♦_Camden Hills_♦ though the maine seemed but low
land; which gaue vs a hope it would please God to direct vs to the
discouerie of some good; although wee were driuen by winds farre
from that place, whither (both by our direction and desire) we euer
intended to shape the course of our voyage.

The next day being Whit-Sunday; because we rode too much open to
the sea and windes, we weyed anker about twelue a clocke, and came
along to the other Ilands more adjoyning to the maine, and in the
rode directly with the mountaines, about three leagues from the first
Iland where we had ankered.

When we came neere vnto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our
Captaine manned his ship-boat and sent her before with Thomas Cam
one of his Mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound &
search betweene the Ilands for a place safe for our shippe to ride
in; ♦_St. George’s Islands_♦ in the meane while we kept aloofe at
sea, hauing giuen them in the boat a token to weffe in the ship,
if he found a conuenient Harbour; which it pleased God to send vs,
farre beyond our expectation, in a most safe birth defended from all
windes, in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in
six, seuen, eight, nine and ten fathoms vpon a clay oaze very tough.

We all with great joy praised God for his vnspeakable goodnesse, who
had from so apparent danger deliuered vs, & directed vs vpon this
day into so secure an Harbour: in remembrance whereof we named it
Pentecost harbor, we arriuing there that day out of our last Harbor
in England, from whence we set saile vpon Easterday.

About foure a clocke, after we were ankered and well mored, our
Captaine with halfe a dozen of our Company went on shore to seeke
fresh watering, and a conuenient place to set together a pinnesse,
which we brought in pieces out of England; both which we found very
fitting.

Vpon this Iland, as also vpon the former, we found (at our first
comming to shore) where fire had beene made: and about the place
were very great egge shelles bigger than goose egges, fish bones, and
as we judged, the bones of some beast.

Here we espied Cranes stalking on the shore of a little Iland
adjoyning; where we after saw they vsed to breed.

Whitsun-munday, the 20 day of May, very early in the morning, our
Captaine caused the pieces of the pinnesse to be carried a shore,
where while some were busied about her, others digged welles to
receiue the fresh water, which we found issuing downe out of the land
in many places. Heere I cannot omit (for foolish feare of imputation
of flattery) the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at sea
he is alwayes most carefull and vigilant, so at land he refuseth
no paines; but his labour was euer as much or rather more than any
mans: which not only encourageth others with better content, but also
effecteth much with great expedition.

In digging we found excellent clay for bricke or tile.

The next day we finished a well of good and holesome cleere water in
a great empty caske, which we left there. We cut yards, waste trees,
and many necessaries for our ship, while our Carpenter and Cooper
laboured to fit and furnish forth the shallop.

This day our boat went out about a mile from our ship, and in small
time with two or three hooks was fished sufficiently for our whole
Company three dayes, with great Cod, Haddocke, and Thornebacke.

And towards night we drew with a small net of twenty fathoms very
nigh the shore: we got about thirty very good and great Lobsters,
many Rockfish, some Plaise, and other small fishes, and fishes called
Lumpes, verie pleasant to the taste: and we generally obserued, that
all the fish, of what kinde soeuer we tooke, were well fed, fat, and
sweet in taste.

Wednesday, the 22 of May, we felled and cut wood for our ships
vse, cleansed and scoured our wels, and digged a plot of ground,
wherein, amongst some garden seeds, we sowed peaze and barley, which
in sixteen dayes grew eight inches aboue ground; and so continued
growing euery day halfe an inch, although this was but the crust of
the ground, and much inferior to the mould we after found in the
maine.

Friday, the 24 of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and
carying water aboord our shippe, with fourteene Shot and Pikes we
marched about and thorow part of two of the Ilands; the bigger of
which we judged to be foure or fiue miles in compasse, and a mile
broad.

The profits and fruits which are naturally on these Ilands are these:

                               {Rasberries.
  All along the shore and      {Gooseberries.
  some space within, where     {Strawberries.
  the wood hindereth not,      {Roses.
  grow plentifully             {Currants.
                               {Wild-Vines.
                               {Angelica.

                               {Birch.
                               {Beech.
                               {Ash.
  Within the Ilands growe      {Maple.
  wood of sundry sorts, some   {Spruce.
  very great, and all tall:    {Cherry-tree.
                               {Yew.
                               {Oke very great and good.
                               {Firre-tree,

out of which issueth Turpentine in so maruellous plenty, and so
sweet, as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they neuer saw so good
in England. We pulled off much Gumme congealed on the outside of the
barke, which smelled like Frankincense. This would be a great benefit
for making Tarre and Pitch.

We stayed the longer in this place, not only because of our good
Harbour (which is an excellent comfort) but because euery day we did
more and more discouer the pleasant fruitfulnesse; insomuch as many
of our Companie wished themselues setled heere, not expecting any
further hopes, or better discouery to be made.

Heere our men found abundance of great muscels among the rocks; and
in some of them many small Pearls: and in one muscell (which we drew
vp in our net) was found foureteene Pearles, whereof one of prety
bignesse and orient; in another aboue fiftie small Pearles; and if
we had had a Drag, no doubt we had found some of great valew, seeing
these did certainly shew, that heere they were bred: the shels all
glistering with mother of Pearle.

Wednesday, the 29 day, our shallop being now finished, and our
Captaine and men furnished to depart with hir from the ship: we set
vp a crosse on the shore side vpon the rockes.

Thursday, the 30 of May, about ten a clock afore noon, our Captaine
with 13 men more, in the name of God, and with all our praiers
for their prosperous discouerie, and safe returne, departed in
the shallop: leauing the ship in a good harbour, which before I
mentioned, well mored, and manned with 14 men.

This day, about fiue a clocke in the afternoone, we in the shippe
espied three Canoas comming towards vs, which went to the iland
adjoining, where they went a shore, and very quickly had made a fire,
about which they stood beholding our ship: to whom we made signes
with our hands and hats, weffing vnto them to come vnto vs, because
we had not seene any of the people yet. They sent one Canoa with
three men, one of which, when they came neere vnto vs, spake in his
language very lowd and very boldly: seeming as though he would know
why we were there, and by pointing with his oare towards the sea, we
conjectured he ment we should be gone. But when we shewed them kniues
and their vse, by cutting of stickes and other trifles, as combs and
glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as desirous to entertaine
our friendship. To these we gaue such things as we perceiued they
liked, when wee shewed them the vse: bracelets, rings, peacocke
feathers, which they stucke in their haire, and Tabacco pipes. After
their departure to their company on the shore, presently came foure
other in another Canoa: to whom we gaue as to the former, vsing them
with as much kindnes as we could.

The shape of their body is very proportionable, they are wel
countenanced, not very tal nor big, but in stature like to vs: they
paint their bodies with blacke, their faces, some with red, some with
blacke, and some with blew.

Their clothing is Beauers skins, or Deares skins, cast ouer them like
a mantle, and hanging downe to their knees, made fast together vpon
the shoulder with leather; some of them had sleeues, most had none;
some had buskins of such leather tewed: they haue besides a peece
of Beauers skin betweene their legs, made fast about their waste, to
couer their priuities.

They suffer no haire to grow on their faces, but on their head very
long and very blacke, which those that haue wiues, binde vp behinde
with a leather string, in a long round knot.

They seemed all very ciuill and merrie: shewing tokens of much
thankefulnesse, for those things we gaue them. We found them then (as
after) a people of exceeding good inuention, quicke vnderstanding and
readie capacitie.

Their Canoas are made without any iron, of the bark of a birch tree,
strengthened within with ribs and hoops of wood, in so good fashion,
with such excellent ingenious art, as they are able to beare seuen or
eight persons, far exceeding any in the Indies.

One of their Canoas came not to vs, wherein we imagined their women
were: of whom they are (as all Saluages) very jealous.

When I signed unto them they should goe sleepe, because it was night,
they vnderstood presently, and pointed that at the shore, right
against our ship, they would stay all night: as they did.

The next morning very early, came one Canoa abord vs againe with
three Saluages, whom we easily then enticed into our ship, and vnder
the decke: where we gaue them porke, fish, bread and pease, all
which they did eat; and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw,
either fish or flesh. They maruelled much and much looked vpon the
making of our canne and kettle, so they did at a head-peece and at
our guns, of which they are most fearefull, and would fall flat downe
at the report of them. At their departure I signed vnto them, that if
they would bring me such skins as they ware I would giue them kniues,
and such things as I saw they most liked, which the chiefe of them
promised to do by that time the Sunne should be beyond the middest
of the firmament; this I did to bring them to an vnderstanding of
exchange, and that they might conceiue the intent of our comming to
them to be for no other end.

About 10 a clocke this day we descried our Shallop returning
toward vs, which so soone as we espied, we certainly conjectured
our Captaine had found some vnexpected harbour, further vp towards
the maine to bring the ship into, or some riuer; knowing his
determination and resolution, not so suddenly else to make return:
which when they came neerer they expressed by shooting volleies of
shot; and when they were come within Musket shot, they gaue vs a
volley and haled vs, then we in the shippe gaue them a great peece
and haled them.

Thus we welcomed them; who gladded vs exceedingly with their joifull
relation of their happie discouerie, which shall appeare in the
sequele. And we likewise gaue them cause of mutuall joy with vs, in
discoursing of the kinde ciuility we found in a people, where we
little expected any sparke of humanity.

Our Captaine had in this small time discouered vp a great riuer,
♦_St. George’s River_♦ trending alongst into the maine about forty
miles. The pleasantnesse whereof, with the safety of harbour for
shipping, together with the fertility of ground and other fruits,
which were generally by his whole company related, I omit, till I
report of the whole discouery therein after performed. For by the
breadth, depth and strong flood, imagining it to run far vp into the
land, he with speed returned, intending to flanke his light horsman
for arrowes, least it might happen that the further part of the
riuer should be narrow, and by that meanes subject to the volley of
Saluages on either side out of the woods.

Vntill his returne, our Captaine left on shore where he landed in a
path (which seemed to be frequented) a pipe, a brooch and a knife,
thereby to know if the Saluages had recourse that way, because they
could at that time see none of them, but they were taken away before
our returne thither.

I returne now to our Saluages, who according to their appointment
about one a clocke, came with 4 Canoas to the shoare of the iland
right ouer against vs, where they had lodged the last night, and sent
one Canoa to vs with two of those Saluages, who had beene a bord,
and another, who then seemed to haue command of them; for though we
perceiued their willingnesse, yet he would not permit them to come
abord; but he hauing viewed vs and our ship, signed that he would go
to the rest of the company and returne againe. Presently after their
departure it began to raine, and continued all that afternoone, so
as they could not come to vs with their skins and furs, nor we go to
them. But after an howre or there about, the three which had beene
with vs before came againe, whom we had to our fire and couered
them with our gownes. Our Captaine bestowed a shirt vpon him, whom
we thought to be their chiefe, who seemed neuer to haue seene any
before; we gaue him a brooch to hang about his necke, a great knife,
and lesser kniues to the two other, and to euery one of them a combe
and glasse, the vse whereof we shewed them: whereat they laughed
and tooke gladly; we victualled them, and gaue them aqua vitae,
which they tasted, but would by no meanes drinke; our beueridge they
liked well, we gaue them Sugar Candy, which after they had tasted
they liked and desired more, and raisons which were giuen them; and
some of euery thing they would reserue to carry to their company.
Wherefore we pittying their being in the raine, and therefore not
able to get themselues victuall (as we thought) we gaue them bread
and fish.

Thus because we found the land a place answereable to the intent of
our discouery, viz. fit for any nation to inhabit, we vsed the people
with as great kindnes as we could deuise, or found them capable of.

The next day, being Saturday and the first of June, ♦_June_♦ I traded
with the Saluages all the fore noone vpon the shore, where were eight
and twenty of them: and because our ship rode nigh, we were but fiue
or sixe: where for kniues, glasses, combes and other trifles to the
valew of foure or fiue shillings, we had 40 good Beauers skins,
Otters skins, Sables, and other small skins, which we knewe not how
to call. Our trade being ended, many of them came abord vs, and did
eat by our fire, and would be verie merrie and bold, in regard of our
kinde vsage of them. Towards night our Captaine went on shore, to
haue a draught with the Sein or Net. And we carried two of them with
vs, who maruelled to see vs catch fish with a net. Most of that we
caught we gaue them and their company. Then on the shore I learned
the names of diuers things of them: and when they perceiued me to
note them downe, they would of themselues, fetch fishes, and fruit
bushes, and stand by me to see me write their names.

Our Captaine shewed them a strange thing which they woondred at. His
sword and mine hauing beene touched with the Loadstone, tooke vp a
knife, and held it fast when they plucked it away, made the knife
turne, being laid on a blocke, and touching it with his sword, made
that take vp a needle, whereat they much maruelled. This we did to
cause them to imagine some great power in vs: and for that to loue
and feare vs.

When we went on shore to trade with them, in one of their Canoas I
saw their bowes and arrowes, which I tooke vp and drew an arrow in
one of them, which I found to be of strength able to carry an arrow
fiue or sixe score stronglie; and one of them tooke it and drew as
we draw our bowes, not like the Indians. Their bow is made of Wich
Hazell, and some of Beech in fashion much like our bowes, but they
want nocks, onely a string of leather put through a hole at one end,
and made fast with a knot at the other. Their arrowes are made of
the same wood, some of Ash, big and long, with three feathers tied
on, and nocked very artificiallie: headed with the long shanke bone
of a Deere, made very sharpe with two fangs in manner of a harping
iron. They haue likewise Darts, headed with like bone, one of which
I darted among the rockes, and it brake not. These they vse very
cunningly, to kill fish, fowle and beasts.

Our Captaine had two of them at supper with vs in his cabbin to see
their demeanure, and had them in presence at seruice: who behaued
themselues very ciuilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time,
and at supper fed not like men of rude education, neither would they
eat or drinke more than seemed to content nature; they desired pease
to carry a shore to their women, which we gaue them, with fish and
bread, and lent them pewter dishes, which they carefully brought
againe.

In the evening another boat came to them on the shore, and because
they had some Tabacco, which they brought for their owne vse, the
other came for vs, making signe what they had, and offered to carry
some of vs in their boat, but foure or fiue of vs went with them in
our owne boat: when we came on shore they gaue vs the best welcome
they could, spreading fallow Deeres skins for vs to sit on the ground
by their fire, and gaue vs of their Tabacco in our pipes, which was
excellent, and so generally commended of vs all to be as good as
any we euer tooke, being the simple leafe without any composition,
strong, and of sweet taste; they gaue us some to carry to our
Captaine, whom they called our Bashabes; neither did they require any
thing for it, but we would not receiue any thing from them without
remuneration.

Heere we saw foure of their women, who stood behind them, as
desirous to see vs, but not willing to be seene; for before,
whensoeuer we came on shore, they retired into the woods, whether it
were in regard of their owne naturall modestie, being couered only
as the men with the foresaid Beauers skins, or by the commanding
jealousy of their husbands, which we rather suspected, because it is
an inclination much noted to be in Saluages; wherfore we would by no
meanes seeme to take any speciall notice of them. They were very well
fauoured in proportion of countenance, though coloured blacke, low of
stature, and fat, bare headed as the men, wearing their haire long:
they had two little male children of a yeere and half old, as we
judged, very fat and of good countenances, which they loue tenderly,
all naked, except their legs, which were couered with thin leather
buskins tewed, fastened with strops to a girdle about their waste,
which they girde very streight, and is decked round about with little
round peeces of red Copper; to these I gaue chaines and bracelets,
glasses, and other trifles, which the Saluages seemed to accept in
great kindnesse.

At our comming away, we would haue had those two that supped with vs,
to go abord and sleepe, as they had promised; but it appeared their
company would not suffer them. Whereat we might easily perceiue they
were much greeued; but not long after our departure, they came with
three more to our ship, signing to vs, that if one of our company
would go lie on shore with them, they would stay with vs. Then Owen
Griffin (one of the two we were to leaue in the Country, if we had
thought it needfull or conuenient) went with them in their Canoa, and
3 of them staied aborde vs, whom our whole company very kindly vsed.
Our Captaine saw their lodging prouided, and them lodged in an old
saile vpon the Orlop; and because they much feared our dogs, they
were tied vp whensoeuer any of them came abord vs.

Owen Griffin, which lay on the shore, reported vnto me their maner,
and (as I may terme them) the ceremonies of their idolatry; which
they performe thus. One among them (the eldest of the Company, as he
judged) riseth right vp, the other sitting still, and looking about,
suddenly cried with a loud voice, Baugh, Waugh: ♦_Powwow_♦ then the
women fall downe, and lie vpon the ground, and the men all together
answering the same, fall a stamping round about the fire with both
feet, as hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry
out-cries, and change of voice and sound. Many take the fire-sticks
and thrust them into the earth, and then rest awhile: of a sudden
beginning as before, they continue so stamping, till the yonger sort
fetched from the shore many stones, of which euery man tooke one,
and first beat vpon them with their fire-sticks, then with the stones
beat the earth with all their strength. And in this maner (as he
reported) they continued aboue two houres.

After this ended, they which haue wiues take them apart, and withdraw
themselues seuerally into the wood all night.

The next morning, as soone as they saw the Sunne rise, they pointed
to him to come with them to our shippe: and hauing receiued their
men from vs, they came with fiue or sixe of their Canoas and Company
houering about our ship; to whom (because it was the Sabbath day)
I signed they should depart, and at the next Sun rising we would
goe along with them to their houses; which they vnderstood (as we
thought) and departed, some of their Canoas coursing about the Iland,
and the other directly towards the maine.

This day, about fiue a clocke after noone, came three other Canoas
from the maine, of which some had beene with vs before; and they
came aboord vs, and brought vs Tabacco, which we tooke with them
in their pipes, which were made of earth, very strong, blacke, and
short containing a great quantity: some Tabacco they gaue vnto our
Captaine, and some to me, in very ciuill kind maner. We requited them
with bread and peaze, which they caried to their Company on shore,
seeming very thankefull. After supper they returned with their Canoa
to fetch vs a shore to take Tabacco with them there: with whom six
or seuen of vs went, and caried some trifles, if peradventure they
had any trucke, among which I caried some few biskets, to try if
they would exchange for them, seeing they so well liked to eat them.
When we came at shore, they most kindly entertained vs, taking vs
by the hands, as they had obserued we did to them aboord, in token
of welcome, and brought vs to sit downe by their fire, where sat
together thirteene of them. They filled their Tabacco pipe, which was
then the short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our pipes
full, and we dranke of their excellent Tabacco as much as we would
with them; but we saw not any great quantity to trucke for; and it
seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity
yeerely by their continuall drinking: and they would signe vnto vs,
that it was growen yet but a foot aboue ground, and would be aboue
a yard high, with a leafe as broad as both their hands. They often
would (by pointing to one part of the maine Eastward) signe vnto vs,
that their Bashabes (that is, their King) had great plenty of Furres,
and much Tabacco. When we had sufficiently taken Tabacco with them, I
shewed some of our trifles for trade; but they made signe that they
had there nothing to exchange; for (as I after conceiued) they had
beene fishing and fowling, and so came thither to lodge that night by
vs: for when we were ready to come away, they shewed vs great cups
made very wittily of barke, in forme almost square, full of a red
berry about the bignesse of a bullis, which they did eat, and gaue
vs by handfuls; of which (though I liked not the taste) yet I kept
some, because I would by no meanes but accept their kindnesse. They
shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, whereof I tasted, and it
was fat like Porpoise; and another kinde of great scaly fish, broiled
on the coales, much like white Salmon, which the Frenchmen call
Aloza, ♦_Shad_♦ for these they would haue had bread; which I refused,
because in maner of exchange, I would alwayes make the greatest
esteeme I could of our commodities whatsoeuer; although they saw
aboord our Captaine was liberall to giue them, to the end we might
allure them still to frequent vs. Then they shewed me foure yoong
Goslings, for which they required foure biskets, but I offered them
two; which they tooke and were well content.

At our departure they made signe, that if any of vs would stay there
on shore, some of them would go lie aboord vs: at which motion two of
our Company stayed with them, and three of the Saluages lodged with
vs in maner as the night before.

Early the next morning, being Munday the third of June, when they
had brought our men aboord, they came about our ship, earnestly
by signes desiring that we would go with them along to the maine,
for that there they had Furres and Tabacco to traffique with vs.
Wherefore our Captaine manned the light-horseman with as many men as
he could well, which were about fifteene with rowers and all; and we
went along with them. Two of their Canoas they sent away before, and
they which lay aboord vs all night, kept company with vs to direct vs.

This we noted as we went along, they in their Canoa with three oares,
would at their will go ahead of vs and about vs, when we rowed with
eight oares strong; such was their swiftnesse, by reason of the
lightnesse and artificiall composition of their Canoa and oares.

When we came neere the point where we saw their fires, ♦_Pemaquid_♦
where they intended to land, and where they imagined some few of
vs would come on shore with our merchandize, as we had accustomed
before; when they had often numbred our men very diligently, they
scoured away to their Company, not doubting we would haue followed
them. But when we perceiued this, and knew not either their intents,
or number of Saluages on the shore, our Captaine, after consultation,
stood off, and wefted them to vs, determining that I should go on
shore first to take a view of them, and what they had to traffique:
if he, whom at our first sight of them seemed to be of most respect
among them, and being then in the Canoa, would stay as a pawne for
me. When they came to vs (notwithstanding all our former courtesies)
he vtterly refused; but would leaue a yoong Saluage: and for him
our Captaine sent Griffin in their Canoa, while we lay hulling a
little off. Griffin at his returne reported, thay had there assembled
together, as he numbred them, two hundred eighty three Saluages,
euery one his bowe and arrowes, with their dogges, and wolues which
they keepe tame at command, and not anything to exchange at all;
but would haue drawen vs further vp into a little narrow nooke of a
riuer, for their Furres, as they pretended.

These things considered, we began to joyne them in the ranke of other
Saluages, who haue beene by trauellers in most discoueries found very
trecherous; neuer attempting mischiefe, vntill by some remisnesse,
fit opportunity affoordeth them certaine ability to execute the same.
Wherefore after good advice taken, we determined so soone as we could
to take some of them, least (being suspitious we had discouered their
plots) they should absent themselues from vs.

Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men tooke Cod and Hadocke with hooks
by our ship side, and Lobsters very great; which before we had not
tried.

About eight a clocke this day we went on shore with our boats, to
fetch aboord water and wood, our Captaine leauing word with the
Gunner in the shippe, by discharging a musket, to giue notice if
they espied any Canoa comming; which they did about ten a clocke. He
therefore being carefull they should be kindly entreated, requested
me to go aboord, intending with dispatch to make what haste after
he possibly could. When I came to the ship, there were two Canoas,
and in either of them three Saluages; of whom two were below at the
fire, the other staied in their Canoas about the ship; and because we
could not entice them abord, we gaue them a Canne of pease and bread,
which they carried to the shore to eat. But one of them brought backe
our Canne presently and staid abord with the other two; for he being
yoong, of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to bring with vs
into England, had receiued exceeding kinde vsage at our hands, and
was therefore much delighted in our company. When our Captaine was
come, we consulted how to catch the other three at shore which we
performed thus.

We manned the light horseman with 7 or 8 men, one standing before
carried our box of Marchandise, as we were woont when I went to
traffique with them, and a platter of pease, which meat they loued:
but before we were landed, one of them (being too suspitiously
feareful of his owne good) withdrew himselfe into the wood. The other
two met vs on the shore side, to receiue the pease, with whom we went
vp the Cliffe to their fire and sate downe with them, and whiles we
were discussing how to catch the third man who was gone, I opened
the box, and shewed them trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to
haue banisht feare from the other, and drawen him to returne: but
when we could not, we vsed little delay, but suddenly laid hands
vpon them. And it was as much as fiue or sixe of vs could doe to get
them into the light horseman. For they were strong and so naked as
our best hold was by their long haire on their heads; and we would
haue beene very loath to haue done them any hurt, which of necessity
we had beene constrained to haue done if we had attempted them in a
multitude, which we must and would, rather than haue wanted them,
being a matter of great importance for the full accomplement of our
voyage.

Thus we shipped fiue Saluages, two Canoas, with all their bowes and
arrowes.

The next day we made an end of getting our wood aboord, and filled
our empty caske with water.

Thursday, the 6 of June, we spent in bestowing the Canoas vpon the
orlop safe from hurt, because they were subject to breaking, which
our Captaine was carefull to preuent.

Saturday the eight of June (our Captaine being desirous to finish
all businesse about this harbour) very early in the morning, with
the light horseman, coasted fiue or sixe leagues about the Ilands
adjoining, and sounded all along wheresoeuer we went. He likewise
diligently searched the mouth of the Harbour, and about the rocks
which shew themselues at all times, and are an excellent breach of
the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Harbour. This he
did to instruct himselfe, and thereby able to direct others that
shall happen to come to this place. For euery where both neere the
rocks, & in all soundings about the Ilands, we neuer found lesse
water than foure and fiue fathoms, which was seldome; but seuen,
eight, nine and ten fathoms is the continuall sounding by the shore.
In some places much deeper vpon clay oaze or soft sand: so that if
any bound for this place, should be either driuen or scanted with
winds, he shall be able (with his directions) to recouer safely his
harbour most securely in water enough by foure seuerall passages,
more than which I thinke no man of judgement will desire as
necessarie.

Vpon one of the Ilands (because it had a pleasant sandy Coue for
small barks to ride in) we landed, and found hard by the shore a
pond of fresh water, which flowed ouer the banks, somewhat ouer
growen with little shrub trees, and searching vp in the Iland, we saw
it fed with a strong run, which with small labour, and little time,
might be made to driue a mill. In this Iland, as in the other, were
spruce trees of excellent timber and height, able to mast ships of
great burthen.

While we thus sounded from one place to another in so good deepes,
our Captaine to make some triall of the fishing himselfe, caused a
hooke or two to be cast out at the mouth of the harbour, not aboue
halfe a league from our ship, where in small time only, with the
baits which they cut from the fish and three hooks, we got fish
enough for our whole Company (though now augmented) for three daies.
Which I omit not to report, because it sheweth how great a profit the
fishing would be, they being so plentifull, so great, and so good,
with such conuenient drying as can be wished, neere at hand vpon the
Rocks.

This day, about one a clocke after noone, came from the Eastward two
Canoas abord vs, wherein was he that refused to stay with vs for a
pawne, and with him six other Saluages which we had not seene before,
who had beautified themselues after their manner very gallantly,
though their clothing was not differing from the former, yet they
had newly painted their faces very deep, some all blacke, some red,
with stripes of excellent blew ouer their vpper lips, nose and
chin. One of them ware a kinde of Coronet about his head, made very
cunningly, of a substance like stiffe haire coloured red, broad, and
more than a handfull in depth, which we imagined to be some ensigne
of his superioritie; for he so much esteemed it as he would not for
any thing exchange the same. Other ware the white feathered skins
of some fowle, round about their head, jewels in their ears, and
bracelets of little white round bone, fastned together vpon a leather
string. These made not any shew that they had notice of the other
before taken, but we vnderstood them by their speech and signes,
that they came sent from the Bashabes, and that his desire was that
we would bring vp our ship (which they call as their owne boats, a
Quiden) to his house, being, as they pointed, vpon the main towards
the East, from whence they came, and that he would exchange with vs
for Furres and Tabacco. But because our Company was but small, and
now our desire was with speed to discouer vp the river, we let them
vnderstand, that if their Bashabes would come to vs, he should be
welcome, but we would not remoue to him. Which when they vnderstood
(receiuing of vs bread and fish, and euery of them a knife) they
departed; for we had then no will to stay them long abord, least they
should discouer the other Saluages which we had stowed below.

Tuesday, the 11 of June, we passed vp into the riuer with our ship,
about six and twenty miles. Of which I had rather not write, then by
my relation to detract from the worthinesse thereof. For the Riuer,
besides that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffiques
of Marchandise, a benefit alwaies accounted the richest treasury to
any land: for which cause our Thames hath that due denomination,
and France by her nauigable Riuers receiueth hir greatest wealth;
yet this place of it selfe from God and nature affoordeth as much
diuersitie of good commodities, as any reasonable man can wish, for
present habitation and planting.

The first and chiefest thing required, is a bold coast and faire land
to fall with; the next, a safe harbour for ships to ride in.

The first is a speciall attribute to this shore, being most free from
sands or dangerous rocks in a continuall good depth, with a most
excellent land-fall, which is the first Iland we fell with, named by
vs, Saint Georges Iland. ♦_Monhegan_♦ For the second, by judgement
of our Captaine, who knoweth most of the coast of England, and most
of other Countries, (hauing beene experienced by imployments in
discoueries and trauels from his childhood) and by opinion of others
of good judgement in our shippe, heere are more good harbours for
ships of all burthens, than England can affoord, and far more secure
from all winds and weathers, than any in England, Scotland, France
or Spaine. For besides without the Riuer in the channell, and sounds
about the ilands adjoining to the mouth thereof, no better riding can
be desired for an infinite number of ships. The Riuer it selfe as
it runneth vp into the main very nigh forty miles toward the great
mountaines, beareth in bredth a mile, sometime three quarters, and
halfe a mile is the narrowest, where you shall neuer haue vnder 4 and
5 fathoms water hard by the shore, but 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 fathoms
all along, and on both sides euery halfe mile very gallant Coues,
some able to conteine almost a hundred saile, where the ground is
excellent soft oaze with a tough clay vnder for anker hold, and where
ships may ly without either Cable or Anker, only mored to the shore
with a Hauser.

It floweth by their judgement eighteen or twenty foot at high water.

Heere are made by nature most excellent places, as Docks to graue or
Carine ships of all burthens; secured from all windes, which is such
a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England, or
in any parts of Christendome, art, with great charges, can make the
like.

Besides, the bordering land is a most rich neighbour trending all
along on both sides, in an equall plaine, neither mountainous nor
rocky, but verged with a greene bordure of grasse, doth make tender
vnto the beholder of hir pleasant fertility, if by clensing away the
woods she were conuerted into meddow.

The wood she beareth is not shrubbish fit only for fewell, but goodly
tall Firre, Spruce, Birch, Beech, Oke, which in many places is not
so thicke, but may with small labour be made feeding ground, being
plentifull like the outward Ilands with fresh water, which streameth
downe in many places.

As we passed with a gentle winde vp with our ship in this Riuer, any
man may conceiue with what admiration we all consented in joy. Many
of our Company who had beene trauellers in sundry countries, and in
the most famous Riuers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they
now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Ralegh in his voyage to
Guiana, in the discouery of the Riuer Orenoque, which echoed fame to
the worlds eares, gaue reasons why it was not to be compared with
this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoules, and broken ground,
wherewith that was incombred. Others before that notable Riuer in
the West Indies called Rio Grande; some before the Riuer of Loyer,
the Riuer Seine, and of Burdeaux in France, which although they be
great and goodly Riuers, yet it is no detraction from them to be
accounted inferiour to this, which not only yeeldeth all the foresaid
pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly to vs free from all
inconueniences.

I will not prefer it before our riuer of Thames, because it is
Englands richest treasure; but we all did wish those excellent
Harbours, good deeps in a continuall conuenient breadth, and small
tide-gates, to be as well therein for our countries good, as we found
thē here (beyond our hopes) in certaine, for those to whom it shall
please God to grant this land for habitation; which if it had, with
the other inseparable adherent commodities here to be found; then
I would boldly affirme it to be the most rich, beautifull, large &
secure harbouring riuer that the world affoordeth.

Wednesday, the twelfth of June, our Captaine manned his
light-horseman with 17 men, and ranne vp from the ship riding in the
riuer vp to the codde thereof, ♦_A bend or narrow portion_♦ where we
landed, leauing six to keepe the light-horseman till our returne. Ten
of vs with our shot, and some armed, with a boy to carry powder and
match, marched vp into the countrey towards the mountaines, ♦_Camden
Hills_♦ which we descried at our first falling with the land. Vnto
some of them the riuer brought vs so neere, as we judged our selues
when we landed to haue beene within a league of them; but we marched
vp about foure miles in the maine, and passed ouer three hilles: and
because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their armour not
able to trauel farre and returne that night to our ship, we resolued
not to passe any further, being all very weary of so tedious and
laboursom a trauell.

In this march we passed ouer very good ground, pleasant and fertile,
fit for pasture, for the space of some three miles, hauing but little
wood, and that Oke like stands left in our pastures in England, good
and great, fit timber for any vse. Some small Birch, Hazle and Brake,
which might in small time with few men be cleansed and made good
arable land: but as it now is will feed cattell of all kindes with
fodder enough for Summer and Winter. The soile is blacke, bearing
sundry hearbs, grasse, and strawberries bigger than ours in England.
In many places are lowe Thicks like our Copisses of small yoong wood.
And surely it did all resemble a stately Parke, wherein appeare some
old trees with high withered tops, and other flourishing with liuing
greene boughs. Vpon the hilles grow notable high timber trees, masts
for ships of 400 tun: and at the bottome of euery hill, a little run
of fresh water; but the furthest and last we passed, ranne with a
great streame able to driue a mill.

We might see in some places where fallow Deere and Hares had beene,
and by the rooting of ground we supposed wilde Hogs had ranged there,
but we could descrie no beast, because our noise still chased them
from vs.

We were no sooner come aboord our light-horseman, returning towards
our ship, but we espied a Canoa comming from the further part of
the Cod of the riuer Eastward, which hasted to vs; wherein, with
two others, was he who refused to stay for a pawne: and his comming
was very earnestly importing to haue one of our men to go lie on
shore with their Bashabes (who was there on shore, as they signed)
and then the next morning he would come to our ship with many
Furres and Tabacco. This we perceiued to be only a meere deuice to
get possession of any of our men, to ransome all those which we
had taken, which their naturall policy could not so shadow, but we
did easily discouer and preuent. These meanes were by this Saluage
practised, because we had one of his kinsemen prisoner, as we judged
by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord vs together.

Thursday, the 13 of June, by two a clocke in the morning (because
our Captaine would take the helpe and aduantage of the tide) in the
light-horseman with our Company well prouided and furnished with
armour and shot both to defend and offend; we went from our ship
vp to that part of the riuer which trended Westward into the maine,
to search that: ♦_Thomaston_♦ and we carried with vs a Crosse, to
erect at that point, which (because it was not daylight) we left on
the shore vntill our returne backe; when we set it vp in maner as
the former. For this (by the way) we diligently obserued, that in no
place, either about the Ilands, or vp in the maine, or alongst the
riuer, we could discerne any token or signe, that euer any Christian
had beene before; of which either by cutting wood, digging for
water, or setting vp Crosses (a thing neuer omitted by any Christian
trauellers) we should haue perceiued some mention left.

But to returne to our riuer, further vp into which we then rowed
by estimation twenty miles, the beauty and goodnesse whereof I can
not by relation sufficiently demonstrate. That which I can say in
generall is this: What profit or pleasure soeuer is described and
truly verified in the former part of the riuer, is wholly doubled
in this; for the bredth and depth is such, that any ship drawing 17
or 18 foot water, might haue passed as farre as we went with our
light-horsman, and by all our mens judgement much further, because we
left it in so good depth and bredth; which is so much the more to be
esteemed of greater woorth, by how much it trendeth further vp into
the maine: for from the place of our ships riding in the Harbour at
the entrance into the Sound, to the furthest part we were in this
riuer, by our estimation was not much lesse than threescore miles.

From ech banke of this riuer are diuers branching streames into the
maine, wherby is affoorded an vnspeakable profit by the conueniency
of transportation from place to place, which in some countries is
both chargeable; and not so fit, by cariages on waine, or horse backe.

Heere we saw great store of fish, some great, leaping aboue water,
which we judged to be Salmons. All along is an excellent mould of
ground. The wood in most places, especially on the East side, very
thinne, chiefly oke and some small young birch, bordering low vpon
the riuer; all fit for medow and pasture ground: and in that space we
went, we had on both sides the riuer many plaine plots of medow, some
of three or foure acres, some of eight or nine: so as we judged in
the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse, and
where the armes run out into the Maine, there likewise went a space
on both sides of cleere grasse, how far we know not, in many places
we might see paths made to come downe to the watering.

The excellencie of this part of the Riuer, for his good breadth,
depth, and fertile bordering ground, did so ravish vs all with
variety of pleasantnesse, as we could not tell what to commend, but
only admired; some compared it to the Riuer Seuerne, (but in a higher
degree) and we all concluded (as I verily thinke we might rightly)
that we should neuer see the like Riuer in every degree equall,
vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe. For the farther
we went, the more pleasing it was to euery man, alluring vs still
with expectation of better, so as our men, although they had with
great labour rowed long and eat nothing (for we carried with vs no
victuall, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so refreshed
with the pleasant beholding thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as
some of them affirmed, they would haue continued willingly with that
onely fare and labour 2 daies; but the tide not suffering vs to make
any longer stay (because we were to come backe with the tide) and our
Captaine better knowing what was fit then we, and better what they in
labour were able to endure, being verie loath to make any desperate
hazard, where so little necessitie required, thought it best to make
returne, because whither we had discouered was sufficient to conceiue
that the Riuer ran very far into the land. For we passed six or seuen
miles, altogether fresh water (whereof we all dranke) forced vp by
the flowing of the Salt: which after a great while eb, where we left
it, by breadth of channell and depth of water was likely to run by
estimation of our whole company an unknowen way farther: the search
whereof our Captaine hath left till his returne, if it shall so
please God to dispose of him and vs.

For we hauing now by the direction of the omnipotent disposer of all
good intents (far beyond the period of our hopes) fallen with so bold
a coast, found so excellent and secure harbour, for as many ships as
any nation professing Christ is able to set forth to Sea, discouered
a Riuer, which the All-creating God, with his most liberall hand,
hath made aboue report notable with his foresaid blessings, bordered
with a land, whose pleasant fertility bewraieth it selfe to be the
garden of nature, wherin she only intended to delight hir selfe,
hauing hitherto obscured it to any, except to a purblind generation,
whose vnderstanding it hath pleased God so to darken, as they can
neither discerne, vse, or rightly esteeme the vnualuable riches
in middest whereof they live sensually content with the barke and
outward rinds, as neither knowing the sweetnes of the inward marrow,
nor acknowledging the Deity of the Almighty giuer: hauing I say
thus far proceeded, and hauing some of the inhabitant nation (of
best vnderstanding we saw among them) who (learning our language)
may be able to giue vs further instruction, concerning all the
premised particulars, as also of their gouernours, and gouernment,
situation of townes, and what else shall be conuenient, which by no
meanes otherwise we could by any obseruation of our selues learne
in a long time: our Captaine now wholy intended his prouision for
speedy returne. For although the time of yeere and our victuall were
not so spent, but we could haue made a longer voyage, in searching
farther and trading for very good commodities, yet as they might
haue beene much profitable, so (our company being small) much more
preiudiciall to the whole state of our voyage, which we were most
regardfull now not to hazard. For we supposing not a little present
priuate profit, but a publique good, and true zeale of promulgating
Gods holy Church, by planting Christianity, to be the sole intent of
the Honourable setters foorth of this discouery; thought it generally
most expedient, by our speedy returne, to giue the longer space of
time to make prouision for so weighty an enterprise.

Friday, the 14 day of June, early by foure a clocke in the morning,
with the tide, our two boats, and a little helpe of the winde, we
rowed downe to the riuers mouth and there came to an anker about
eleuen a clocke. Afterward our Captaine in the light horseman
searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming to the Riuer,
for his certaine instruction of a perfect description.

The next day, being Saturday, we wayed anker, and with a briese from
the land, we sailed vp to our watering place, and there stopped, went
on shore and filled all our empty caske with fresh water.

Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the harbour obserued
the height, latitude, and variation exactly vpon his instruments.

  1 Astrolabe.
  2 Semisphere.
  3 Ringe instrument.
  4 Crosse staffe.
  5 And an excellent compasse made for the variation.

The certainty whereof, together with the particularities of euery
depth and sounding, as well at our falling with the land, as in the
discouery, and at our departure from the coast; I refer to his owne
relation in the Map of his Geographicall description, which for the
benefit of others he intendeth most exactly to publish.

The temperature of the Climate (albeit a very important matter) I
had almost passed without mentioning, because it affoorded to vs no
great alteration from our disposition in England; somewhat hotter
vp into the Maine, because it lieth open to the South; the aire so
wholesome, as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at any time
more healthfull, more able to labour, nor with better stomacks to
such good fare, as we partly brought, and partly found.

Sunday, the 16 of June, the winde being faire, and because we had set
out of England vpon a Sunday, made the Ilands vpon a Sunday, and as
we doubt not (by Gods appointment) happily fell into our harbour vpon
a Sunday; so now (beseeching him still with like prosperity to blesse
our returne into England our country, and from thence with his good
will and pleasure to hasten our next arriuall there) we waied Anker
and quit the Land vpon a Sunday.

Tuesday, the 18 day, being not run aboue 30 leagues from land, and
our Captaine for his certaine knowledge how to fall with the coast,
hauing sounded euery watch, and from 40 fathoms had come into good
deeping, to 70, and so to an hundred: this day the weather being
faire, after the foure a clocke watch, when we supposed not to
haue found ground so farre from land, and before sounded in aboue
100 fathoms, we had ground in 24 fathomes. ♦_The Fishing Banks_♦
Wherefore our sailes being downe, Thomas King boatswaine, presently
cast out a hooke, and before he judged it at ground, was fished and
haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod: then there were cast
out 3 or 4 more, and the fish was so plentifull and so great, as when
our Captaine would haue set saile, we all desired him to suffer them
to take fish a while, because we were so delighted to see them catch
so great fish, so fast as the hooke came down: some with playing
with the hooke they tooke by the backe, and one of the Mates with two
hookes at a lead at fiue draughts together haled vp tenne fishes; all
were generally very great, some they measured to be fiue foot long,
and three foot about.

This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoulding, for he
perceiued it was a fish banke, which (for our farewell from the land)
it pleased God in continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge
of: the abundant profit whereof should be alone sufficient cause
to draw men againe, if there were no other good both in present
certaine, and in hope probable to be discouered. To amplifie this
with words, were to adde light to the Sunne: for euery one in the
shippe could easily account this present commodity; much more those
of judgement, which knew what belonged to fishing, would warrant (by
the helpe of God) in a short voyage with few good fishers to make
a more profitable returne from hence than from Newfoundland: the
fish being so much greater, better fed, and abundant with traine;
♦_Cod-liver oil_♦ of which some they desired, and did bring into
England to bestow among their friends, and to testifie the true
report.

After, we kept our course directly for England & with ordinary winds,
and sometime calmes, vpon Sunday the 14 of July about sixe a clocke
at night, we were come into sounding in our channell, but with darke
weather and contrary winds, we were constrained to beat vp and downe
till Tuesday the 16 of July, when by fiue a clocke in the morning we
made Sylly; from whence, hindered with calmes and small winds, vpon
Thursday the 18 of July about foure a clocke after noone, we came
into Dartmouth: which Hauen happily (with Gods gracious assistance)
we made our last and first Harbour in England.

Further, I haue thought fit here to adde some things worthy to be
regarded, which we haue obserued from the Saluages since we tooke
them.

First, although at the time when we surprised them, they made their
best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, nor how
we meant to vse them; yet after perceiuing by their kinde vsage we
intended them no harme, they haue neuer since seemed discontented
with vs, but very tractable, louing, & willing by their best meanes
to satisfie vs in any thing we demand of them, by words or signes for
their vnderstanding: neither haue they at any time beene at the least
discord among themselues; insomuch as we haue not seene them angry
but merry; and so kinde, as if you giue any thing to one of them, he
will distribute part to euery one of the rest.

We haue brought them to vnderstand some English, and we vnderstand
much of their language; so as we are able to aske them many things.
And this we haue obserued, that if we shew them any thing, and aske
them if they haue it in their countrey, they will tell you if they
haue it, and the vse of it, the difference from ours in bignesse,
colour, or forme; but if they haue it not, be it a thing neuer so
precious, they wil denie the knowledge of it.

They haue names for many starres, which they will shew in the
firmament.

They shew great reuerence to their King, and are in great subiection
to their Gouernours: and they will shew a great respect to any we
tell them are our Commanders.

They shew the maner how they make bread of their Indian wheat,
and how they make butter and cheese of the milke they haue of the
Rain-Deere and Fallo-Deere, which they haue tame as we haue Cowes.

They haue excellent colours. And hauing seene our Indico, they make
shew of it, or of some other like thing which maketh as good a blew.

One especiall thing is their maner of killing the Whale, which they
call Powdawe; and will describe his forme; how he bloweth vp the
water; and that he is 12 fathoms long; and that they go in company
of their King with a multitude of their boats, and strike him with
a bone made in fashion of a harping iron fastened to a rope, which
they make great and strong of the barke of trees, which they veare
out after him; then all their boats come about him, and as he riseth
aboue water, with their arrowes they shoot him to death; when they
haue killed him & dragged him to shore, they call all their chiefe
lords together, & sing a song of joy: and those chiefe lords, whom
they call Sagamos, divide the spoile, and giue to euery man a share,
which pieces so distributed they hang vp about their houses for
prouision: and when they boile them, they blow off the fat, and put
to their peaze, maiz, and other pulse, which they eat.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  A briefe Note of what profits we saw the Countrey yeeld in the
  small time of our stay there.


  _Trees._

  Oke of an excellent graine, strait, and great timber.
  Elme.
  Beech.
  Birch, very tall & great; of whose barke they make their Canoas.
  Wich-Hazell.
  Hazell.
  Alder.
  Cherry-tree.
  Ash.
  Maple.
  Yew.
  Spruce.
  Aspe.
  Firre.
  Many fruit trees, which we knew not.


  _Fowles._

  Eagles.
  Hernshawes.
  Cranes.
  Ducks great.
  Geese.
  Swannes.
  Penguins.
  Crowes.
  Sharks.
  Rauens.
  Mewes.
  Turtle-doues.
  Many birds of sundrie colours.
  Many other fowls in flocks, vnknown.


  _Beasts._

  Raine-Deere.
  Stagges.
  Fallow-Deere.
  Beares.
  Wolues.
  Beauer.
  Otter.
  Hare.
  Cony.
  Hedge-Hoggs.
  Polcats.
  Wilde great Cats.
  Dogges: some like Wolues, some like Spaniels.


  _Fishes._

  Whales.
  Seales.
  Cod very great.
  Haddocke great.
  Herring great.
  Plaise.
  Thornebacke.
  Rockefish.
  Lobstar great.
  Crabs.
  Muscels great, with pearles in them.
  Cockles.
  Wilks.
  Cunner fish.
  Lumps.
  Whiting.
  Soales.
  Tortoises.
  Oisters.


  _Frvits, Plants, and Herbs._

  Tabacco, excellent sweet and strong.
  Wild-Vines.
  Strawberries.   }
  Raspberries.    }
  Gooseberries.   }  abundance
  Hurtleberries.  }
  Currant trees.  }
  Rose-bushes.
  Peaze.
  Ground-nuts.
  Angelica, a most souerainge herb.
  An hearbe that spreadeth the ground, & smelleth
    like Sweet Marioram, great plenty.
  Very good Dies, which appeare by their painting;
    which they carrie with them in bladders.

The names of the fiue Saluages which we brought home into England,
which are all yet aliue, are these.

  1. Tahánedo, a Sagamo or Commander. ♦_or Nahanada_♦
  2. Amóret.     }
  3. Skicowáros  }  Gentlemen. ♦_or Skidwares_♦
  4. Maneddo     }
  5. Saffacomoit, a seruant.




  George Popham
  &
  Ralegh Gilbert

  1607

  KENEBECK RIVER

  THE POPHAM _Colony at Sagadahock, on the western side of the
  entrance to the Kenebeck river, was established by the members of
  the first Virginia Company, which was chartered by King James in
  1606, who lived at Plymouth and elsewhere in the west of England.
  The London members of the Company made their settlement at
  Jamestown. The leader of the Plymouth partners was Sir Ferdinando
  Gorges, with whom were associated members of the Popham and Gilbert
  families. They equipped two exploring expeditions in the autumn of
  1606, one of them being under the command of Martin Pring, whose
  account of his voyage of 1603 is printed in this volume. Pring’s
  report determined the Plymouth partners to attempt a settlement on
  the Maine coast. Two vessels were fitted out and George Popham, a
  nephew of the Chief Justice, Sir John Popham, and Ralegh Gilbert, a
  son of Sir Humphrey, were placed in charge of the expedition._

  _The narrative of the voyage was written by one of the officers,
  probably the navigator or pilot of Gilbert’s vessel, the “Mary and
  John,” whose name may have been James Davies. This account, which
  is preserved in the Library of Lambeth Palace, London, was printed
  in the fourth volume of the Gorges Society publications, Portland,
  1892, with notes by the Rev. Henry O. Thayer. That Society, through
  Mr. H. W. Bryant of Portland, has kindly loaned the facsimiles of
  the drawings which illustrate the manuscript, for reproduction in
  this volume._


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  THE RELATION of a Voyage unto New England. Began from the _Lizard_,
  y^e first of June 1607, by Captain POPHAM in y^e ship y^e Gift, &
  Captain GILBERT in y^e Mary & John.

  Written by * * * * * * & found amongst y^e Papers of y^e truly
  Worshipfull: Sr. FERDINANDO GORGES, Kt. by me WILLIAM GRIFFITH.

DEPARTED from the Lyzard the firste daye of June Ano Domi 1607,
♦_1607 June_♦ beinge Mundaye about 6 of the Cloke in the afternoon
and ytt bore of me then North-este and by North eyght Leags of.

       *       *       *       *       *

The firste Daye of Jully beinge Wesdaye wee depted from the Illand of
flowers ♦_July Azores_♦ beinge ten Leags South weste from ytt.

From hence we allwayes kept our Course to the Westward as much as
wind & weather woold permytt untill the 27th daye of Jully duringe
which time wee often times Sounded but could never fynd grounde. this
27th early in the mornynge we Sounded & had ground but 18 fetham
beinge then in the Lattitud of 43 degrees & ⅔ hear wee fysht three
howers & tooke near to hundred of Cods very great & large fyshe
bigger & larger fyshe then that which coms from the bancke of the New
Found Land··hear wee myght have lodden our shipe in Lesse time then a
moneth.

From hence the Wynd beinge att South west wee sett our Saills & stood
by the wind west nor west towards the Land allwayes Soundinge for our
better knowledg as we ran towarde the main Land from this bancke.

From this bancke ♦_Sable Bank_♦ we kept our Course west nor west 36
Leags which ys from the 27th of July untill the 30th of July in which
tyme we ran 36 L as ys beffore sayed & then we Saw the Land about 10
of the Clok in the mornynge bearinge norweste from us About 10 Leags
& then we Sounded & had a hundred fethams blacke oze hear as we Cam
in towards the Land from this bancke we still found deepe watter. the
deepest within the bancke ys 160 fethams & in 100 fetham you shall
See the Land yf ytt be Clear weather after you passe the bancke the
ground ys still black oze untill yo Com near the shore··this daye wee
stood in for the Land but Could nott recover ytt beffor the night
tooke us so we stood a Lyttell from ytt & thear strok a hull untill
the next daye beinge the Laste of July hear Lyeinge at hull we tooke
great stor of cod fyshes the bigeste & largest that I ever Saw or any
man in our ship. this daye beinge the Last of July about 3 of the
Clok in the after noon we recouered the shor & cam to an anker under
an Illand ♦_Lunenburg or La Heve Nova Scotia_♦ for all this Cost ys
full of Illands & broken Land but very Sound & good for shipinge to
go by them the watter deepe. 18 & 20 fetham hard abord them.

This Illand standeth in the lattitud of 44 d & ½ & hear we had
nott ben att an anker past to howers beffore we espyed a bisken
♦_Biscayan_♦ shallop Cominge towards us havinge in her eyght
Sallvages & a Lyttell salvage boye··they cam near unto us & spoke
unto us in thear Language. & we makinge Seignes to them that they
should com abord of us showinge unto them knyues glasses beads &
throwinge into thear bott Som bisket but for all this they wold nott
com abord of us but makinge show to go from us. we suffered them. So
when they wear a Lyttell from us and Seeinge we proffered them no
wronge of thear owne accord retorned & cam abord of us & three of
them stayed all that nyght with us the rest departed in the shallope
to the shore makinge Seignes unto us that they wold retorn unto us
aggain the next daye.

The next daye the Sam Salvages with three Salvage wemen beinge the
fryst daye of Auguste ♦_August_♦ retorned unto us bringinge with them
Som feow skines of bever in an other bisken shallop & propheringe
thear skines to trook with us but they demanded ouer muche for
them and we Seemed to make Lyght of them So then the other three
which had stayed with us all nyght went into the shallop & So they
departed··ytt Seemeth that the french hath trad with them for they
use many french words the Cheeff Comander of these parts ys called
Messamott & the ryver or harbor ys called emannett we take these
peopell to be the tarentyns & these peopell as we have Learned sence
do make wars with Sasanoa the Cheeffe Comander to the westward wheare
we have planted & this Somer they kild his Sonne··So the Salvages
departed from us & cam no mor unto us··After they wear departed from
us we hoyssed out our bot whearin my Selffe was with 12 others &
rowed to the shore and landed on this Illand that we rod under the
which we found to be a gallant Illand full of heigh & myghty trees of
Sundry Sorts··hear we allso found aboundance of gusberyes strawberyes
rasberyes & whorts So we retorned & Cam abord.

Sondaye beinge the second of Auguste after dyner our bott went to
the shore again to fille freshe watter whear after they had filled
thear watter thear cam fower Salvages unto them havinge thear bowes
& arowes in thear hands makinge show unto them to have them Com to
the shore but our Saillers havinge filled thear watter wold nott go
to the shore unto them but retorned & cam abord beinge about 5 of
the Clock in the afternoon··So the bott went presently from the ship
unto a point of an Illand & thear att Lo watter in on hower kild near
.50. great Lopsters··you shall See them whear they ly in shold Watter
nott past a yeard deep & with a great hooke mad faste to a staffe you
shall hitch them up thear ar great store of them you may near Lad a
Ship with them. & they are of greatt bignesse··I have nott Seen the
Lyke in Ingland··So the bott retorned abord & wee toke our bott in
& about myd nyght the wynd cam faier att northest we Sett Saill &
departed from thence keepinge our Course South west for So the Cost
Lyeth.

Mundaye being the third of Auguste in the morninge we wear faier by
the shore and So Sailled alongste the Coste··we Saw many Illands all
alonge the Cost & great Sounds, goinge betwyxt them, but We could
make prooffe of non for want of a ♦_Pinnace_♦ penyshe··hear we found
fyshe still all alonge the Cost as we Sailed.

Tusdaye being the 4th of Auguste in the morninge 5 of the Clok we
wear theawart of a Cape or head Land ♦_Cape Sable_♦ Lyeing in
the Latitud of 43 degrees and cam very near unto ytt. ytt ys very
Low Land showinge Whytt Lyke sand but ytt ys Whytt Rocks and very
stronge tides goeth hear from the place we stopt att beinge in 44 de
& ½ untill this Cape or head land ytt ys all broken Land & full of
Illands & Large Sounds betwixt them & hear we found fyshe aboundance
so large & great as I never Saw the Lyke Cods beffor nether any man
in our shipe.

After we paste this Cape or head Land the Land falleth awaye and
Lyeth in norwest & by north into a greatt deep baye. ♦_Bay of Fundy_♦
We kept our course from this head Land West and Weste and by South 7
Leags and cam to thre Illands ♦_Seal and Mud Islands_♦ whear cominge
near unto them we found on the Southest Syd of them a great Leadge
of Rocks Lyeinge near a Leage into the Sea the which we perseavinge
tackt our ship & the wynde being Large att northest Cleared our
Selves of them kepinge still our course to the westward west & by
South and west Southwest untill mydnyght. then after we hald in more
northerly.

Wensdaye being the 5th of Auguste from after mydnyght we hald in West
norwest untill 3 of the Clok afternoon of the Sam and then we Saw the
Land aggain bearinge from us north weste & by north and ytt Risseth
in this forme hear under. ten or 12 Leags from yo they ar three
heigh mountains that Lye in upon the main Land near unto the ryver of
penobskot ♦_Camdem Mountains_♦ in which ryver the bashabe makes his
abod the cheeffe Comander of those parts & streatcheth unto the ryver
of Sagadehock under his Comand yo shall see theise heigh mountains
when yo shall not perseave the main Land under ytt they ar of shutch
and exceedinge heygts: And note. that from the Cape or head Land
beffor spoken of untill these heigh mountains we never Saw any Land
except those three Illands also beffor mensyoned··We stood in Right
with these mountains untill the next daye.

[Illustration: (outline of mountains)]

Thursdaye beinge the 6th of Auguste we stood in with this heigh Land
untill 12 of the Cloke noon & then I found the shipe to be in 43 d &
½ by my observation··from thence we Sett our Course & stood awaye dew
weste & Saw three other Illands ♦_Matinicus Islands_♦ Lyenge together
beinge Lo & flatt by the watter showinge whytt as yff ytt wear Sand
but ytt ys whytt Rocks makinge show a far of allmoste Lyke unto Dover
Cleeves. & these three Illands Lye dew est & west on of the other so
we Cam faier by them and as we Cam to the Westward the heygh Land
beffor spoken of shewed ytt selffe in this form as followith

[Illustration: (outline of mountains)]

From hence we kept still our Course West & Weste by North towards
three other Illands ♦_St. George Islands_♦ that we Sawe Lyenge from
these Illands beffor spoken of 8 Leags and about ten of the Clok
att nyght we recovered them & havinge Sent in our bott beffor nyght
to vew ytt for that ytt was Calme & to Sound ytt & See whatt good
ankoringe was under ytt we bor in with on of them the which as we
cam in by we still sounded & founde very deepe watter 40 fetham hard
abord of yt. So we stood in into a Coue In ytt & had 12 fetham watter
& thear we ankored untill the mornynge. And when the daye appeared We
Saw we weare environed Round about with Illands yo myght have told
neare thirty Illands round about us from abord our shipe this Illand
we Call St. Georges Illand ♦_Waymouth_♦ for that we hear found a
Crosse Sett up the which we Suposse was Sett up by George Wayman.

Frydaye beinge the 7th of Auguste we wayed our Ankor whereby to
bringe our shipe in mor better Safty how Soever the wynd should
happen to blow and about ten of the Cloke in the mornynge as we weare
standinge of a Lyttell from the Illand we descried a saill standinge
in towards this Illand & we presently mad towards her & found ytt
to be the gyfte our Consort So beinge all Joye full of our happy
meetinge we both stood in again for the Illand we ryd under beffor &
theare anckored both together.

This night followinge about myd nyght Capt. Gilbert caussed his ships
bott to be maned & took to hemselffe 13 other my Selffe beinge on
beinge 14 persons in all & tooke the Indyan skidwarres ♦_See page
151._♦ with us··the weather beinge faier & the wynd Calme we rowed
to the Weste in amongst many gallant Illands and found the ryver of
pemaquyd ♦_Pemaquid_♦ to be but 4 Leags weste from the Illand we Call
St. Georges whear our ships remained still att anckor. hear we Landed
in a Lyttell Cove by skyd warres Direction & marched ouer a necke of
the Land near three mills So the Indyan skidwarres brought us to the
Salvages housses whear they did inhabitt although much against his
will for that he told us that they wear all remoued & gon from the
place they wear wont to inhabitt. but we answered hem again that we
wold nott retorne backe untill shutch time as we had spoken with Som
of them. At Length he brought us whear they did inhabytt whear we
found near a hundreth of them men wemen and Children. And the Cheeffe
Comander of them ys Nahanada att our fryste Seight of them uppon a
howlinge or Cry that they mad they all presently Isued forth towards
us with thear bowes & arrows & we presently mad a stand & Suffered
them to Com near unto us then our Indyan skidwarres spoke unto them
in thear language showinge them what we wear which when nahanada
thear Comander perseaved what we wear he Caussed them all to laye
assyd thear bowes & arrowes and cam unto us and imbrassed us & we
did the lyke to them aggain. So we remained with them near to howers
& wear in thear housses. Then we tooke our Leave of them & retorned
with our Indyan skidwarres with us towards our ships the 8th Daye of
August being Satterdaye in the after noon.

Sondaye being the 9th of Auguste in the morninge the most part of our
holl company of both our shipes Landed on this Illand the which we
call St. Georges Illand whear the Crosse standeth and thear we heard
a Sermon delyvred unto us by our preacher ♦_Rev. Richard Seymour_♦
gyvinge god thanks for our happy metinge & Saffe aryvall into the
Contry & So retorned abord aggain.

Mundaye beinge the Xth of Auguste early in the morninge Capt. popham
in his shallope with thirty others & Capt. Gilbert in his ships bott
with twenty others Acompanede Depted from thear shipes & sailled
towards the ryver of pemaquyd & Caryed with us the Indyan skidwarres
and Cam to the ryver ryght beffore thear housses whear they no
Sooner espyed us but presently Nahanada with all his Indians with
thear bowes and arrows in thear hands Cam forth upon the Sands--So
we Caussed skidwarres to speak unto hem & we our Selves spok unto
hem in Inglyshe givinge hem to understand our Cominge tended to no
yvell towards hem Selffe nor any of his peopell. he told us again he
wold nott thatt all our peopell should Land. So beccause we woold
in no sort offend them, hearuppon Som ten or twelffe of the Cheeff
gent Landed & had Some parle together & then afterward they wear
well contented that all should Land··So all landed we ussinge them
with all the kindnesse that possibell we Could. nevertheless after
an hower or to they all Soddainly withdrew them Selves from us into
the woods & Lefte us··we perseavinge this presently imbarked our
Selves all except skidwarres who was nott Desyerous to retorn with
us. We Seeinge this woold in no Sort proffer any Violence unto hem
by drawing hem perfforce Suffered hem to remain and staye behinde
us. he promyssinge to retorn unto us the next Daye followinge but he
heald not his promysse So we imbarked our Selves and went unto the
other Syd of the ryver & thear remained uppon the shore the nyght
followinge.

Tuesdaye beinge the xjth of Auguste we retorned and cam to our ships
whear they still remained att ankor under the Illand we call St.
Georges.

Wensdaye being the xijth of Auguste we wayed our anckors and Sett our
saills to go for the ryver of Sagadehock··we kept our Course from
thence dew Weste until 12 of the Clok mydnyght of the Sam then we
stroke our Saills & layed a hull untill the mornynge Doutinge for to
over shoot ytt.

[Illustration: in this form being South from ytt,

being est & weste from the Illand of Sutqin ytt maketh in this form.]

Thursdaye in the mornynge breacke of the daye beinge the xiijth
of Auguste the Illand of Sutquin ♦_Seguin_♦ bore north of us nott
past halff a leage from us and ytt rysseth in this form hear under
followinge the which Illand Lyeth ryght beffore the mouth of the
ryver of Sagadehocke ♦_Kenebeck River_♦ South from ytt near 2 Leags
but we did not make ytt to be Sutquin so we Sett our saills & stood
to the westward for to Seeke ytt 2 Leags farther & nott fyndinge the
ryver of Sagadehocke we knew that we had overshott the place then we
wold have retorned but Could nott & the nyght in hand the gifte Sent
in her shallop & mad ytt & went into the ryver this nyght but we
wear constrained to remain att Sea all this nyght and about mydnight
thear arose a great storme & tempest uppon us the which putt us in
great daunger and hassard of castinge awaye of our ship & our Lyves
by reason we wear so near the shore··the wynd blew very hard att
South right in uppon the shore so that by no means we could nott
gett of hear we sought all means & did what possybell was to be don
for that our Lyves depended on ytt··hear we plyed ytt with our ship
of & on all the nyght often times espyeinge many soonken rocks &
breatches hard by us enforsynge us to put our ship about & stand from
them bearinge saill when ytt was mor fytter to have taken ytt in but
that ytt stood uppon our Lyves to do ytt & our bott Soonk att our
stern··yet woold we nott cut her from us in hope of the appearinge
of the daye··thus we Contynued untill the daye cam then we perseaved
our Selves to be hard abord the Lee shore & no waye to escape ytt but
by Seekinge the Shore··then we espyed 2 Lyttell Illands ♦_Cape Small
Point_♦ Lyeinge under our lee··So we bore up the healme & steerd
in our shipe in betwyxt them whear the Lord be praised for ytt we
found good and sauffe ankkoringe & thear anckored the storme still
contynuinge untill the next daye followynge.

Frydaye beinge the xiiijth of August that we anckored under these
Illands thear we repaired our bott being very muche torren &
spoilled then after we Landed on this Illand & found 4 salvages & an
old woman this Illand ys full of pyne trees & ocke and abundance of
whorts of fower Sorts of them.

Satterdaye beinge the 15th of Auguste the storme ended and the wind
Cam faier for us to go for Sagadehock so we wayed our anckors & Sett
Saill & stood to the estward & cam to the Illand Sutquin which was 2
Leags from those Illands we rod att anker beffor, & hear we anckored
under the Illand of Sutqin in the estersyd of ytt for that the wynd
was of the shore that wee could no gett into the ryver of Sagadehock
& hear Capt. pophams ships bott cam abord of us & gave us xx freshe
Cods that they had taken beinge Sent out a fyshinge.

Sondaye beinge the 16th of Auguste Capt. popham Sent his Shallop unto
us for to healp us in So we wayed our anckors & beinge Calme we towed
in our ship & Cam into the Ryver of Sagadehocke and anckored by the
gyfts Syd about xj of the Cloke the Sam daye.

Mundaye beinge the 17th Auguste Capt. popham in his shallop with 30
others & Capt. Gilbert in his shipes bott accompaned with 18 other
persons departed early in the morninge from thear ships & sailled up
the Ryver of Sagadehock for to vew the Ryver & allso to See whear
they myght fynd the most Convenyent place for thear plantation my
Selffe beinge with Capt. Gilbert. So we Sailled up into this ryver
near 14 Leags and found ytt to be a most gallant ryver very brod &
of a good depth··we never had Lesse Watter then 3 fetham when we had
Least & abundance of greatt fyshe ♦_Sturgeon_♦ in ytt Leaping aboue
the Watter on eatch Syd of us as we Sailled. So the nyght aprochinge
after a whill we had refreshed our Selves uppon the shore about 9
of the Cloke we sett backward to retorn & Cam abourd our shipes the
next day followinge about 2 of the Clok in the afternoon We fynd this
ryver to be very pleasant with many goodly Illands in ytt & to be
both Large & deepe Watter havinge many branches in ytt··that which we
tooke bendeth ytt Selffe towards the northest.

Tuesdaye beinge the 18th after our retorn we all went to the shore
& thear mad Choies of a place for our plantation which ys at the
very mouth or entry of the Ryver of Sagadehocke on the West Syd
of the Ryver beinge almoste an Illand ♦_Sabino Head_♦ of a good
bygness··whylst we wear uppon the shore thear Cam in three Cannoos
by us but they wold not Com near us but rowed up the Ryver ♦_Fort
Popham_♦ & so past away.

Wensday beinge the 19th Auguste we all went to the shore whear we mad
Choise for our plantation and thear we had a Sermon delyvred unto
us by our precher and after the Sermon our pattent was red with the
orders & Lawes thearin prescrybed & then we retorned abord our ships
again.

Thursdaye beinge the 20th of Auguste all our Companyes Landed & thear
began to fortefye··our presedent Capt popham Sett the fryst spytt of
ground unto ytt and after hem all the rest followed & Labored hard in
the trenches about ytt.

Frydaye the 2jth of Auguste all hands Labored hard about the fort
Som in the trentch Som for fagetts & our ship Carpenters about the
buildinge of a small penis or shallop.

Satterdaye the 22th Auguste Capt. popham early in the morninge
departed in his shallop to go for the ryver of pashipskoke··thear
♦_Pejepscot or Androscoggin_♦ they had parle with the Salvages again
who delyvred unto them that they had ben att wars with Sasanoa & had
slain his Soone in fyght··skidwares and Dehanada wear in this fyght.

Sondaye the 23th our presedent Capt. popham retorned unto us from the
ryver of pashipscoke.

The 24th all Labored about the fort.

Tuesdaye the 25th Capt. Gilbert imbarked hem Selffe with 15 other
with hem to go to the Westward uppon Som Discouery but the Wynd was
contrary & forsed hem backe again the Sam daye.

The 26th & 27th all Labored hard about the fort.

Frydaye the 28th Capt. Gilbert with 14 others my Selffe beinge on
Imbarked hem to go to the westward again··So the wynd Servinge we
Sailled by many gallant Illands ♦_Casco Bay_♦ & towards nyght the
winde Cam Contrary against us So that we wear Constrained to remain
that nyght under the head Land called Semeamis ♦_Cape Elizabeth_♦
whear we found the Land to be most fertill··the trees growinge thear
doth exceed for goodnesse & Length being the most part of them ocke
& wallnutt growinge a greatt space assoonder on from the other as
our parks in Ingland and no thickett growinge under them··hear wee
also found a gallant place to fortefye whom Nattuer ytt Selffe hath
already framed without the hand of man with a runynge stream of
watter hard adjoyninge under the foott of ytt.

Satterdaye the 29th Auguste early in the mornynge we departed from
thence & rowed to the westward for that the wind was againste us
but the wynd blew so hard that forsed us to remain under an Illand
♦_Richmond’s Island_♦ 2 Leags from the place we remayned the night
beffore whilst we remayned under this Illand thear passed to Cannoos
by us but they wold nott Com neare us after mydnyght we put from this
Illand in hope to have gotten the place we dessyered but the wind
arose and blew so hard at Southwest Contrary for us that forsed us to
retorn.

Sondaye beinge the 30th Auguste retornynge beffore the wynd we
sailled by many goodly Illands for betwixt this head Land called
Semeamis & the ryver of Sagadehock ys a great baye in the which Lyeth
So many Illands & so thicke & neare together that yo Cannott well
desern to Nomber them yet may yo go in betwixt them in a good ship
for yo shall have never Lesse Watter the 8 fethams··these Illands ar
all overgrowen with woods very thicke as ocks wallnut pyne trees &
many other things growinge as Sarsaperilla hassell nuts & whorts in
aboundance··So this day we retorned to our fort att Sagadehock.

Munday being the Last of Auguste nothinge hapened but all Labored for
the buildinge of the fort & for the storhouse to reseave our vyttuall.

Tuesday the first of September ♦_September_♦ thear Cam a Canooa
unto us in the which was 2 greatt kettells of brasse··Som of our
Company did parle with them but they did rest very doutfull of us
& wold nott Suffer mor then on att a tyme to Com near unto them So
he departed··The Second daye third & 4th nothinge hapened worth the
wryttinge but that eatch man did his beste endevour for the buildinge
of the fort.

Satterdaye beinge the 5th of September thear Cam into the entraunce
of the ryver of Sagadehocke nine Canoos in the which was Dehanada &
skidwarres with many others in the wholl near fortye persons men
women & Children they Cam & parled with us & we aggain ussed them
in all frindly maner We Could & gave them vyttaills for to eatt··So
skidwarres & on more of them stayed with us untill nyght··the rest of
them withdrew them in thear Canooas to the farther Syd of the ryver.
but when nyght Cam for that skidwares woold needs go to the rest of
his Company Capt. Gilbert acompaned with James Davis & Capt. ellis
best took them into our bott & Caryed them to thear Company on the
farther syd the ryver & thear remained amongst them all the nyght &
early in the mornynge the Sallvages departed in thear Canooas for the
ryver of pemaquid promyssinge Capt. Gilbert to acompany hem in thear
Canooas to the ryver of penobskott whear the bashabe remayneth.

The 6th nothinge happened··the 7th our ship the Mary & John began to
discharge her vyttualls.

Tuesday beinge the 8th September Capt. Gilbert acompaned with xxij
others my Selffe beinge on of them departed from the fort to go for
the ryver of penobskott takinge with hem divers Sorts of Merchandise
for to trad with the Bashabe who ys the Cheeffe Comander of those
parts but the wind was Contrary againste hem so that he could nott
Com to dehanada & skidwares at the time apointed for··ytt was the
xjth daye beffor he Could gett to the ryver of pemaquid Whear they do
make thear abbod.

Frydaye beinge the xjth in the mornynge early we Cam into the ryver
of pemaquyd thear to Call nahanada & skidwarres as we had promyste
them but beinge thear aryved we found no Lyvinge Creatuer··they all
wear gon from thence the which we perseavinge presently departed
towards the ryver of penobskott··Saillinge all this daye & the xijth
& xiijth the Lyke yett by no means Could we fynd ytt··So our vitall
beinge spent we hasted to retorn··So the wynd Cam faier for us & we
Sailled all the 14th & 15th dayes in retornynge the Wind blowinge
very hard att north & this mornynge the 15th daye we pseaved a
blassing star in the northest of vs.

The 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 2jth 22th nothinge hapened but all
Labored hard about the fort & the store house for to Land our
wyttaills.

The 23th beinge Wensdaye Capt. Gilbert acompaned with 19 others my
Selffe on of them departed from the fort to go for the head of the
ryver of Sagadehock··we Sailled all this daye So did we the Lyke
the 24th untill the evenynge then we Landed thear to remain that
Nyght··hear we found a gallant Champion Land & exceedinge fertill So
hear we remayned all nyght.

The 25th beinge frydaye early in the mornynge we departed from hence
& sailled up the ryver about eyght Leags farther untill we Cam unto
an Illand ♦_Augusta_♦ beinge Lo Land & flatt··att this Illand ys a
great down Fall of watter the which runeth by both Sydes of this
Illand very swyfte & shallow··in this Illand we found greatt store of
grapes exceedinge good and sweett of to Sorts both red butt the on of
them ys a mervellous deepe red. by both the syds of this ryver the
grapes grow in aboundance & allso very good Hoppes & also Chebolls &
garleck. ♦_Wild onion_♦ and for the goodnesse of the Land ytt doth so
far abound that I Cannott allmost expresse the Sam hear we all went
ashore & with a stronge Rope made fast to our bott & on man in her
to gyde her aggainst the Swyfte stream we pluckt her up throwe ytt
perforce··after we had past this down-Fall we all went into our bott
again & rowed near a Leage farther up into the ryver & nyght beinge
att hand we hear stayed all nyght. & in the fryst of the night about
ten of the Cloke thear Cam on the farther syd of the ryver sartain
Salvages Calling unto us in broken inglyshe··we answered them aggain
So for this time they departed.

The 26th beinge Satterdaye thear Cam a Canooa unto us & in hear fower
salvages those that had spoken unto us in the nyght beffore his name
that Came unto us ys Sabenoa··he macks himselffe unto us to be Lord
of the ryver of Sagadehock.




  Henry Hudson

  1609

  PENOBSCOT
  &
  THE FISHING BANKS

  HENRY HUDSON, _having tried in vain to find a sea route to China
  through the ice fields which stretched across his path all the way
  from Greenland to Spitzbergen or Willoughby Land, transferred his
  services in the winter of 1609 from the English Muscovy Company to
  the Dutch East India Company. He started to make a further trial of
  the Northeast passage, but while off the coast of Novaya Zemlya,
  his crews refused to go further in that direction. Abandoned by his
  consort, Hudson persuaded the men on his own ship, the Half Moon,
  to cross the Atlantic and try their luck in America. They made
  land on the Nova Scotia coast, and after beating about over the
  fishing banks and looking at the shores of Maine and southeastern
  Massachusetts, went on to another landfall in the latitude of
  Virginia. Turning northward, they sailed up the coast and into the
  river which has since borne their leader’s name._

  _The surviving log-book or journal of Hudson’s third voyage was
  kept by Robert Juet, who had been his mate during the second
  voyage, and who took a leading part in the mutiny which ended
  when the leader was turned adrift in a small boat in Hudson’s
  Bay in 1611. It was printed in the third volume of “Purchas his
  Pilgrimes,” London, 1625._


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  THE THIRD VOYAGE of Master HENRY HUDSON, Written by ROBERT JUET, of
  Lime-House.

THE twelfth of July was very foggie, ♦_1609 July_♦ we stood our
course all the morning till eleven of the clocke; at which time we
had sight of land, which is low white sandie ground, right on head
off us; and had ten fathoms. Then we tackt to the southward, and
stood off foure glasses: then we tackt to the land againe, thinking
to have rode under it, and as we came neere it, the fog was so thicke
that we could not see; so wee stood off againe. From mid-night to two
of the clocke, we came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene
fathoms off the shoare. At foure of the clocke, we had 20 fathoms. At
eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of the clocke, 65
fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped apace, but the neerer
the shoare the fairer shoalding.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather, from eight of the clocke
in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morning it was foggie.
Then at eight of the clocke we cast about for the shoare, but could
not see it; the wind being at south by our true compasse, wee steered
west and by north. At noone we observed, and found our height to bee
43 degrees, 25 minutes; so we steered away west and by north all the
afternoone. At foure of the clocke in the afternoone we sounded,
and had five and thirtie fathoms. And at sixe of the clocke wee had
sight of the land, and saw two sayles on head off us. The land by
the waters side is low land, and white sandie bankes rising, full of
little hils. Our soundings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 32, 37, 33, and 32
fathoms.

The fourteenth, full of mysts flying and vading, the wind betweene
south and south-west; we steered away west north-west, and north-west
and by west. Our soundings were 29, 25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28,
30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64, 86, 100 fathoms, and no ground.

The fifteenth, very mystie, the winde varying betweene south and
south-west; wee steered west and by north, and west north-west. In
the morning we sounded, and had one hundred fathoms, till foure
of the clocke in the afternoone. Then we sounded againe, and had
seventie-five fathoms. Then in two glasses running, which was not
above two English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it
shoalded a great pace untill we came to twentie fathoms. Then we
made account we were neere the islands that lie off the shoare. So we
came to an anchor, the sea being very smooth and little wind, at nine
of the clocke at night. After supper we tryed for fish, and I caught
fifteene cods, some the greatest that I have seene, and so we rode
all night.

The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had sight of
five islands ♦_Eastern Maine_♦ lying north, and north and by west
from us, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the myst
came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them.

The seventeenth, was all mystie, so that we could not get into the
harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off to us, with sixe of
the savages of the countrey, seeming glad of our comming. We gave
them trifles, and they eate and dranke with us; and told us that
there were gold, silver and copper mynes hard by us; and that the
French-men doe trade with them; which is very likely, for one of them
spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and all night,
the weather continuing mystie.

The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good harbour, and
rode hard by the shoare in foure fathoms water. The river runneth
up a great way, ♦_Penobscot_♦ but there is but two fathoms hard
by us. We went on shoare and cut us a fore mast; then at noone we
came aboord againe, and found the height of the place to bee in 44
degrees, 1 minute, and the sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne.
We mended our sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour
lyeth south and north, a mile in where we rode.

The nineteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode still. In
the after-noone wee went with our boate to looke for fresh water,
and found some; and found a shoald with many lobsters on it, and
caught one and thirtie. The people coming aboord, shewed us great
friendship, but we could not trust them. The twentieth, faire
sunne-shining weather, the winde at south-west. In the morning, our
scute went out to catch fresh fish halfe an houre before day, and
returned in two houres, bringing seven and twentie great coddes, with
two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee went for more lobsters
and caught fortie, and returned aboord. Then wee espied two French
shallops full of the country people come into the harbour, but they
offered us no wrong, seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought
many beaver skinnes and other fine furres, which they would have
changed for redde gownes. For the French trade with them for red
cassocks, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles, trevits, beades, and
other trifles.

The one and twentieth, all mystie, the wind easterly, wee rode still
and did nothing, but about our mast. The two and twentieth, fair
sun-shining weather, the winde all northerly, we rode still all the
day. In the after-noone our scute went to catch more lobsters, and
brought with them nine and fiftie. The night was cleere weather.

The three and twentieth, faire sun shining weather and very hot. At
eleven of the clocke our fore mast was finished, and wee brought it
aboord, and set it into the step, and in the after-noone we rigged
it. This night we had some little myst and rayne.

The foure and twentieth, very hot weather, the winde at south out of
the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought to our sayles. In the
morning our scute went to take fish, and in two houres they brought
with them twentie great coddes and a great holibut; the night was
faire also. We kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the
people, and perceived where they layd their shallops.

The five and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In the morning
wee manned our scute with foure muskets and sixe men, and tooke one
of their shallops and brought it aboord. Then we manned our boat and
scute with twelve men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers,
and drave the savages from their houses, and tooke the spoyle of
them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, and came
downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all night, because the
winde blew right in, and the night grew mystie with much rayne till
mid-night. Then it fell calme, and the wind came off the land at west
north-west, and it began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees
north-west.

The sixe and twentieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining weather. At
five of the clocke in the morning, the winde being off the shoare
at north north-west, we set sayle and came to sea, and by noone
we counted our ship had gone fourteene leagues south-west. In the
afternoone, the winde shifted variably betweene west south-west
and north-west. At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56
minutes. This evening being very faire weather, wee observed the
variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and found it to
bee 10 degrees from the north to the westward.

The seven and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the winde
shifting betweene the south-west and west and by north, a stiffe
gale; we stood to the southward all day, and made our way south and
by west, seven and twentie leagues. At noone, our height was 42
degrees, 50 minutes. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone, wee
cast about to the north-ward. At eight of the clocke, we tooke in
our top-sayles and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all
night.

The eight and twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a stiffe gale of
wind, varying betweene south south-west and south-west and by west;
we made our way north-west and by west, seven and twentie leagues;
wee sounded many times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke
we cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and by west.
At which time we sounded, and had ground at seventie-five fathoms. At
eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms. At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the
clocke at mid-night, fiftie-sixe fathoms, gray sand.

The compasse varyed 6 degrees the north point to the west.

The nine and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the southward, and
made our way south and by west a point south, eighteene leagues. At
noone we found our height to be 42 degrees 56 minutes; wee sounded
oft and had these, 60, 64, 65, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At
night wee tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the
sunne, and found that it went downe 37 degrees to the northward of
the west, and should have gone downe but 31 degrees. The compasse
varyed 5 and a halfe degrees.

The thirtieth, very hot, all the fore part of the day calme, the
wind at south south-east; wee steered away west south-west and
sounded many times, and could find no ground at one hundred and
seventie fathomes. We found a great current and many over-falls. Our
current had deceived us. For at noone we found our height to be 41
degrees 34 minutes. And the current had heaved us to the southward
foureteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night I sounded, and
had ground in fiftie-two fathomes. In the end of the mid-night watch
wee had fiftie-three fathomes. This last observation is not to be
trusted.

The one and thirtieth, very thicke and mystie all day, untill tenne
of the clocke. At night the wind came to the south, and south-west
and south. We made our way west north-west nineteene leagues. Wee
sounded many times, and had difference of soundings, sometimes little
stones, and sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftie-sixe, fiftie-foure,
fortie-eight, fortie-seven, fortie-foure, fortie-sixe, fiftie
fathoms; and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we
had fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great rut,
like the rut of the shoare. Then I sounded and found the former
depth; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so still that the ship
made no way, I let the lead lie on the ground, and found a tide set
to the south-west, and south-west and by west, so fast, that I could
hardly vere the line so fast, and presently came an hurling current,
or tyde with over-fals, which cast our ship round; and the lead was
so fast in the ground that I feared the lines breaking, and we had no
more but that. At midnight I sounded againe, and we had seventie-five
fathomes; and the strong streame had left us.

The first of August, ♦_August_♦ all the fore part of the day was
mystie, and at noone it cleered up. We found that our height was 41
degrees 45 minutes, and we had gone nineteene leagues. The after-noon
was reasonable cleere. We found a rustling tide or current with many
over-fals to continue still, and our water to change colour, and
our sea to bee very deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred
fathomes. The night was cleere, and the winde came to the north, and
north north-east, we steered west.

The second, very faire weather and hot: from the morning till noone
we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone little wind. At noone I
sounded and had one hundred and ten fathomes; and our height was 41
degrees 56 minutes. And wee had runne four and twentie leagues and an
halfe. At the sun-setting we observed the variation of the compasse,
and found that it was come to his true place. At eight of the clocke
the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe leagues that watch, and had a
very faire and cleere night.

The third, very hot weather. In the morning we had sight of the
land, ♦_Cape Malabar_♦ and steered in with it, thinking to go to the
northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five men to sound in
by the shore: and they found it deepe five fathomes within bow-shot
of the shoare; and they went on land, and found goodly grapes and
rose trees, and brought them aboord with them, at five of the clocke
in the eevening. We had seven and twentie fathomes within two miles
of the shoare; and we found a floud come from the south-east, and
an ebbe from the northwest, with a very strong streame, and a great
hurling and noyses. At eight of the clocke at night the wind began to
blow a fresh gale, and continued all night but variable. Our sounding
that wee had to the land was one hundred, eightie, seventie-foure,
fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-foure,
nineteene, seventeene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand.

The fourth, was very hot: we stood to the north-west two watches,
and one south in for the land, and came to an anchor at the norther
end of the headland, and heard the voyce of men call. Then we sent
our boat on shoare, thinking they had beene some Christians left
on the land: but wee found them to bee savages, which seemed very
glad of our comming. So wee brought one aboord with us, and gave
him meate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our master gave him
three or foure glasse buttons, and sent him on land with our shallop
againe. And at our boats comming from the shoare he leapt and danced,
and held up his hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side:
for we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie of
this headland lyeth in 41 degrees 45 minutes. We set sayle againe
after dinner, thinking to have got to the westward of this headland,
but could not; so we beare up to the southward of it, and made a
south-east way; and the souther point did beare west at eight of the
clocke at night. Our soundings about the easter and norther part of
this headland, a league from the shoare are these: at the easterside
thirtie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five,
twentie. The north-east point 17 degrees 18 minutes, and so deeper.
The north end of this headland, hard by the shoare thirtie fathomes:
and three leagues off north north-west, one hundred fathomes. At the
south-east part a league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene
fathomes. The people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof
are made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is very sweet.

The fift, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morning wee tact
about to the westward, and stood in till foure of the clocke in
the after-noone; at which time it cleered, and wee had sight of the
head-land againe five leagues from us. The souther point of it did
beare west off us: and we sounded many times, and had no ground.
And at foure of the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee
had seventie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east all
night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie fathomes. For
wee feared a great riffe that lyeth off the land, and steered away
south and by east.

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee steered away
south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the morning; then
it cleered a little, and we cast about to the westward. Then we
sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse sand, and were come to
the riffe. Then wee kept our lead, and had quicke shoalding from
thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two,
twentie and an halfe, twentie, twentie, nineteene, nineteene,
nineteene, eighteene, eighteene, seventeene; and so deeping againe as
proportionally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east
till we came to twentie-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south-west,
for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calme, we tryed by our
lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene fathomes, and the
next cast but seven or six fathomes. And farther to the westward
you shall have foure and five foot water, and see rockes under you
and you shall see the land in the top. Upon this riffe we had an
observation, and found that it lyeth in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And
this is that headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered
in the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod, because of the store of
cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So we steered south-west three
leagues, and had twentie and twentie-foure fathomes. Then we steered
west two glasses, halfe a league, and came to fifteene fathomes. Then
we steered off south-east foure glasses, but could not get deepe
water; for there the tyde of ebbe laid us on; and the streame did
hurle so, that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee
were forced to anchor. So at seven of the clocke at night wee were at
an anchor in tenne fathomes: and I give God most heartie thankes, the
least water wee had was seven fathomes and an halfe. We rode still
all night, and at a still water I sounded so farre round about our
ship as we could see a light; and had no lesse then eight, nine, ten,
and eleven fathomes: the myst continued being very thicke.

The seventh, faire weather and hot, but mystie. Wee rode still
hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell calme and thicke.
So we rode still all day and all night. The floud commeth from the
south-west, and riseth not above one fathome and an halfe in nepe
streames. Toward night it cleered, and I went with our shallop
and sounded, and found no lesse water then eight fathomes to the
south-east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches.

The eight, faire and cleere weather. In the morning, by sixe of the
clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at north-east, and set
our fore-sayle and mayne top-sayle, and got a mile over the flats.
Then the tyde of ebbe came, so we anchored againe till the floud
came. Then we set sayle againe, and by the great mercie of God wee
got cleere off them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had
sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north-west.
So we steered away south south-east all night, and had ground untill
the middle of the third watch. Then we had fortie-five fathomes,
white sand and little stones. So all our soundings are twentie,
twentie, twentie-two, twentie-seven, thirtie-two, fortie-three,
fortie-three, fortie-five. Then no ground in seventie fathomes.




  Samuel Argall

  1610

  PENOBSCOT BAY

  SAMUEL ARGALL _first visited Virginia in 1609, when he demonstrated
  the possibility of making the voyage from England by a more direct
  route than that by way of the Azores and the West Indies. For the
  next decade Argall was constantly associated with the affairs
  of the Jamestown colony. In 1610 he reached the settlement with
  supplies and recruits from England barely in time to prevent its
  abandonment. As the provisions which he brought afforded only a
  temporary relief, he started off at once for the Bermudas. His
  experiences during the voyage are told in his journal, which is
  here reprinted from the fourth volume of “Purchas his Pilgrimes,”
  printed at London in 1625._

  _Argall made two more voyages to the New England coast in 1613,
  first to investigate the reports that the French were making
  settlements on Mount Desert and at the mouth of the St. Croix
  River, and then to complete the destruction of the houses and
  fortifications begun by the French. For reasons of policy, it may
  be, no detailed accounts of these later voyages appear to have been
  preserved._


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  THE VOYAGE OF Captaine SAMVEL ARGAL, from _Iames_ Towne in
  _Virginia_, to seek the Ile of _Bermuda_, and missing the same, his
  putting ouer toward _Sagadahoc_ and Cape Cod, and so backe againe
  to _Iames_ Towne, begun the nineteenth of Iune, 1610.

SIR GEORGE SUMMERS, being bound for the Ile of Bermuda with two
Pinnaces, ♦_1610 June_♦ the one called the Patience, wherein he
sailed himselfe, set saile from Iames Towne in Virginia, the
ninteenth of Iune, 1610. The two and twentieth at noone we came to an
anchor at Cape Henry, to take more balast. The weather proued very
wet: so wee road vnder the Cape till two of the clocke, the three and
twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed and stood off to Sea, the
wind at South-west. And till eight of the clocke at night it was all
Southerly, and then that shifted to South-west. The Cape then bearing
West, about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred ♦_Steered_♦ away
South-east. The foure and twentieth, at noone I obserued the Sunne,
and found my selfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees, fortie seuen
minutes, about twentie leagues off from the Land. From the foure and
twentieth at noone, to the fiue and twentieth at noone, sixe leagues
East, the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was calme. From
the fiue and twentieth at noone, to the sixe and twentieth about sixe
of the clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and but
little. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at West South-west.
So by noone I had sailed fourteene leagues East, South-east pricked.
From the sixe and twentieth at noone, to the seuen and twentieth
at noone, twentie leagues East, South-east. The wind shifting from
the West, South-west Southerly, and so to the East, and the weather
faire, but close. From the seuen and twentieth at noone, to the eight
and twentieth at noone, sixe and twentie leagues East, South-east,
the wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West. Then by
mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees
fiftie foure minutes. From the eight and twentieth at noone, to the
nine and twentieth at noone, thirtie sixe leagues East by South,
the wind at West, North-west. Then by my obseruation I found the
ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees, thirtie minutes pricked. From
the nine and twentieth at noone to the thirtieth at noone, thirtie
fiue leagues East, South-east. The winde shifting betweene West,
North-west, and West, South-west, blowing a good fresh gale. Then
by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure degrees,
fortie nine minutes pricked. From the thirtieth of Iune at noone, to
the first of Iuly at noone, thirtie leagues South-east by East, the
winde at west, then I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked.

From the first of Iuly at noone, ♦_July_♦ to the second at noon,
twentie leagues East, South-east southerly, the wind West, then I
found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees, thirtie minutes
pricked, the weather very faire. From the second at noone, to the
third at foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme, then
it beganne to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east: so I made
account that the ship had driuen about sixe leagues in that time
East. The Sea did set all about the West. From that time to the
fourth at noone, seuenteen leagues East by North, the wind shifting
betweene South-east and South South-west, then I found the ship to
bee in thirtie three degrees, fortie minutes, the weather continued
very faire. From the fourth at noone, to the fifth at noone, ten
leagues South-east, the wind and weather as before, then I found the
ship to be in thirtie three degrees, seuenteene minutes pricked. From
the fift at noone, to the sixt at noone, eight leagues South-west,
then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, fiftie seuen
minutes pricked; the wind and weather continued as before, only we
had a small showre or two of raine. From the sixt at noone, to the
seuenth at noone, seuenteene leagues East by North, then I found the
ship to be in thirtie three degrees, the wind and weather as before.
From the seuenth at noon, to the eight at noone, fourteene leagues
North-east, then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees,
thirtie two minutes, the wind and weather continued as before. From
the eight at noon to the ninth at noone, fiue leagues South-east,
there I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, twentie one
minutes, the wind at South-west, the weather very faire. From the
ninth at noone, to the tenth at noone, fiue leagues South, the wind
westerly; but for the most part it was calme, and the weather very
faire. From the tenth at noone, to the eleuenth at noone it was
calme, and so continued vntill nine of the clocke the same night,
then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-east, and
continued all that night betweene South-east and South, and vntill
the twelfth day at noone: by which time I had sailed fifteene leagues
West southerly: then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees,
thirtie minutes. From that time to foure of the clock the twelfth day
in the morning twelue leagues West by North, the wind all southerly,
and then it shifted betweene South and South-west, then wee tacked
about and stood South-east, and South-east by South: so by noone I
had sayled fiue leagues South-east by East; then I found the ship in
thirtie three degrees ten minutes. From the thirteenth at noone, to
the fourteenth at noone, twenty leagues South-east by East, the wind
shifting betweene the South-west, and West South-west, then I found
the ship to be in thirtie two degrees, thirtie fiue minutes. From
the fourteenth at noone, to the fifteenth at noone, twentie leagues
South-east, then I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, the
wind as before: then we tacked about, and lay North-west by West.
From the fifteenth at noone, to the sixteenth at noone, twelue
leagues North by West, the wind shifting betweene South-west and
West, and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of wind and
rayne.

And about sixe of the clocke in the after-noone, being to windward
of our Admirall I bare vp vnder his lee: who when I hayled him, told
me that he would tack it vp no longer, because hee was not able
to keepe the sea any longer, for lacke of a road and water: but
that hee would presently steere away North North-west, to see if
he could fetch Cape Cod. Which without delay he put in execution.
His directions I followed: so from the sixteenth day at noone, to
the seuenteenth at noone I had sailed thirtie eight leagues North
North-west: then I found my ship to be in thirtie foure degrees,
ten minutes. The seuenteenth and eighteenth dayes were very wet
and stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse. The
nineteenth day, about foure of the clocke in the morning it began
to cleere vp, and then we had a very stiffe gale betweene East and
North-east. From the seuenteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at
noone, I had sayled fiftie fiue leagues North North-west, then I
found the ship to be thirtie sixe degrees, thirty minutes. From the
nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone, thirty fiue leagues
North-west: then I was in thirty seuen degrees, fifty two minutes,
the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly. From the
twentieth at noone, to the twentie one at noone, we sayled twenty
leagues North by West, the wind betweene East and South-east, and
the weather very faire. At the sunne setting I obserued, and found
thirteene degrees, and an halfe of westerly variation, and vntill
midnight we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and
then it fell calme and rained, and so continued very little wind
vntill the two and twentieth at noone, and shifting all the points of
the Compasse: yet by mine obseruation that I made then, I found that
the ship had run twentie fiue leagues North, for I found her to be in
forty degrees, one minute, which maketh me thinke that there was some
tide or current that did set Northward. Againe, those that had the
second watch did say, That in their watch they did see a race, and
that ship did driue apace to the Northward, when she had not a breath
of wind.

From the two and twentieth at noone, vntill ten of the clocke at
night, we had a fresh gale of wind, betweene East and South-east,
and then it shifted all westerly, and so continued vntill two of
the clocke the twenty three in the morning: and then it began to
be very foggy and but little wind, yet shifting all the points of
the Compasse, and so continued vntill ten of the clocke and then it
began to cleere vp. At twelue of the clocke I obserued, and then I
found the ship to be in fortie degrees fiftie minutes: so from the
twenty two at noone, to the twenty three at noone I had sayled twenty
leagues Northward. From the twenty three at noone, to the twenty
foure, at three of the clocke in the morning it was calme, and then
we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and so it
continued vntill noon southerly, in which time I had sailed twelue
leagues North. And about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we
had forty seuen fathoms of water, ♦_Fishing Banks_♦ which water we
did find to be changed into a grasse green in the morning, yet we
would not heaue a lead, because our Admirall was so farre on head of
vs: who about three of the clocke in the afternoone lay by the lee,
and fished till I came vp to him: and then I fitted my selfe and my
boat, and fished vntill sixe of the clocke. And then the Admirall
fitted his sailes, and stirred away North, whom I followed with all
the speed I could. But before seuen of the clocke there fell such a
myst, that I was faine to shoot off a Peece, which he answered with a
Cornet that he had aboord. So with hallowing and making a noyse one
to another all the night we kept company. About two of the clocke,
the twenty fiue day in the morning we tooke in all our sailes, and
lay at Hull vntill fiue of the clocke: and then finding but small
store of fish, we set saile and stirred away North-west, to fetch the
mayne land to relieue our selues with wood and water, which we stood
in great need of. About two of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke
in all our sailes and lay at Hull, at which time I heaued the lead
three times together, and had three sundry kindes of soundings. The
first a blacke peppery sand, full of peble stones. The second blacke
peppery, and no stones: The third, blacke peppery, and two or three
stones.

From the fourth at noone, to the twentie fiue, at two of the clocke
in the afternoone, I sayled thirteene leagues West North-west: and
the weather continuing very foggy, thicke, and rainy, about fiue
of the clocke it began to cease, and then we began to fish, and so
continued vntill seuen of the clocke in betweene thirty and forty
fathoms, and then we could fish no longer. So hauing gotten betweene
twentie and thirty Cods, we left for that night: and at fiue of the
clocke, the twenty sixe in the morning we began to fish againe, and
so continued vntill ten of the clocke, and then it would fish no
longer: in which time we had taken neere one hundred Cods, and a
couple of Hollybuts. All this while wee had betweene thirty and forty
fathoms water: before one of the clocke in the afternoone we found
the ship driuen into one hundred and twenty fathoms, and soft blacke
Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word, that he would set saile,
and stand in for the Riuer of Sagadahoc; whose directions I followed.

Before two of the clocke we set saile, and stirred away North-west
by North, the wind South South-west, and the weather continued very
foggy. About eight of the clocke wee tooke in all our sailes, and
lay at Hull at that night. The seuen and twentieth, about seuen of
the clocke in the morning we heaued the lead, and had no ground in
one hundred and twentie fathoms. Then I shot off a Peece, but could
not heare none answere from our Admirall: and the weather was so
thicke, that we could not see a Cables length from our ship. Betweene
nine and ten of the clock we did thinke that we did heare a Peece
of Ordnance to windward: which made me suppose our Admirall had set
saile, and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sayle and
stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a noise to try
whether I could find him againe: the wind was at South-west, and I
stood away West North-west. From the sixe and twentieth, at two of
the clocke in the afternoone, to eight of the clocke at night I had
sayled nine leagues North-west. The seuen and twentieth at noone
I heaued the Lead, in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no
ground. Then I stirred away North-west, till foure of the clocke at
night: then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms,
and had no ground. Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull, and
I had sayled seuen leagues North-west. The eight and twentieth, at
seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and
twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set sayle againe, and
steered away North, and North by West. At noone I heaued in one
hundred and twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground. So I steered
on my course still, the wind shifted betweene South and South-west,
and the fog continued. At foure of the clocke in the afternoone,
I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground: so
I stood on vntill eight of the clocke, by which time I had sailed
twelue leagues: then I heaued the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose,
and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water. Then I tooke in all my
sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth, at fiue of
the clocke in the morning. Then I set saile againe, and steered
away North, and North by West. At eight of the clocke I heaued the
Lead againe, and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms
water. Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder,
but the fogge continued not still. About two of the clocke in the
afternoone, I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead, and
had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water: by which time I had sailed
six leagues North by West more. Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing
my Fore-course and Bonnet, and stood in with those sailes onely.
About sixe of the clocke I sounded againe, and then I had sixty fiue
fathoms water. As soone as I came aboord it cleered vp, and then I
saw a small Iland, which bare North about two leagues off; whereupon
I stood in vntill eight of the clocke: And then I stood off againe
vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day. Then I
stood in againe, and about eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the
Iland. Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare, where I found great
store of Seales: And I killed three Seales with my hanger. This Iland
is not halfe a mile about, nothing but a Rocke, which seemed to be
very rich Marble stone. And a South South-west Moon maketh a full
Sea. About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe, with some Wood
that I had found vpon the Iland, for there had beene some folkes that
had made fiers there. ♦_Seal Rock and Matinicus outside Penobscot
Bay_♦ Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me
about three leagues; this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure
degrees. About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor
among many Ilands in eight fathoms water: and vpon one of these
Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water, and Balast.

The third day of August, ♦_August_♦ being fitted to put to Sea
againe, I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my
Commission was, to see what directions I had, and for what place I
was bound to shape my course. Then I tried whether there were any
fish there or not, and I found reasonable good store there; so I
stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August: and then finding
that the fishing did faile, I thought good to returne to the Iland
where I had killed the Seales, to see whether I could get any store
of them or not; for I did find that they were very nourishing meate,
and a great reliefe to my men, and that they would be very well
saued with salt to keepe a long time. But when I came thither I
could not by any meanes catch any. The fourteenth day at noone I
obserued the Sun, and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees,
forty minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod, to see whether
I could get any fish there or not: so by the fifteenth at noone, I
had sailed thirty two leagues South-west, the wind for the most part
was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone, to
the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South, the wind shifting
betweene West and South-west. And then I sounded and had ground in
eighteene fathoms water, full of shels and peble stones of diuers
colours, some greene, and some blewish, some like diamants, and some
speckled. Then I tooke in all my sayles, and set all my company to
fishing, and fished till eight of the clocke that night: and finding
but little fish there, I set sayle againe, and by the seuenteenth
at noone I had sayled ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting
betweene South and South-west. From noone, till sixe of the clocke
at night, foure leagues North-west, the wind shifting betweene West
and South-west. Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my
sayles, and lay at hull all that night, vntill fiue of the clock the
eighteenth day in the morning: and then I set saile againe, and by
noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west, the wind betweene West
and South-west. From the eighteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at
noone ten leagues West by West, the wind shifting betweene South and
South-west, and the weather very thick and foggy.

About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away,
and the wind did shift westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to
the North, and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at
noone: but the weather was very cleere, and then by my obseruation
I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees, forty
foure minutes, and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West.
From the nineteenth at noone, to the twentieth at noone: about two
of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-land, ♦_Cape Cod_♦
which did beare off me South-west, about foure leagues: so I steered
with it, taking it to bee Cape Cod; and by foure of the clocke I was
fallen among so many shoales, that it was fiue of the clocke the next
day in the morning before I could get cleere of them, it is a very
dangerous place to fall withall: for the shoales lie at the least
ten leagues off from the Land; and I had vpon one of them but one
fathom and an halfe water, and my Barke did draw seuen foot. This
Land lyeth South-west, and North-east, and the shoales lie off from
it South and South by West, and so along toward the North. At the
North-west by West Guards I obserued the North-starre, and found the
ship to be in the latitude of fortie one degrees, fiftie minutes,
being then in the middle of the Sholdes: and I did finde thirteene
degrees westerly variation then likewise. Thus finding the place
not to be for my turne, as soon as I was cleere of these dangers, I
thought it fit to returne to Iames Towne in Virginia, to the Lord
De-lawarre, my Lord Gouernour, and there to attend his command: so I
shaped my course for that place.




  John Smith

  1614

  MONHEGAN

  JOHN SMITH, _in the autumn of 1609, returned to England from
  Virginia, to answer charges against his administration, and
  thereafter he had no official connection with that colony. Two
  years later he was sent to New England by some London merchants who
  had engaged in a trading and fishing venture. While his companions
  were occupied with the business of securing a return cargo,
  Smith made an exploring trip along the coast. His observations,
  supplemented by charts and information secured from other
  navigators, enabled him to prepare the first published map which
  gives an accurate contour of the coast. In 1615 Smith made two
  unsuccessful attempts to revisit New England, and in 1617 he again
  planned to take part in an expedition which never left port. His
  “Description of New-England,” printed in 1616, was followed in 1620
  by his “New-Englands Trials,” which contains a brief summary of the
  voyages and attempts at colonization northward of Virginia._


[Illustration: _Earliest Book in which the Name “New England” occurs_

  A
  DESCRIPTION
  of _New England_:

  _OR_

  THE OBSERVATIONS, AND
  discoueries, of Captain _Iohn Smith_ (Admirall
  of that Country) in the North of _America_, in the year
  _of our Lord 1614: with the successe of sixe Ships,
  that went the next yeare 1615; and the_
  accidents befell him among the
  _French men of warre_:

  With the proofe of the present benefit this
  Countrey affoords: whither this present yeare,
  _1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone
  to make further tryall_.

  _At LONDON_
  Printed by _Humfrey Lownes_, for _Robert Clerke_; and
  are to be sould at his house called the Lodge,
  in Chancery lane, ouer against Lincolnes
  Inne, 1616.]


[Illustration: (Decorative banner)]

  A DESCRIPTION of _New England_, by _Captaine_ JOHN SMITH.

IN the moneth of Aprill, 1614, with two Ships from London, ♦_April
1614_♦ of a few Marchants, I chanced to arrive in New-England, a
parte of Ameryca, at the Ile of Monahiggan, in 43½ of Northerly
latitude: ♦_Monhegan_♦ our plot was there to take Whales and make
tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If those failed, Fish and
Furres was then our refuge, to make our selves savers howsoever: we
found this Whalefishing a costly conclusion: we saw many, and spent
much time in chasing them; but could not kill any: They beeing a
kinde of Iubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes and Oyle
as wee expected. For our Golde, it was rather the Masters device to
get a voyage that proiected it, then any knowledge hee had at all
of any such matter. Fish and Furres was now our guard: and by our
late arrival, and long lingring about the Whale, the prime of both
those seasons were past ere wee perceived it; we thinking that their
seasons served at all times: but wee found it otherwise; for by the
midst of Iune, the fishing failed. Yet in Iuly and August some was
taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay
required. Of dry fish we made about 40000. of Cor-fish about 7000.
Whilest the sailers fished, my selfe with eight or nine others of
them might best bee spared; Ranging the coast in a small boat, wee
got for trifles neer 1100 Bever skinnes, 100 Martins, and neer as
many Otters; and the most of them within the distance of twenty
leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much furder; but
Eastwards our commodities were not esteemed, they were so neare the
French who affords them better: and right against us in the Main was
a Ship of Sir Frances Popphames, that had there such acquaintance,
having many yeares used onely that porte, ♦_Sagadahock Colony_♦ that
the most parte there was had by him. And 40 leagues westwards were
two French Ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade, during
the time wee tryed those conclusions, not knowing the Coast, nor
Salvages habitation. With these Furres, the Traine, and Cor-fish I
returned for England in the Bark: where within six monthes after our
departure from the Downes, we safe arrived back. The best of this
fish was solde for five pound the hundreth, the rest by ill usage
betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. The other Ship staied to
fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish which was sould, by the
Sailers reporte that returned, at forty ryalls the quintall, each
hundred weighing two quintalls and a halfe.

New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite to
Nova Albyon ♦_California_♦ in the South Sea; discovered by the
most memorable Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the worlde.
In regarde whereto this is stiled New England, beeing in the same
latitude. New France, off it, is Northward: Southwardes is Virginia,
and all the adioyning Continent, with New Granado, New Spain, New
Andolosia and the West Indies. Now because I have beene so oft asked
such strange questions, of the goodnesse and greatnesse of those
spatious Tracts of land, how they can bee thus long unknown, or not
possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I intreat your
pardons, if I chance to be too plaine, or tedious in relating my
knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction.

Florida is the next adioyning to the Indies, which unprosperously
was attempted to bee planted by the French. ♦_Ribault Colony 1565_♦
A Country farre bigger then England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
yet little knowne to any Christian, but by the wonderful endevours of
Ferdinando de Soto a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is
the best guide knowne to search those parts.

Virginia is no Ile (as many doe imagine) but part of the Continent
adioyning to Florida; whose bounds may be stretched to the magnitude
thereof without offence to any Christian inhabitant. For from the
degrees of 30. to 45. his Maiestie hath granted his Letters patents,
the Coast extending South-west and North-east aboute 1500 miles;
but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be 2000. at the least:
of which, 20. miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay of
Chisapeak, where is the London plantation: within which is a Country
(as you may perceive by the description in a Booke and Map printed in
my name of that little I there discovered) may well suffice 300000
people to inhabit. And Southward adioyneth that part discovered at
the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir Ralph Lane, and that learned
Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heryot. Northward six or seaven degrees is
the River Sadagahock, where was planted the Westerne Colony, by that
Honourable Patrone of vertue Sir Iohn Poppham Lord chief Iustice of
England. Ther is also a relation printed by Captaine Bartholomew
Gosnould, of Elizabeths Iles: and an other by Captaine Waymoth,
of Pemmaquid. From all these diligent observers, posterity may be
bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for divers others that
long before and since have ranged those parts, within a kenning
sometimes of the shore, some touching in one place some in another,
I must entreat them pardon me for omitting them; or if I offend in
saying that their true descriptions are concealed, or never well
observed, or died with the Authors: so that the Coast is yet still
but even as a Coast unknowne and undiscovered. I have had six or
seaven severall plots of those Northren parts, so unlike each to
other, and most so differing from any true proportion, or resemblance
of the Countrey, as they did mee no more good, then so much waste
paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not my chance to
see the best; but least others may be deceived as I was, or throgh
dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, I have drawen a Map
from Point to Point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to Harbour, with the
Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Landmarks as I passed close aboard the
Shore in a little Boat; although there be many things to bee observed
which the haste of other affaires did cause me omit: for, being sent
more to get present commodities, then knowledge by discoveries for
any future good, I had not power to search as I would: yet it will
serve to direct any shall goe that waies, to safe Harbours and the
Salvages habitations: What marchandize and commodities for their
labour they may finde, this following discourse shall plainely
demonstrate.

Thus you may see, of this 2000. miles more than halfe is yet unknowne
to any purpose: no not so much as the borders of the Sea are yet
certainly discovered. As for the goodnes and true substances of the
Land, wee are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them, unlesse
it be those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock: but
onely here and there wee touched or have seene a little the edges of
those large dominions, which doe stretch themselves into the Maine,
God doth know how many thousand miles; whereof we can yet no more
iudge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt England and France can
describe the Harbors and dangers by landing here or there in some
River or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse and substances of Spaine,
Italy, Germany, Bohemia, Hungaria and the rest. By this you may
perceive how much they erre, that think every one which hath been
at Virginia understandeth or knowes what Virginia is: Or that the
Spaniards know one halfe quarter of those Territories they possesse;
no, not so much as the true circumference of Terra Incognita, whose
large dominions may equalize the greatnesse and goodnes of America,
for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small power hee
hath raigned in the East Indies; and few will understand the truth
of his strength in America: where he having so much to keepe with
such a pampered force, they neede not greatly feare his furie, in the
Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England; beyond whose bounds
America doth stretch many thousand miles: into the frozen partes
whereof one Master Hutson an English Mariner did make the greatest
discoverie of any Christian I knowe of, ♦_Hudson’s Bay_♦ where he
unfortunately died. For Affrica, had not the industrious Portugales
ranged her unknowne parts, who would have sought for wealth among
those fryed Regions of blacke brutish Negers, where notwithstanding
all the wealth and admirable adventures and endeavours more than
140 yeares, they knowe not one third of those blacke habitations.
But it is not a worke for every one, to manage such an affaire as
makes a discoverie, and plants a Colony: It requires all the best
parts of Art, Iudgement, Courage, Honesty, Constancy, Diligence
and Industrie, to doe but neere well. Some are more proper for one
thing then another; and therein are to be imployed: and nothing
breedes more confusion than misplacing and mis-imploying men in
their undertakings. Columbus, Cortez, Pitzara, Soto, Magellanes, and
the rest served more than a prentiship to learne how to begin their
most memorable attempts in the West Indies; which to the wonder of
all ages successfully they effected, when many hundreds of others
farre above them in the worlds opinion, beeing instructed but by
relation, came to shame and confusion in actions of small moment, who
doubtlesse in other matters, were both wise, discreet, generous,
and couragious. I say not this to detract any thing from their
incomparable merits, but to answer those questionlesse questions that
keep us back from imitating the worthinesse of their brave spirits
that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to great Captaines,
their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one of the greatest
Potentates on earth, end the fruites of their labours, his greatest
glory, power and renowne.

That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41. and
45: but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from
Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each
from other: within which bounds I have seene at least 40. severall
habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good
Harbours; In many whereof there is ancorage for 500. sayle of ships
of any burthen; in some of them for 5000: And more than 200 Iles
overgrowne with good timber, of divers sorts of wood, which doe make
so many harbours as requireth a longer time than I had, to be well
discovered.

The principall habitation Northward we were at was Penobscot:
Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers we found Mecadacut,
Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus, Kenebeck, Sagadahock, and
Aumoughcawgen; And to those Countries belong the people of Segotago,
Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum, Taughtanakagnet, Warbigganus, Nassaque,
Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck, Moshoquen, Wakcogo, Pasharanack, &c.
To these are allied the Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus,
Passataquack, Aggawom and Naemkeck: all these, I could perceive,
differ little in language, fashion, or government: though most be
Lords of themselves, yet they hold the Bashabes of Pennobscot, the
chiefe and greatest amongst them.

The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts; two pleasant Iles
of groves, gardens and corne fields a league in the Sea from the
Mayne. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit, Sagoquas,
Nahapassumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet, Nasnocomacak, Accomack,
Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet and the Ile Nawset of the
language, and alliance of them of Chawum: The others are called
Massachusets; of another language, humor and condition: For their
trade and marchandize; to each of their habitations they have diverse
Townes and people belonging; and by their relations and descriptions,
more than 20 severall Habitations and Rivers that stretch themselves
farre up into the Countrey, even to the borders of diverse great
Lakes, where they kill and take most of their Bevers and Otters. From
Pennobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Mountainous and Iles of
huge Rocks, but overgrowen with all sorts of excellent good woodes
for building houses, boats, barks or shippes; with an incredible
abundance of most sorts of fish, much fowle, and sundry sorts of good
fruites for mans use.

Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy
Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many: especially the Coast
of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high clayie or
sandy cliffes in one place, and then tracts of large long ledges of
divers sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely
divided with tinctured veines of divers colours: as, Free stone for
building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make Fornaces and Forges
for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient, conveniently to melt
in them: but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire,
I thinke most of the cliffes would make such limestone: If they be
not of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceive a better
iudgement then mine; all which are so neere adioyning to those other
advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good
iron and steele in those parts, as I know it is within the bounds
of the Countrey, I dare engage my head (having but men skilfull to
worke the simples there growing) to have all things belonging to
the building the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and good
marchandize for the fraught, ♦_Freight_♦ within a square of 10 or 14
leagues: and were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to prooue
it in a lesse limitation.

And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks,
both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and so
well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people,
besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse
of the fish and moderate temper of the ayre (for of twentie five,
not any was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before
they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet) who
can but approoue this is a most excellent place, both for health and
fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I have yet
seene not inhabited, could I have but meanes to transport a Colonie,
I would rather live here than any where: and if it did not maintaine
it selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.

The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present to
produce the rest, is fish; which however it may seeme a mean and a
base commoditie: yet who will but truely take the pains and consider
the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is
strange to see what great adventures the hopes of setting forth men
of war to rob the industrious innocent, would procure: or such massie
promises in grosse: though more are choked then well fedde with
such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore Hollanders,
chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in
the open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by
the venting this poore commodity to the Easterlings for as meane,
which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like
(which they exchange againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales,
and English, &c. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong
and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude, is so
well furnished with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong
Fortresses, and that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of
marchandize, as well of Golde, Silver, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious
Stones, Silkes, Velvets, and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or
such grosse commodities? What Voyages and Discoveries, East and West,
North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea
and Land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest
Princes of the world? And never could the Spaniard with all his Mynes
of golde and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and army, halfe so
truly, as the Hollanders stil have done by this contemptible trade
of fish. Divers (I know) may alledge, many other assistances: But
this is their Myne; and the Sea the source of those silvered streams
of all their vertue; which hath made them now the very miracle of
industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires: and the
benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turns all their Spheres
to this height of plentie, strength, honour and admiration.

Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie that makes their wealth
and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, and from which (few
would thinke it) they yearly draw at least one million and a halfe of
pounds starling; yet it is most certaine (if records be true:) and in
this faculty they are so naturalized, and of their vents so certainly
acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will ever bee paralleld,
having 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottomes, Sword pinks, Todes, and such
like, that breedes them Saylers, Mariners, Souldiers and Marchants,
never to be wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other. I
will not deny but others may gaine as well as they, that will use
it, though not so certainely, nor so much in quantity; for want of
experience. And this Herring they take upon the Coast of Scotland and
England; their Cod and Ling, upon the Coast of Izeland and in the
North Seas.

Hamborough, and the East Countries, for Sturgion and Caviare, gets
many thousands of pounds from England, and the Straites: Portugale,
the Biskaines, and the Spaniards, make 40 or 50 Saile yearely to
Cape-blank, to hooke for Porgos, Mullet, and make Puttardo: and New
found Land, doth yearely fraught neere 800 sayle of Ships with a
sillie leane skinny Poore-Iohn, and Cor-fish, which at least yearely
amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. If from all those parts such paines
is taken for this poore gaines of fish, and by them hath neither
meate, drinke, nor clothes, wood, iron, nor steele, pitch, tarre,
nets, leades, salt, hookes, nor lines, for shipping, fishing, nor
provision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne
from so many severall parts of the world ere they come together to
be used in this voyage: If these I say can gaine, and the Saylers
live going for shares, lesse then the third part of their labours,
and yet spend as much time in going and comming as in staying there,
so short is the season of fishing; why should wee more doubt, then
Holland, Portugale, Spaniard, French, or other, but to doe much
better then they, where there is victuall to feede us, wood of all
sorts, to build Boats, Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doores,
pitch, tarre, masts, yards, and most of other necessaries onely for
making? And here are no hard Landlords to racke us with high rents,
or extorted fines to consume us, no tedious pleas in law to consume
us with their many years disputations for Iustice: no multitudes to
occasion such impediments to good orders, as in popular States. So
freely hath God and his Maiesty bestowed those blessings on them
that will attempt to obtaine them, as here every man may be master
and owner of his owne labour and land; or the greatest part in a
small time. If hee have nothing but his hands, he may set up this
trade: and by industrie quickly grow rich; spending but halfe that
time wel, which in England we abuse in idlenes, worse or as ill.
Here is ground also as good as any lyeth in the height of forty one,
forty two, forty three, &c. which is as temperate and as fruitfule
as any other paralell in the world. As for example, on this side the
line West of it in the South Sea, is Nova Albion, discovered as is
said, by Sir Francis Drake. East from it, is the most temperate part
of Portugale, the ancient kingdomes of Galazia, Biskey, Navarre,
Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the olde and the most moderatest of
Castilia the new, and Valentia, which is the greatest part of Spain:
which if the Spanish Histories bee true, in the Romanes time abounded
no lesse with golde and silver Mines, then now the West Indies; The
Romanes then using the Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the
Spaniard doth the Indians.

In France, the Provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avignon, Province,
Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne, are in the same paralel: which are the
best and richest parts of France. In Italy, the provinces of Genua,
Lumbardy, and Verona, with a great part of the most famous State of
Venice, the Dukedoms of Bononia, Mantua, Ferrara, Ravenna, Bolognia,
Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona, and the ancient Citie and
Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the great Kingdome of Naples.
In Slavonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with the Kingdomes of Albania.
In Grecia, that famous Kingdome of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia,
Thracia, or Romania, where is seated the most pleasant and plentifull
Citie in Europe, Constantinople. In Asia also, in the same latitude,
are the temperatest parts of Natolia, Armenia, Persia, and China,
besides divers other large Countries and Kingdomes in these most
milde and temperate Regions of Asia. Southward, in the same height,
is the richest of golde Mynes, Chily and Baldivia, and the mouth of
the great River of Plate, &c: for all the rest of the world in that
height is yet unknowne. Besides these reasons, mine owne eyes that
have seene a great part of those Cities and their Kingdomes, as well
as it, can finde no advantage they have in nature, but this. They
are beautified by the long labor and diligence of industrious people
and Art. This is onely as God made it, when he created the worlde.
Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intralls of those Regions
were sought: if their Land were cultured, planted and manured by men
of industrie, iudgement, and experience; what hope is there, or
what neede they doubt, having those advantages of the Sea, but it
might equalize any of those famous Kingdomes, in all commodities,
pleasures, and conditions? seeing even the very edges doe naturally
afford us such plenty, as no ship need returne away empty; and onely
use but the season of the Sea, fish will returne an honest gaine,
beside all other advantages; her treasures having yet never beene
opened, nor her originalls wasted, consumed, nor abused.

And whereas it is said, the Hollanders serve the Easterlings
themselves, and other parts that want with Herring, Ling, and wet
Cod; the Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgion and
Caviare; Cape-blanke, Spain, Portugale, and the Levant, with Mullet,
and Puttargo; New found Land, all Europe, with a thin Poore Iohn;
yet all is so overlade with fishers, as the fishing decayeth, and
many are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway, and
Polonia, Pitch, Tar, Masts, and Yardes; Sweathland, and Russia, Iron,
and Ropes; France, and Spaine, Canvas, Wine, Steele, Iron, and Oyle;
Italy and Greece, Silks, and Fruites. I dare boldly say, because I
have seen naturally growing, or breeding in those parts the same
materialls that all those are made of, they may as well be had here,
or the most part of them, within the distance of 70 leagues for some
few ages, as from all those parts; using but the same meanes to have
them that they doe, and with all those advantages.

First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is capable of
producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing
in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not every kinde to that
perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because
the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts
wee have yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same
height in Europe or Asia; ♦_Monhegan_♦ Yet I made a Garden upon the
top of a Rockie Ile in 43½, 4 leagues from the Main, in May, that
grew so well, as it served us for sallets in Iune and Iuly. All sorts
of cattell may here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes,
securely for nothing. In the Interim till they encrease if need be
(observing the seasons) I durst undertake to have corne enough from
the Salvages for 300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should bee
untoward (as it is most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men
will be sufficient to bring them all in subiection, and make this
provision; if they understand what they doe: 200 whereof may nine
monethes in the yeare be imployed in making marchandable fish, till
the rest provide other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other
commodities.

In March, April, May, and halfe Iune, here is Cod in abundance; in
May, Iune, Iuly, and August Mullet and Sturgion; whose roes doe make
Caviare and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I have taken many
out of the bellies of Cod, some in nets; but the Salvages compare
their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads: and surely
there are an incredible abundance upon this Coast. In the end of
August, September, October, and November, you have Cod againe to make
Cor-fish, or Poore Iohn: and each hundred is as good as two or three
hundred in the New-found Land. So that halfe the labour in hooking,
splitting, and turning, is saved: and you may have your fish at what
Market you will, before they can have any in New-found Land: where
their fishing is chiefly but in Iune and Iuly: whereas it is heere
in March, April, May, September, October, and November, as is said.
So that by reason of this plantation, the Marchants may have fraught
both out and home: which yeelds an advantage worth consideration.

Your Cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you see cause,
to serve the Ports in Portugale (as Lisbon, Avera, Porta port, and
divers others, or what market you please) before your Ilanders
returne: They being tyed to the season in the open sea; you having a
double season, and fishing before your doors, may every night sleep
quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will, or when you
please with your wives and familie: they onely, their ships in the
maine Ocean.

The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take them with nets,
sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape blank they hooke them; yet those
but one foot and a halfe in length; these two, three, or foure, as
oft I have measured: much Salmon some have found up the Rivers, as
they have passed: and heer the ayre is so temperate, as all these at
any time may well be preserved.

Now, young boyes and girles Salvages, or any other, be they never
such idlers, may turne, carry, and return fish, without either shame
or any great paine: hee is very idle that is past twelve yeares of
age and cannot doe so much: and she is very olde, that cannot spin a
thred to make engines to catch them.

For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may
transport the first: who for their passage will spare the charge of
double manning their ships, which they must doe in the New-found
Land, to get their fraught; but one third part of that companie are
onely but proper to serve a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor
Iohn: notwithstanding, they must have meate, drinke, clothes, and
pattage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this; That
those that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the
best choice they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serve
them at that rate: and their ships returning leave such with me,
with the value of that they should receive comming home, in such
provisions and necessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt,
hookes, nets, lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings;
who till the next returne may keepe their boates and doe them many
other profitable offices: provided I have men of ability to teach
them their functions, and a company fit for Souldiers to be Ready
upon an occasion; because of the abuses which have beene offered the
poore Salvages, and the liberty both French or any that will, hath
to deale with them as they please: whose disorders will be hard to
reforme; and the longer the worse. Now such order with facilitie
might be taken, with every port Towne or Citie, to observe but this
order, With free power to convert the benefits of their fraughts to
what advantage they please, and increase their numbers as they see
occasion; who ever as they are able to subsist of themselves, may
beginne the new Townes in New England in memory of their olde: which
freedome being confined but to the necessity of the generall good,
the event (with Gods helpe) might produce an honest, a noble, and a
profitable emulation.

Salt upon salt may assuredly be made; if not at the first in ponds,
yet till they bee provided this may be used: then the Ships may
transport Kine, Horse, Goates, course Cloath, and such commodities
as we want; by whose arrivall may be made that provision of fish to
fraught the Ships that they stay not: and then if the sailers goe
for wages, it matters not. It is hard if this returne defray not the
charge: but care must be had, they arrive in the Spring, or else
provision be made for them against the Winter.

Of certaine red berries called Alkermes which is worth ten shillings
a pound, but of these hath been sould for thirty or forty shillings
the pound, may yearely be gathered a good quantitie.

Of the Musk Rat may bee well raised gaines, well worth their labour,
that will endevor to make tryall of their goodnesse.

Of Bevers, Otters, Martins, Blacke Foxes, and Furres of price,
may yearely be had 6 or 7000: and if the trade of the French were
prevented, many more: 25000 this yeare were brought from those
Northren parts into France; of which trade we may have as good part
as the French, if we take good courses.

Of Mynes of Golde and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead,
Christall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good
assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials according to those
instructions I had, which doe perswade mee I need not despaire, but
there are metalls in the Countrey: but I am no Alchymist, nor will
promise more then I know: which is, Who will undertake the rectifying
of an Iron forge, if those that buy meate, drinke, coals, ore, and
all necessaries at a deer rate gaine; where all these things are to
be had for the taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.

Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that
build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price, as it is
in England, Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other
provisions for the nourishing of mans life; live well by their trade:
when labour is all required to take those necessaries without any
other tax; what hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what
commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood? For the goodnesse of
the ground, let us take it fertill, or barren, or as it is: seeing
it is certaine it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast,
as well as England, and the Sea those severall sorts of fish I have
related. Thus seeing all good provisions for mans sustenance, may
with this facility be had, by a little extraordinarie labour, till
that transported be increased; and all necessaries for shipping,
onely for labour: to which may bee added the assistance of the
Salvages, which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in
their kindes, towards fishing, planting and destroying woods. What
gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once
men to fill your store houses, dwelling there, you may serve all
Europe better and farre cheaper, then can the Izeland fishers, or the
Hollanders, Cape blank, or New found Land: who must be at as much
more charge than you) may easily be coniectured by this example.

2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and 1 of a 100 tuns: If the
dry fish they both make, fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine,
sell it but at ten shillings a quintall; but commonly it giveth
fifteen, or twentie: especially when it commeth first, which amounts
to 3 or 4000 pound: but say but tenne, which is the lowest, allowing
the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound, which
is the whole charge of your two ships, and their equipage: Then the
returne of the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage,
or any other voyage, is cleere gaine, with your shippe of a 100 tuns
of Train and oyle, besides the bevers, and other commodities; and
that you may have at home within six monethes, if God please but to
send an ordinarie passage. Then saving halfe this charge by the not
staying of your ships, your victual, overplus of men and wages; with
her fraught thither of things necessarie for the planters, the salt
being there made: as also may the nets and lines, within a short
time: if nothing were to bee expected but this, it might in time
equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceed them: they returning
but wood, pitch, tarre, and such grosse commodities; you wines,
oyles, fruits, silkes, and such Straits commodities, as you please to
provide by your Factors, against such times as your shippes arrive
with them. This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so
employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that
want imployments fitting their qualities at home, where they shame
to doe that they would doe abroad; that could they but once taste
the sweet fruites of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands
would be advised by good discipline, to take more pleasure in honest
Industrie, then in their humours of dissolute idlenesse.

But, to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey,
which I intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons, not being
so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the
estate of the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the
People, the Government, Religion, Territories, and Limitations,
Friends, and Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly relations
in a broken language to my understanding, during the time I ranged
those countries &c. The most Northren part I was at, was the Bay of
Pennobscot, ♦_Penobscot_♦ which is East and West, North and South,
more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained
to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ranne
farre up into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but
they were from their habitations, either fishing among the Iles, or
hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Bevers. The Bay is full
of great Ilands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length,
which divides it into many faire and excellent good harbours. On
the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortall enemies, where
inhabit the French, as they report that live with those people, as
one nation or family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut,
at the foot of a high mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the
Tarrantines, adioyning to the high mountaines of Pennobscot, against
whose feet doth beat the Sea: But over all the Land, Iles, or other
impediments, you may well see them sixteene or eighteene leagues from
their situation. Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid,
and Sagadahock. Up this river where was the westerne plantation are
Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is planted
some corne fields. Along this River 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but
great high cliffes of barren Rocks, overgrowne with wood: but where
the Salvages dwelt there the ground is exceeding fat and fertill.
Westward of this River, is the Countrey of Aucocisco, in the bottome
of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which divides it into
many good harbours. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large
sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Iles, but few good harbours,
but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as
farre I could see Eastward of it is nothing but such high craggy
Cliffy Rocks and stony Iles, that I wondered such great trees could
growe upon so hard foundations. It is a Countrie rather to affright,
then delight one. And how to describe a more plaine spectacle of
desolation or more barren I knowe not. Yet the Sea there is the
strangest fish-pond I ever saw; and those barren Iles so furnished
with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and fowle, that it makes
mee thinke though the Coast be rockie, and thus affrightable; the
Vallies, Plaines, and interior parts, may well (notwithstanding)
be verie fertile. But there is no kingdom so fertile hath not some
part barren: and New England is great enough, to make many Kingdomes
and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still
Westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbors
for small barks; and a good Countrie, within their craggie cliffs.
Angoam is the next; This place might content a right curious
iudgement: but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor:
and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deepe Sea. Heere
are many rising hilles, and on their tops and descents many corne
fields, and delightfull groves. On the East, is an Ile of two or
three leagues in length; the one halfe, plaine morish grasse fit for
pasture, with many faire high groves of mulberrie trees gardens: and
there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an
excellent habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor.

Naimkeck though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is sandie)
not much inferior; neither for the harbor, nor any thing I could
perceive, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into
the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three Iles
called the three Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a
great Bay, where wee founde some habitations and corne fields: they
report a great River, and at least thirtie habitations, doo possesse
this Countrie. But because the French had got their trade, I had no
leasure to discover it. The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side
of this Bay, where are many Iles, and questionlesse good harbors:
and then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of
all those parts: for, heere are many Iles all planted with corne;
groves, mulberries, salvage gardens, and good harbors: the Coast is
for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you
passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes
of well proportioned people: but the French having remained heere
neere sixe weekes, left nothing for us to take occasion to examine
the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand
people upon these Iles; and that the River doth pearce many daies
iourneis the intralles of that Countrey. We found the people in those
parts verie kinde; but in their furie no lesse valiant. For, upon
a quarrell wee had with one of them, hee onely with three others
crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must
passe; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot, till we were
out of danger.

Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor, good land;
and no want of any thing, but industrious people. After much
kindnesse, upon a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or
fiftie of those: though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within
an houre after they became friendes. Cape Cod is the next presents
it selfe: which is onely a headland of high hils of sand, ♦_Cape
Cod_♦ overgrowne with shrubbie pines, hurts, and such trash; but an
excellent harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea
on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a sickle:
on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet: and in the bottome of the
Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and South west of this
Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so
farre as I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore
and a strong current: which makes mee think there is a Channell about
this shoale; where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter
and Summer, in all that Countrie. But, the Salvages say there is no
Channell, but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to
the Ile of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the
Sea. The next to this is Capawack, and those abounding Countries of
copper, corne, people, and mineralls; which I went to discover this
last yeare: but because I miscarried by the way, I will leave them,
till God please I have better acquaintance with them.

The Massachusets, they report, sometimes have warres with the
Bashabes of Pennobscot; and are not alwaies friends with them of
Chawum and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and have
each trade with other, so farre as they have societie, on each others
frontiers. For they make no such voiages as from Pennobscot to Cape
Cod; seldom to Massachewset. In the North (as I have said) they
begunne to plant corne, whereof the South part hath such plentie, as
they have what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter
much more plenty of fish and foule: but both Winter and Summer hath
it in the one part or other all the yeare; being the meane and most
indifferent temper, betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions
betwixt the Lyne and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much
better, and in much more plentie, then Southward.

The remarkablest Iles and mountains for Landmarkes are these; The
highest Ile or Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobscot: but the three Iles
and a rock of Matinnack are much furder in the Sea; Metinicus is also
three plaine Iles and a rock, betwixt it and Monahigan: Monahigan is
a rounde high Ile; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small
harbor where we ride. In Damerils Iles is such another: Sagadahock
is knowne by Satquin, and foure or five Iles in the mouth. Smyths
Iles are a heape together, none neere them, against Accominticus. The
three Turks heads are three Iles seen far to Sea-ward in regard of
the head-land.

The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and Cape Cod.

The cheefe mountaines, them of Pennobscot: the twinkling mountaine of
Aucocisco; the greate mountaine of Sasanou; and the high mountaine
of Massachusit: each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their
places, formes, and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding
from the intrals of rockie mountaines; the hearbes and fruits are of
many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, currans, or a fruit like currans,
mulberries, vines, respices, goosberries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts,
small nuts, &c. pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and
mayze: a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and
ropes both small and great, verie strong for their quantities.

Oke, is the chiefe wood; of which there is great difference in regard
of the soyle where it groweth, firre, pyne, walnut, chestnut, birch,
ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, mulberrie, plum-tree, hazell, saxefrage,
and many other sorts.

Eagles, Gripes, diverse sorts of Haukes, Cranes, Geese, Brants,
Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Guls, Turkies,
Dive-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I knowe not.

Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbot, Sturgion, Cod, Hake, Haddock,
Cole, Cusk, or small Ling, Shark, Mackerrell, Herring, Mullet, Base,
Pinacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Muskles, Wilkes,
Oysters, and diverse others &c.

Moos, a beast bigger than a Stagge; Deere, red, and Fallow; Bevers,
Wolves, Foxes, both blacke and other; Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Beares,
Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diverse sorts of vermine,
whose names I know not. All these and divers other good things do
heere, for want of use, still increase, and decrease with little
diminution, whereby they growe to that abundance. You shall scarce
finde any Baye, shallow shore or Cove of sand, where you may not
take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in
many places lode your boat if you please; Nor Iles where you finde
not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them, for taking,
at a lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boye
might take of Cunners, and Pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the
ships sterne, more than sixe or tenne can eate in a daie; but with a
casting net, thousands when wee pleased: and scarce any place, but
Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man may take
with a hooke or line what he will. And, in diverse sandy Baies, a man
may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and diverse other
sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe on shore:
no River where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both;
all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons.
But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in Kent, he
may be deceived; though there be plentie in Summer: so, heere these
plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We for the
most part had little but bread and vinegar: and though the most part
of Iuly when the fishing decaied they wrought all day, laie abroade
in the Iles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not
sicke: But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges; except
necessitie constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starve that
heere cannot live; if he have sense, strength and health: for there
is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred
men may, in one houre or two, make their provisions for a day: and
hee that hath experience to manage well these affaires, with fortie
or thirtie honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they
dwell in these parts) to subiect the Salvages, and feed daily two or
three hundred men, with as good corne, fish and flesh, as the earth
hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their pleasure:
provided that they have engins, that be proper for their purposes.

Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only
his merit to advance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that
ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but
the taste of virtue, and magnanimitie, what to such a minde can
bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his
Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne
industrie, without prejudice to any? If hee have any graine of faith
or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any; or more
agreeable to God, then to seeke to convert those poore Salvages to
know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple
requite thy charge and paines? What so truely sutes with honour
and honestie, as the discovering things unknowne? erecting Townes,
peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust,
teaching virtue; and gaine to our Native mother-countrie a kingdom
to attend her; finde imployment for those that are idle, because
they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause
Posteritie to remember thee; and remembering thee, ever honour that
remembrance with praise?




  Thomas Dermer

  1619

  MAINE AND CAPE COD

  THOMAS DERMER _made his first voyage to New England in 1615.
  The following year he sailed to Newfoundland, where he may have
  remained until late in 1618. In 1619 he visited New England again,
  going from there to Virginia. He wrote an account of this voyage
  for Samuel Purchas, who printed it in the fourth volume of “Purchas
  his Pilgrimes,” published at London in 1625._

  _Dermer’s account of another voyage northward from Virginia, in
  the course of which he found divers ships from Amsterdam and Horne
  trading with the natives on the Delaware and Hudson rivers, was
  presented to the Virginia Company in London, on July 10, 1621._


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  _To his Worshipfull Friend_ M. SAMVEL PVRCHAS, _Preacher of the
  Word, at the Church a little within_ Ludgate, London.

  _Sir_,

IT was the nineteenth of May, ♦_1619 May_♦ before I was fitted for
my discouery, when from _Monahiggan_ I set sayle in an open Pinnace
of fiue tun, for the Iland I told you of. ♦_Monhegan_♦ I passed
alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations, not long
since populous now vtterly void; in other places a remnant remaines,
but not free of sicknesse. Their disease the Plague, for wee might
perceiue the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots
of such as vsually die. When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Country
(finding all dead) I trauelled alongst a daies iourney Westward, to a
place called _Nummastaquyt_, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatched
a Messenger a dayes iourney further West, to _Poconaokit_ which
bordereth on the Sea; whence came to see me two Kings, attended with
a guard of fiftie armed men, who being well satisfied with that
my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them (being desirous of noueltie)
gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded, where I found that former
relations were true. Here I redeemed a _Frenchman_, and afterwards
another at _Mastachusit_, who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke
at the North-east of Cape _Cod_. I must (amongst many things worthy
obseruation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I passe (not
mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Iland,
which wee discouered the twelfth of Iune. ♦_June_♦ Here we had good
quarter with the Sauages, who likewise confirmed former reports. I
found seuen seuerall places digged, sent home of the earth, with
samples of other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast, and
the time being farre spent bare vp for _Monahiggan_, arriuing the
three and [twen]tieth of Iune, where wee found our Ship ready to
depart. To this Ile are two other neere adioyning, all which I called
by the name of King _Iames_ his Iles, because from thence I had the
first motiues to search. For that (now probable passage) which may
hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie. When I
had dispatched with the ships ready to depart, I thus concluded for
the accomplishing my businesse. In regard of the fewnesse of my men,
not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence,
and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe, I put most of my prouisions
aboord the _Sampson_ of Cape _Ward_ ready bound for _Virginia_, from
whence hee came, taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might
serue our turnes, determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast
along, and at _Virginia_ to supply our selues for a second discouery,
if the first failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in
effecting and are seldome without their crosses, so in this we had
our share, and met with many difficulties: for wee had not sayled
aboue forty leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly storme,
which draue vs to this strait; eyther we must weather a rockie point
of Land, or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous; _Incidit in
Syllam, &c._ the Rockes wee could not weather, though wee loosed
till we receiued much water, but at last were forced to beare vp for
the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the shoare, where we had
beene beaten to pieces, had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our
prouisions to haue our liues; by which meanes we escaped and brought
off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, hauing our Planke
broken, and a small leake or two which we easily mended. Being left
in this misery, hauing lost much bread, all our Beefe and Sider, some
Meale and Apparell, with other prouisions and necessaries; having now
little left besides hope to encourage vs to persist: Yet after a
little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next
faire winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages
as before, which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence, who
desired (in regard of our long iourney) to stay with some of our
Sauage friends at _Sawahquatooke_, for now almost euery where, where
they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At _Manamock_
♦_Monomoy_♦ (the Southerne part of Cape _Cod_, now called _Sutcliffe
Inlets_) I was vnawares taken prisoner, when they sought to kill my
men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but missing of their purpose,
they demanded a ransome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as
before; yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to deliuer
me, with three of them into my hands, and a little after the chiefe
_Sacheum_ himselfe; who seeing me weigh anchor, would haue leaped
ouerboord, but intercepted, craued pardon, and sent for the Hatchets
giuen for ransome, excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his
neighbours; and to be friends sent for a _Canoas_ lading of Corne,
which receiued we set him free. I am loth to omit the story, wherein
you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our
greatest misery, in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time.
Departing hence, the next place we arriued at was _Capaock_, an Iland
formerly discouered by the _English_, where I met with _Epinew_ a
Sauage that had liued in _England_, and speakes indifferent good
_English_, who foure yeeres since being carried home, was reported
to haue beene slaine, with diuers of his Countreymen, by Saylors,
which was false. With him I had much conference, who gaue mee very
good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could demand. Time not
permitting mee to search here, which I should haue done for sundry
things of speciall moment: the wind faire, I stood away shaping my
course as the Coast led mee, till I came to the most Westerly part
where the Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I discouered
Land about thirtie leagues in length, ♦_Martha’s Vineyard_♦
heretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but
by the helpe of an _Indian_ I got to the Sea againe, through many
crooked and streight passages. I let passe many accidents in this
iourney occasioned by treacherie, where wee were compelled twice to
goe together by the eares, once the Sauages had great advantage of
vs in a streight, not aboue a Bowe shot, and where a multitude of
_Indians_ let flye at vs from the banke, but it pleased God to make
vs victours: neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract
amongst small rockie Ilands, occasioned by two vnequall tydes, the
one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other: here wee lost an
Anchor by the strength of the current, but found it deepe enough:
from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse
into a great Bay (to vs so appearing) but indeede is broken land,
which gaue vs light of the Sea: here, as I said, the Land treadeth
Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me
of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West, ♦_Long Island
Sound_♦ offered me Pilots, and one of them drew mee a Plot with
Chalke vpon a Chest, whereby I found it a great Iland, parted the
two Seas; they report the one scarce passable for shoalds, perillous
currents, the other no question to be made of. Hauing receiued
these directions, I hastened to the place of greatest hope, where I
purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse towards vs, and vse my best
endeuour to bring the truth to light, but wee were but onely shewed
the entrance, where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with
contrary and ouerblowing windes, hardly escaping both our liues.
Being thus ouercharged with weather, I stood alongst the coast to
seeke harbours, to attend a fauourable gale to recouer the streight,
but being a harbourlesse Coast for ought we could then perceiue, wee
found no succour till wee arriued betwixt Cape _Charles_ and the
Maine on the East side the Bay _Chestapeake_, ♦_Chesapeake Bay_♦
where in a wilde Roade wee anchored; and the next day (the eight of
September) crossed the Bay to _Kecoughtan_, where the first newes
strooke cold to our hearts, the general sicknesse ouer the Land.
Here I resolued with all possible speede to returne in pursuite of
this businesse, so that after a little refreshing, wee recouered
vp the Riuer to _Iames_ Citie, and from thence to Cape _Warde_ his
_Plantacon_, where immediately wee fell to hewing of Boords for a
close Decke, hauing found it a most desired course to attempt as
before. As wee were thus labouring to effect our purposes, it pleased
almighty God (who onely disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein
all workes shall be accomplished) to visite vs with his heauie hand,
so that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the rest,
my selfe so sore shaken with a burning feauer, that I was brought
euen vnto deaths doore, but at length by Gods assistance escaped,
and haue now with the rest almost recouered my former strength.
The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on these Coasts especially)
subiect to gusts and fearefull storms, I haue now resolued to choose
a more temperate season, both for the generall good and our owne
safeties. And thus I haue sent you a broken discourse, though indeede
very vnwilling to haue giuen any notice at all, till it had pleased
God to haue blessed mee with a thorow search, that our eyes might
haue witnessed the truth. I haue drawne a Plot of the Coast, which
I dare not yet part with for feare of danger, let this therefore
serue for confirmation of your hopes, till I can better performe
my promise and your desire; for what I haue spoken I can produce at
least _mille testes_; farre separate, of the Sea behinde them, and of
Ships, which come many dayes iourney from the West, and of the great
extent of this Sea to the North and South, not knowing any bounds
thereof Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity
offer it selfe, remembring my best loue, &c. I rest

  _Yours to command_,
  _THO. DERMER_.

  _From Captaine MARTYN his Plantation.
  27 Decemb. 1619._




  Christopher Levett

  1624

  YORK AND PORTLAND

  CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, _who was born in York, England, in 1586, landed
  on the Isles of Shoals in the autumn of 1623. Finding that this was
  no place for a permanent settlement, he crossed to the mouth of
  the Piscataqua River, where Robert Gorges, who had recently been
  appointed governor of the territory granted to the Council for New
  England, was making his colonial headquarters. Levett had been
  given the right to settle and hold six thousand acres wherever he
  might choose to locate within this territory. He selected an island
  at the mouth of Portland harbour. There he left ten men to maintain
  his possession while he went back to England for recruits and
  supplies. To assist in securing these, he wrote an account of the
  country and of his adventures therein, which he doubtless intended
  to print as soon as he returned home. A variety of causes hindered
  the carrying out of his plans, and the book was not published
  until 1628. The chapters now reprinted are those which contain
  the account of his experiences in New England. These chapters, as
  well as the extracts from Purchas and other works not otherwise
  credited, are taken from the copies of the original editions in the
  John Carter Brown Library at Providence, Rhode Island._


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  MY DISCOUERY of diverse Riuers and Harbours, with their names, and
  which are fit for Plantations, and which not.

THE first place I set my foote vpon in _New England_, ♦_1623_♦ was
the Isles of _Shoulds_, being Ilands in the Sea, about two Leagues
from the Mayne.

Vpon these Ilands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so
much good ground as to make a garden.

The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6 Shippes, but more
cannot well be there for want of convenient stage-roome, as this
yeare’s experience hath proved.

The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these Ilands are no Savages
at all.

The next place I came vnto was _Pannaway_, ♦_Piscataqua River_♦ where
one _M. Tomson_ hath made a Plantation, there I stayed about one
Moneth in which time I sent for my men from the East: who came over
in diverse Shipps.

At this place I met with the Governour, who came thither in a Barke
which he had from one _M. Weston_ about 20 dayes before I arived in
the Land.

The Governour then told me that I was joyned with him in Commission
as a Counsellor, which being read I found it was so. And he then, in
the presence of three more of the Counsell, administered unto me an
oath.

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two boats with all
my company.

In the time I stayd with _M. Tomson_, I surveyed as much as possible
I could, the wether being vnseasonable, and very much snow.

In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the ground it seemed to me
not to be good, being very rockey and full of trees and brush-wood.

There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof I fed very
plentifully.

About two English miles further to the East, I found a great River
and a good harbour called _Pascattaway_. But for the ground I can say
nothing, but by the relation of the _Sagamore_ or King of that place,
who told me there was much good ground up in the river about seven or
eight leagues.

About two leagues further to the East, is another great river called
_Aquamenticus_. ♦_York River_♦ There I think a good plantation may
be settled, for there is a good harbour for ships, good ground, and
much already cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits,
having heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. There
is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hath
beene no tryall made that I can heare of.

About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour called _Cape
Porpas_, the which is indifferent good for 6 shippes, and it is
generally thought to be an excellent place for fish, but as yet there
hath been no tryall made, but there may be a good plantation seated,
for there is good Timber and good ground, but will require some
labour and charge.

About foure leagues further East, there is another harbour called
_Sawco_ (betweene this place and _Cape Porpas_ I lost one of my men)
before we could recover the harbour a great fog or mist tooke us
that we could not see a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog
to come upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape land,
by which wee knew how to steare our course, which was no sooner done
but wee lost sight of land, and my other boate, and the winde blew
fresh against us, so that we were enforced to strike saile and betake
us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and strength we had,
but by no meanes could we recover the shore that night, being imbayed
and compassed round with breaches, which roared in a most fearfull
manner on every side us; wee took counsell in this extremity one of
another what to doe to save our lives, at length we resolved that to
put to sea againe in the night was no fit course, the storme being
great, and the winde blowing right of the shore, and to runne our
boate on the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a most
fearefull manner) and cast her away and indanger ourselves we were
loath to do, seeing no land nor knowing where we were. At length I
caused our Killick (which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth,
and one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or cable, by
which we knew whether our ancker held or no: which being done wee
commended our selues to God by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as
comfortable as we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent
that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we got into Sawco,
where I found my other boate.

There I stayed fiue nights, the winde beinge contrary, and the
weather very unseasonable, hauing much raine and snow, and continuall
foggse.

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres space, it had no
frame, but was without forme or fashion, onely a few poles set up
together, and couered with our boates sailes which kept forth but a
little winde, and lesse raigne and snow.

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which was spirituall, was
this we had foule enough for killing, wood enough for felling, and
good fresh water enough for drinking.

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our wet cloaths. Wee
had plenty of Craine, Goose, Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle,
both boyled and rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in
danger of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden ones.)

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood of a good
winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six of my men, and our
Armes, and walked along the shore, to discouer as much by land as I
could: after I had travelled about two English miles I met with a
riuer which stayed me that I could goe no further by land that day,
but returned to our place of habitation where we rested that night
(hauing our lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my
company to accompany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery
man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread in our Wigwam
or House, I praise God I rested as contentedly as euer I did in all
my life. And then came into my minde an old merry saying, which I
haue heard of a beggar boy, who said if euer he should attaine to
be a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pudding in it,
and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye straw; and thus I made
myselfe and my company as merry as I could, with this and some other
conceits, making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee
deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs according to our
sinnes.

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my lesser boate to this
riuer, who with much adoe got in myselfe, and 3 more going by land:
but by reason of the extremitie of the wether we were enforced to
stay there that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the riuer
banke, being the best place wee could finde, the snowe being very
deepe.

The next morning wee were enforced to rise betime, for the tyde came
vp so high that it washed away our fire, and would haue serued vs
so too if we had not kept watch: So wee went over the riuer in our
boate, where I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous
to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men and walked
along the shore about sixe English miles further to the East, where I
found another riuer, which staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco,
where the rest of my company and my other boate lay. That night I was
exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and cold and much toyling of my
body: but thankes be to God I was indifferent well the next morning,
and the winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to _Quack_.

But before I speak of this place I must say something of _Sawco_,
♦_Saco_♦ and the too riuers which I discouered in that bay, which I
thinke neuer Englishman saw before.

_Sawco_ is about one league to the North-east of a cape land. And
about one English mile from the maine lieth sixe Ilands, which make
an indifferent good harbour. And in the maine there is a Coue or
gutt, which is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length
long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored a head and
starne; and within the Coue there is a great Marsh, where at a high
water a hundredth sayle of Ships may floate, and be free from all
winds, but at low water must ly a ground, but being soft oase they
can take no hurte.

In this place there is a world of fowle, much good timber, and a
great quantetie of cleare ground and good, if it be not a little too
sandy. There hath beene more fish taken within too leagues of this
place this yeare then in any other in the land.

The riuer next to _Sawco_ eastwards, which I discovered by land,
and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river that ever my
eyes beheld. It flowes at the least ten foot water upright, and yet
the ebbe runs so strong that the tyde doth not stem it. At three
quarters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares to rowe
ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped my hand in the water,
quite without the mouth of the River, in the very main Ocean, and it
was as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring.

This River, as I am told by the _Salvages_, commeth from a great
mountaine called the Christall hill, being as they say 100 miles in
the Country, yet is it to be seene at the sea side, and there is no
ship ariues in _New England_, either to the West so farre as _Cape
Cod_, or to the East so farre as _Monhiggen_, but they see this
Mountaine the first land, if the weather be cleere.

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, is about sixe
miles from the other. About these two riuers I saw much good
timber and sandy ground, there is also much fowle, fish and other
commodities: but these places are not fit for plantation for the
present, because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or
boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the shore, and
makes all one breach.

And now in its place I come to _Quack_, which I haue named _Yorke_.
At this place there fished divers ships of _Waymouth_ this yeare.

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of _Cape Elizabeth_. It is
a Bay or Sound ♦_Portland Harbour_♦ betwixt the Maine and certaine
Ilands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and halfe.

There are foure Ilands which makes one good harbour, there is very
good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as good ground as any can
desire. There I found one River wherein the Savages say there is much
_Salmon_ and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben taken this
yeare 4. _Sturgions_, by fishermen who driue only for _Herrings_, so
that it is likely there may be good store taken if there were men
fit for that purpose. This River I made bold to call by my owne name
_Levetts_ river, ♦_Fore River_♦ being the first that discovered it.
How farre this river is Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6.
miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground.

In the same Bay I found another River, ♦_Presumpscot River_♦ up which
I went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water much
bigger than the fall at _London_ bridge, at low water; further a
boate cannot goe, but above the fall the River runnes smooth againe.

Iust at this fall of water the _Sagamore_ or King of that place hath
a house, where I was one day when there were two _Sagamors_ more,
their wiues and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They
bid me welcome and gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue
them Tobacco and Aqua vitæ.

After I had spent a little time with them I departed & gaue them a
small shot, and they gaue me another. And the great _Sagamore_ of
the East country, whom the rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst
them, hee gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received,
and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river there is
goodly ground.

From this harbour to _Sagadahock_, which is about 8. or 9. leagues,
is all broken Ilands in the Sea, which makes many excellent good
Harbours, where a thousand saile of Shipps may ride in safety; the
sound going up within the Ilands to the Cape of _Sagadahock_.

In the way betwixt _Yorke_ and _Sagadahock_ lyeth _Cascoe_, ♦_Casco
Bay_♦ a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and much fowle. And
I am perswaded that from _Cape Elizabeth_ to _Sagadahock_, which is
aboue 30 leagues to follow the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for
Plantations: and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to
take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers.

For _Sagadahock_ I need say nothing of it, there hath been
heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me too much. But the
place is good, there fished this yeare two ships.

The next place I came to was _Capemanwagan_, ♦_Boothbay_♦ a place
where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it not for a
plantation, for I could see little good timber & lesse good ground,
there I stayed foure nights, in which time, there came many Savages
with their wiues and children, and some of good accompt amongst them,
as _Menarwormet_ a Sagamore, _Cogawesco_ the Sagamore of _Casco_ and
_Quack_, now called _Yorke_, _Somerset_, a Sagamore, one that hath
ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saved the liues of
many of our Nation, some from starving, others from killing.

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hearing of my being
there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the
Masters of the Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store
of Beauer coats and skinnes, and was going to _Pemaquid_ to truck
with one Mr. _Witheridge_, a Master of a ship of _Bastable_, and
desired me to use meanes that they should not carry them out of the
harbour, I wisht them to bring all their truck to one Mr. _Cokes_
stage, & I would do the best I could to put it away: some of them
did accordingly, and I then sent for the _Sagamores_, who came, and
after some complements they told me I must be their cozen, and that
Captaine _Gorges_ was so, (which you may imagine I was not a little
proud of, to be adopted cozen to so many great Kings at one instant,
but did willingly accept of it) and so passing away a little time
very pleasantly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them
that I understood they had some coates and Beauers skins which I
desired to truck for but they were unwilling, and I seemed carelesse
of it (as men must doe if they desire any thing of them.) But at
last _Somerset_ swore that there should be none carryed out of the
harbour, but his cozen _Levett_ should haue all, and then they began
to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take none but one paire
of sleeues from _Cogawesco_, but told them it was not the fashion of
English Captaines alwaies to be taking, but sometimes to take and
giue, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all
except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved to pay an old
debt with, but they staying all that night, had them stole from them.

In the morning the _Sagamores_ came to mee with a grieuous complaint,
I vsed the best language I could to giue them content, and went with
them to some Stages which they most suspected, and seached both
Cabins and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willingnesse to
finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and wished me to forbeare
saying the Rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not
find them.

When they were ready to depart they asked mee where I meant to settle
my plantation. I told them I had seene many places to the west, and
intended to goe farther to the east before I could resolue, they
sayed there was no good place, and I had heard, that _Pemoquid_ and
_Capmanwagan_, and _Monhiggon_ were granted to others, & the best
time for fishing was then at hand, which made me the more willing
to retire, and the rather because _Cogawesco_, the _Sagamore_ of
_Casco_ and _Quacke_, told me if that I would sit downe at either of
those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife
would goe along with me in my boate to see them, which curtesy I had
no reason to refuse, because, I had set vp my resolution before to
settle my plantation at _Quacke_, which I named _Yorke_, and was glad
of this oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them who as I
conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as they are the sonnes
of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it fit to carry things very fairely
without compulsion, (if it be posible) for avoyding of treacherie.

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to _Quacke_ or
_Yorke_, with the King, Queene, and Prince, bowe and arrowes, dogge
and kettell in my boate, his noble attendance rowing by vs in their
Cannow.

When we came to _Yorke_ the Masters of the Shippes came to bid me
welcome, and asked what Sauages those were, I told them, and I
thanked them, they vsed them kindly, & gaue them meate, drinke and
tobacco. The woman or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were
my friends, I told her they were; then she dranke to them, and told
them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and so should all my friends
be at any time, she dranke also to her husband, and bid him welcome
to her Countrey too, for you must vnderstand that her father was the
_Sagamore_ of this place, and left it to her at his death hauing no
more Children.

And thus after many dangers, much labour and great charge, I haue
obtained a place of habitation in _New-England_, where I haue built a
house, and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough
against such enemies as are those Sauage people.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  How the Sauages carried themselues vnto me continually, and of my
  going to their Kings Houses: and their comming to mine.

WHILEST I staied in this place I had some little trucke, but not
much, by reason of an euill member in the Harbour, who being couetous
of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sauages away from me.

And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this sort, for
he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the Counsell for
_New-England_.

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent men ouer into that
Countrey with Commissions, to make a prey of others. And yet for my
owne part I neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Countrey,
the value of a denier neither had I so much helpe, from any Shippe or
Shippes companie as one mans labour the space of an houre, nor, had
I any prouision or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely
1000. of bread, and 22. bushells of pease, which was offered vnto
mee and not by me requested, for which I gaue present satisfaction
in _Beuer_ skines: and also one Rownlet of _Aqua vitæ_, which was
brought to me 16 Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy.
Much more provision was offered to me by many Masters of Ships, but I
had no need thereof, so I gaue them thanks for their kindnesse, and
refused all.

Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing wrong to
any: that I suffered the Land which was granted to me by Pattent
and made choyce of before any other man came there, to be used, and
my timber to be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any
satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you
gaue authoritie, will sufficiently cleare themselues of all such
imputations.

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that place and though
he was forbid to trucke yet would he haue all he could get: in
despite of who should say to the contrary, having a great Ship with
17. peeces of Ordinance and 50. men.

And indeed his practise was according to his words, for every Sunday
or once in the weeke, he went himselfe or sent a boate up the river
and got all the trucke before they could come downe to the Harbour.
And so many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would enforce
them to leaue their goods behind them. One instance a mongst many I
will giue you.

On a certaine day there came two Savages to his place, who were under
the command of _Somerset_ or _Conway_, I know not whether, at which
time they were both with me at my house, but the other two who went
to him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understanding of it,
came presently over, but left their Cotts and _Beauer_ skins behind
them, whereat _Somerset_ and _Conway_ were exceeding angrie and
were ready to beate the poore fellows, but I would not suffer them
so to doe. They presently went over the Harbor themselues in their
_Cannow_ to fetch their goods, but this man would let them haue
none, but wished them to truck with him, they told him they would
not, but would carry them to Captaine _Levett_, he said _Levett_
was no captaine, but a _Iacknape_, a poore fellow, &c. They told him
againe that he was a _Roague_, with some other speeches, whereupon
he and his company fell upon them & beate them both, in so much that
they came to me in a great rage against him, and said they would be
revenged on his Fishermen at sea, and much adoe I had to diswade
one of them for going into _England_ to tell King _James_ of it, as
he said; when they came to me in this rage, there was two or three
Masters of Shippes by, and heard every word.

But all this did me no hurt, (saue the losse of the trucke, which by
divers was thought to be worth above 50. li.) for the two _Sagamores_
whom he inticed from me, and incensed against me, at length used
meanes to be freinds with me, sending one who asked me, if I were
angrie with them, I told them no, I was not angrie with them for any
such matter as lowsie Cotts and skinnes, but if they were _Matchett_,
that is, naughtie men, and rebellious, then I would be _Mouchick
Hoggery_, that is very angry, and would _Cram_, that is, kill them
all.

When they came them selues to me to seeke peace, they brought me a
_Beauer_ Coate, and two _Otter_ skines, which they would have let me
had for nothing, but I would not take them so, but gaue them more
then vsually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them likewise that
if at any time they did Trucke with mee, they should haue many good
things in leiu of their Beauer: and if they did not Trucke it was
no matter, I would be good friends with them, at which they smiled
and talked one to the other, saying the other man was a Iacknape,
and that I had the right fashion of the _Aberieney Sagamores_, then
they began to applaude or rather flatter me, saying I was so bigge a
_Sagamore_, yea foure fathom, which were the best words they could
vse to expresse their minds: I replied that I was a poore man as he
had reported of mee. They said againe it was no matter what I said,
or that Iacknape (which is the most disgracefull word that may be in
their conceite,) for all the _Sagamores_ in the Country loued poore
_Levett_ and was Muchicke sorrie that he would be gon, and indeed I
cannot tell what I should thinke of them, for euer after they would
bring mee any thing they thought would giue mee content, as Egges
and the whole bodyes of _Beauer_, which in my concite eate like
_Lambe_, and is not inferiour to it: yea the very coats of Beauer
& _Otter-skinnes_ from off their backes, which though I many time
refused, yet not allwaies, but I neuer tooke any such courtesie from
them, but I requited them answerably, chusing rather to neglect the
present profit, then the hopes I haue to bring them to better things,
which I hope will be for a publicke good, and which I am perswaded
were a greeuous sinne, to neglect for any sinister end.

And a little before my departure there came these _Sagamores_ to
see mee, _Sadamoyt_, the great _Sagamore_ of the East Countrey,
_Manawormet_, _Opparunwit_, _Skedraguscett_, _Cogawesco_,
_Somersett_, _Conway_ and others.

They asked me why I would be gone out of their Countrey, I was glad
to tell them my wife would not come thither except I did fetch her,
they bid a pox on her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and doe
vse when they doe curse) and wished me to beate her. I told them no,
for then our God would bee angrie. Then they runne out vpon her in
euil tearmes, and wished me to let her alone and take another, I told
them our God would be more angrie for that. Againe they bid me beate
her, beate her, repeating it often, and very angerly, but I answered
no, that was not the English fashion, and besides, she was a good
wife and I had children by her, and I loued her well, so I satisfied
them. Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with all my
friends, should bee hartily welcome into that Countrey at any time,
yea a hundreth thousand times, yea _Mouchicke_, _Mouchicke_, which is
a word of waight.

And _Somersett_ tould that his Sonne (who was borne, whilst I was in
the Countrey, and whom hee would needs haue to Name) and mine should
be Brothers and that there should be muchicke legamatch, (that is
friendship) betwixt them, untill _Tanto_ carried them to his wigwam,
(that is vntill that they died.)

Then they must know of mee how long I would be wanting, I told them
so many Months, at which they seemed to be well pleased, but wisht
me to take heede I proued not _Chechaske_ in that (that is, a lier.)
They asked me what I would doe with my house, I told them I would
leaue 10. of my men there vntill I came againe, and that they should
kill all the _Tarrantens_ they should see (being enimies to them)
and with whom the English haue no commarsse. At which they reioyced
exceedingly, and then agreed amongst themselues that when the time
should be expired, which I spoke of for my returne, euery one at the
place where he liued would looke to the Sea, and when they did see a
Ship they wold send to all the _Sagamores_ in the Countrey, and tell
them that poore _Levett_ was come againe. And thus insteed of doing
me hurt, I thinke that either he or I haue done good to all Planters,
by winning their affections, (which may bee made vse of without
trusting of them.)

But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done unto you, and the
Authority which you gaue them, never expect to be obeyed in those
parts, either by Planters or Fishermen; for some haue not stucke to
say, that if such a man, contemning authority, and abusing one of the
counsell, and drawing his knife upon him at his own house, which he
did, should goe unpunished, then would not they care what they did
heereafter.

And truely let me tell your Lordships, that if euer you intend to
punish any for disobedience, or contempt of authority, this man is a
fit instrument to make a president of, for he is rich, and this yeare
will gaine the best part of 500 pounds by that Countrie, and he hath
nether wife nor childe, for whose sakes he should be spared.

And if he goe free, as hee has domineered over vs, to whom your
Lordships gaue authority, but no power to put it in execution, so
will he grow unmannerly too with your Lordships, as hee hath already
begunne.

And it will discourage men hereafter to take any authority upon
them, or to goe about to reforme any abuses in those parts, and also
it will hinder Planters for going over, if Fishermen be suffered
not onely to take away their truck, but also to animate the Sauages
against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to haue their
throats cut.

But I leaue these things to your Lo. consideration, who haue as well
power as authority to punish such rebellious persons.

Thus hauing acquainted you with what I haue done, seen and heard;
now giue me leaue to tell you what I thinke of the Savages, the
inhabitants of that country: as also to iustifie the innocent, I
meane the Countrie of _New-England_, against the slanderous reports
of this man, and some others which I haue heard, and likewise to
deliver my opinion, what courses I conceiue to be most convenient to
be taken, for bringing most glorie to God, comfort, honor and benefit
to our King, and our owne Natiue Nation.


[Illustration: (Decorative separator)]

  The nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their severall
  Gods, Squanto and Tanto.

I HAUE had much conference with the Savages, about our only true God,
and haue done my best to bring them to know and acknowledge him, but
I feare me all the labour that way, will be lost, and no good will be
done, except it be among the younger sort.

I find they haue two Gods, on they love: and the other they hate: the
god they loue, they call _Squanto_, and to him they ascribe all their
good fortunes.

The god they hate they call _Tanto_, and to him they ascribe all
their euill fortunes, as thus, when any is killed, hurt or sicke, or
when it is evill wether, then they say _Tanto_ is _hoggry_, that is
angry. When any dyes, they say _Tanto_ carries them to his _wigwam_,
that is his house, and they never see them more.

I haue asked them where _Squanto_ dwells, they say they cannot tell
but up on high, and will poynt upwards. And for _Tanto_, they say
farre west, but they know not where.

I haue asked them if at any time they haue seene _Squanto_, or
_Tanto_, they say no, there is none sees them, but their _Pawwawes_,
nor they neither, but when they dreame.

Their _Pawwawes_ are their Phisitians and Surgions, and as I verely
beleeue they are all Witches, for they foretell of ill wether, and
many strange things, every _Sagamore_ hath one of them belongs to his
company, and they are altogether directed by them.

On a time I was at a _Sagamores_ house and saw a _Martins_ skin, and
asked if he would trucke it, the _Sagamore_ told me no, the _Pawwawe_
used to lay that under his head when he dreamed, and if he wanted
that, he could doe nothing, thus we may perceiue how the devill
deludes those poore people and keep them in blindnesse.

I find them generally to be marvellous quicke of apprehension, and
full of subteltie, they will quickely find any man’s disposition, and
flatter & humour him strangely, if they hope to get anything of him.
And yet will they count him a foole if he doe not shew a dislike of
it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a _Mechecome_.

They are slow of speech, and if they heare a man speake much they
will laugh at him, and say he is a _Mechecum_, that is a foole.

If men of place be to familiar with them, they will not respect them:
therefore it is to be wished that all such persons should be wise in
their Carriage.

The _Sagamores_ will scarce speake to an ordinary man, but will
point to their men, and say _Sanops_, must speake to _Sanops_, and
_Sagamors_ to _Sagamors_.

They are very bloudy minded and full of Tracherie amongst themselues,
one will kill another for their wiues, and he that hath the most
wiues is the brauest fellow: therefore I would wish no man to trust
them, what euer they say or doe; but alwaies to keepe a strickt hand
ouer them, and yet to vse them kindly, and deale vprightly with them;
so shall they please God, keepe their reputation amongst them, and be
free from danger.

Their _Sagamors_ are no Kings, as I verilie beleeue, for I can see
no Government or Law amongst them but Club Law: and they call all
Masters of Shippes _Sagamore_, or any other man, that they see have a
commaund of men.

Their wiues are their slaves, and doe all their worke the men will
doe nothing but kill Beasts, Fish, &c.

On a time reasoning with one of their _Sagamors_ about their hauing
so many wiues, I tould him it was no good fashion, he then asked mee
how many wiues King _James_ had, I told him he neuer had but one,
and shee was dead, at which he wondred, and asked mee who then did
all the Kings worke. You may Imagin he thought their fashion was
vniuersal and that no King had any to worke for them but their wiufs.

They haue no apparrell but skinnes, except they haue it from the
_English_, or _French_, in winter they weare the haire side inwards,
in summer outwards. They haue a peece of a skinne about their loines
like a girdle and between their legges goes another, made fast to the
girdles before and behind, which serues to couer their nakednesse,
they are all thus apparrelled, going bare headed with long haire,
sometimes you shall not know the men from women but by their breasts,
the men having no haire on their faces.

When their Children are borne they bind them on a peece of board, and
sets it vpright, either against a tree or any other place. They keep
them thus bound vntill they be three months old, and after they are
continuall naked vntill they be about fiue or sixe yeares.

Yee shall haue them many times take their Children & bury them in
the snow all but their faces for a time, to make them the better to
endure cold, and when they are not aboue 2. yeares old, they will
take them and cast them into the Sea, like a little dogge or Cat, to
learne them to swimme.

Their weapons are bowes and arrowes, I never saw more then two
fowling peeces, one pistall, about foure Halfe-pikes, and three
Curtlaces ♦_Cutlasses_♦ amongst them, so that we neede not to feare
them much, if wee auoid their Treacherie.

Their houses are built in halfe an houres space being onely a few
powles or boughes stucke in the ground and couered with the barkes of
trees.

Their Language differs as _English & Welch_. On a time the Gouernour
was at my house, and brought with him a _Salvage_, who liued not
aboue 70. miles from the place which I haue made choise of, who
talking with another Sauage, they were glad to vse broken _English_
to expresse their mind each to other, not being able to vnderstand
one another in their Language.

And to say something of the Countrey: I will not doe therein as
some haue done, to my knowledge speak more then is true: I will
not tell you that you may smell the corne fields before you see
the Land, neither must men thinke that corne doth growe naturally
(or on trees,) nor will the _Deare_ come when they are called, or
stand still and looke one a man, untill he shute him, not knowing
a man from a beast, nor the fish leape into the kettle, nor on the
drie Land, neither are they so plentifull, that you may dipp them
up in baskets, nor take _Codd_ in netts to make a voyage, which is
no truer: then that the fowles will present themselues, to you with
spitts through them.

But certainely there is fowle, _Deare_, and Fish enough for the
taking if men be diligent, there be also Vines, Plume trees, Cherry
trees, Strawberies, Gooseberies, and Raspes, Walnutts, chesnut,
and small nuts, of each great plenty; there is also great store
of parsley, and divers other holesome Earbes, both for profit
and pleasure, with great store of Saxifrage, Cersa-perilla, and
Anni-seeds.

And for the ground there is large & goodly Marsh to make meddow,
higher land for pasture and corne.

There be these severall sorts of earth, which I haue seene, as,
_Clay_, _Sand_, _Grauill_, yea and as blacke fatt earth, as ever I
sawe in _England_ in all my life.

There are likewise these helpes for ground, as Seasand, _Oreworth_ or
_Wracke_, _Marle_ blew and white, and some men say there is _Lime_,
but I must confesse I neuer saw any _Lime-stone_: but I haue tried
the Shels of Fish, and I find them to be good _Lime_.

Now let any husbandman tell mee, whither there be any feare of hauing
any kind of Corne, hauing these seuerall kinds of Earth with these
helpes, the Climat being full as good if not better than _England_.

I dare be bold to say also, there may be Shippes as conueniently
built there as in any place of the world, where, I haue beene, and
better cheape. As for Plancke, crooked Timber, and all other sorts
what so euer can be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford
better. Masts and Yeards of all sises, there be allso Trees growing,
whereof Pitch and Tarre is made.

And for Sailes and all sorts of Cordish you neede not to want, if
you will but sowe Hempe and Flaxseede, and after worke it. Now there
wants nothing but Iron, and truely I thinke I haue seene Iron-stones
there, but I must acknowledge I haue no great iudgement in Mineralls,
yet I haue seene the Iron-workes in _England_, and this Stone is like
ours. But howsoever if the Countrie will not afford Iron, yet it may
be easilie brought, for it is good Ballast for Shippes.

There is also much excellent Timber for Ioyners and Coopers:
howsoeuer a worthy Noble man hath beene abused, who sent ouer some
to make Pippe-staues, who either for want of skill or industrie,
did no good. Yet I dare say no place in _England_ can afford better
Timber for Pippe-staues, then foure seuerall places which I haue
seene in that Countrey.

Thus haue I relaited vnto you what I haue seene, and doe know may
be had in those parts of _New-England_ where I haue beene, yet
was I neuer at the Mesachusett, which is counted the Paradise of
_New-England_, nor at _Cape Ann_. But I feare there hath been
too faire a glosse set on _Cape Ann_. I am told there is a good
Harbour which makes a faire Inuitation, but when they are in, their
entertainement is not answerable, for there is little good ground,
and the Shippes which fished there this yeare, their boats went
twenty miles to take their Fish, and yet they were in great feare of
making their Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed vnto me who was
at my house.

Neither was I at _New-Plimoth_, but I feare that place is not so
good as many other, for if it were in my conceite they would content
themselues with it and not seeke for any other hauing ten times so
much ground as would serue ten times so many people as they haue now
amongst them. But it seemes they haue no Fish to make benifit of, for
this yeare they had one Shippe Fisht at _Pemoquid_, and an other at
_Cape Ann_, where they haue begun a new Plantation, but how long it
will continew I know not.

Neither was I ever farther to the West then the Iles of _Shoulds_.

Thus have I done with my commendations of the Countrie. I will now
speake the worst I know by it.

About the middle of May you shall haue little Flies, called
_Musketoes_, which are like Gnatts, they continue as I am told,
vntill the last of July. These are very troublesome for the time, for
they sting exceedingly both night and day. But I found by experience
that bootes or thicke stockings would saue the legges, gloues the
hands, and tiffeney or some such things which will not much hinder
the sight will saue the face, and at night any smoake will secure a
man.

The reason of the aboundance of these creatures, I take to be the
woods which hinders the aire, for I haue obserued allwaies when the
winde did blow but a little, we were not much troubled with them.

And I verily thinke that if there were a good number of people
planted together, and that the woods were cut downe, the earth were
tilled, and the rubbish which lieth on the ground wherein they breed
were burnt, and that there were many chimneyes smoaking, such small
creatures would doe but little hurt.

Another euill or inconuenience I see there, the snow in winter did
lie very long vpon the ground.

But I understand that all the parts of Christendome, were troubled
with a cold winter so well as wee. Yet would I aske any man what
hurt snow doeth? The husbandman will say that Corne is the better
for it. And I hope Cattell may bee as well fed in the house there as
in _England_, _Scotland_, and other Countries, and he is but an ill
husband that cannot find imployments for his seruants within doores
for that time. As for Wiues and Children if they bee wise they will
keepe themselues close by a good fire, and for men they will haue no
occasion to ride to Faires or Markets, _Sysses_ or Sessions, only
Hawkes and Hounds will not then be vsefull.

Yet let me tell you that it is still almost Christmas before there be
any winter there, so that the cold time doth not continue long.

And by all reason that Countrey should be hotter then England, being
many Degrees farther from the North Pole.

And thus according to my poore understanding I haue given you the
best information I can of the people and Country, commodities and
discommodities. Now giue mee leaue to oppose myselfe against the man
beforementioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, and
plantations in those parts, and to set down such obiections as I haue
heard them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisedome iudge:
for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the right horse, and
the Asse may be rid, and the knaue punished, either for discouraging
or incouraging too much, whosoeuer he be.


[Illustration: (ship at sea)]



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