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THE · FIRST · BOUND · VOLUME

OF

"The Great Round World"

(Containing Nos. 1 to 15)

IS NOW READY.

3 and 5 West 18th Street,——— New York City.

The great event of the week has been the action of the Senate in passing the Morgan Bill, recognizing the belligerency of Cuba.

Belligerency, as you doubtless remember, means being engaged in legitimate warfare.

The resolution was passed by a vote of 41 to 14.

The Morgan Bill, which was a joint resolution of both houses, was also brought up in the House of Representatives, but nothing was done with it. Speaker Reed was careful that it should not be brought to a vote, for it is understood that the President will not take any decided steps in Cuban matters until Mr. Calhoun returns from Havana, and he is able to learn the true state of affairs from him.

The Speaker and certain members of the House of Representatives will therefore endeavor to keep the resolution from being voted on until the President's views have been learned, so that there may be no such trouble as there was with Mr. Cleveland last December over the Cuban question. We told you about this on page 213 of the first volume of The Great Round World.

The resolution, as passed by the Senate, reads:

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That a condition of public war exists between the Government of Spain, and the Government proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United States of America shall maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the United States."

A great many people are sorry that the Senate has passed the resolution. They insist that those who are in favor of helping Cuba are foolish people, who do not realize that this resolution, if indorsed by the House of Representatives, and approved by the President, will plunge the country into war with Spain.

They declare that it is only an outburst of Jingoism, which should be promptly crushed.

Jingoism has become such a common word in politics to-day, that it may amuse you to know just how it came into use, and what it means.

In 1877, during the Russo-Turkish war, there was a very strong party in England which was in favor of helping the Turks against the Russians. They urged the Government, which was under Lord Beaconsfield (the great Disraeli), to go to the aid of the Turks, and make war on the Russians, who were advancing on Turkey, and it was feared might take the city of Constantinople.

The outcry for this legislation became so strong that men's minds were full of it. Every paper had something to say on the subject, in every pulpit and every theatre allusions were made to the absorbing topic of the hour, and it seemed as if war must be the outcome. In the midst of this excitement a song appeared, the words of which ran:

This verse so exactly suited the feelings of the people that they went wild over it. It was sung everywhere, until finally the mere whistling of the air was enough to rouse a frenzy of patriotism and a thirst for war.

One day, during a heated discussion in Parliament, a member alluded to a previous speaker, who had declared himself in favor of supporting Turkey, as "one of the 'by-Jingo-if-we-do' party."

From that moment the war party was christened the Jingo party, the men who belonged to it were called Jingoes, and the platform of the party was "Jingoism."

The Russo-Turkish war came to an end, but the word lived on, and now, twenty years after, we find it in use in our own country, and applied to our own politics. The word has in fact become a part of our language, and is incorporated in our modern dictionaries.

The quieter people insist that there is a great deal of Jingoism in the United States Senate to-day, and that the people who clamor for the recognition of Cuba are Jingoes, who want war with Spain. Many people think that the proper course for us to pursue is to let Spain settle her own affairs her own way.

Every one is most anxious to know what the President intends to do about Cuba.

It is asserted that he is not at all in favor of the Morgan resolution. He wants to end the war, but he does not think that is the right way to go about it. It is said that he will endeavor to bring about a peaceful settlement of the matter by suggesting that the Cubans be given the right of absolute self-government, in return for a sum of money which they shall pay to Spain for her expenses of the war.

If these friendly offices are not accepted, it is said that the President will intervene in a more determined way.

In the mean while the House of Representatives has also voted in favor of the Relief Fund for the unhappy Americans in Cuba.

The proper means of distributing the Fund has been considered, and it has been decided that supplies of food and clothing shall be purchased here, and sent to Cuba. When the supplies reach Cuba their distribution will be left in the hands of Consul-General Lee.

A complication has unfortunately arisen, which may delay the giving out of the relief for a little while.

When it was found that there were some 1,200 American sufferers in Cuba who needed immediate help, our Government approached the Spanish Government to see if any objection would be made to the sending of relief.

Spain, as we have already told you, gave us to understand that there would be no objection whatever, and the State Department was pleased to find that no obstacles would be put in the way of the good work.

When the manner of giving the relief was discussed in the Cabinet, it was decided that as supplies were so scarce in Cuba, and the prices asked for provisions so high, it would be better to purchase the supplies in this country, load a ship with them, and send them over.

A difficulty immediately arose. Spain has placed certain Custom-House duties on this class of goods. Our Government sent to the Spanish representative, and asked that these duties be remitted, as the goods were not being sent for sale, but for charity.

The Spanish officers said they were extremely sorry to be unable to oblige us, but declared that they had not the power to remit the duties.

They said that such action could only be taken by the Spanish Cortes (the Congress) or by a special decree of the Crown.

They said that owing to the annoyance felt by Spain over the passing of the Morgan resolution, it would not be safe to ask the Cortes for any such concession. Such a request would be likely to raise a storm about Cuban affairs that might overthrow the Ministry, and encourage Carlist uprisings.

The Spanish Minister declared that it would be just as dangerous to ask for a Royal Decree. The enemies of the Government would rise against it, and insist on a change of Ministry.

Whether this statement is true or false, it puts us in the very unpleasant position of having to pay a large part of our Relief Fund to the Spanish Customs, or to keep our poor countrymen waiting for the help they so sorely need until the matter can be arranged.

The Spaniards say that when they offered to help us in distributing the Fund they had no idea but that the supplies would be purchased in Cuba.

While this tariff affair is annoying and distressing us, other difficulties have been cleared out of the way of getting the supplies to Cuba by the generous action of the owners of the Ward line of steamers.

One of the directors of this line called at the State Department in Washington, and offered the Government the use of one of its steamers to carry the food and provisions to the starving Americans in Cuba.

The offer was most gladly accepted, and the ship will carry food, clothing, and medicine to the unhappy little island which was once so proudly called "the Pearl of the Antilles."

The steamer will also be used to bring back to this country those Americans who desire to leave Cuba.

It is said that the Spanish army is very much opposed to the idea of the American Consuls giving out the relief.

The soldiers insist that the food and money should be turned over to the Spanish authorities, who should have full charge of the distribution.

If the stories about dishonest officials in Cuba are true, it is to be feared that very little of our $50,000 would find its way to our countrymen if it were managed as the Spaniards wish.

The inquiry into the Ruiz case is going on.

The Spaniards have received Mr. Calhoun very politely, and have shown him much attention.

While they do not appear to be putting any difficulties in the way of his investigations, it is evident that they do not intend to help him find out anything about the matter.

When the inquiry began, the officials declared to Mr. Calhoun that they did not know that Dr. Ruiz was an American. General Lee would not allow such a statement as this to pass; he insisted that the Spaniards were perfectly well aware of the fact, because he himself had informed them of it.

The next stumbling-block was the disappearance of a Spanish witness who could have proved that the officials knew all about the fact of Dr. Ruiz's nationality. All the witnesses who do appear are in such fear of the consequences of speaking the truth that Mr. Calhoun has great difficulty in getting any information at all.

The news of the recognition of the belligerency of Cuba by the Senate has been carefully kept from the people of Havana, and the Spanish Government is eagerly waiting to see what the President will do.

The Morgan Resolution appears to have annoyed Spain very much, and the Relief Fund is considered as an insult to Spain.

It is openly said that the Government ought not to allow it to be distributed.

It has been feared that the Spanish in Cuba might attack the American Consuls, and endeavor to prevent the supplies from reaching the right people.

It is to be hoped that they will not attempt anything so foolish as that, for they will speedily learn that they have made a grave mistake. President McKinley declares that he will protect the Americans who are in Cuba, and if the Spaniards interfere, he may feel it his duty to show them, by force of arms, that the United States can and will protect her citizens.

Mr. Calhoun expects to remain another ten days in Cuba, and on his return we may hope for some solution of the difficulty.

The report that Russia has persuaded Turkey to grant an Armistice proved to be true.

On the 18th of May the Czar of Russia sent a letter to the Sultan, asking him in very polite and friendly terms to grant a cessation of hostilities.

The Sultan replied in the same friendly manner, and said that on receipt of the Czar's letter he had ordered the Turkish generals to stop fighting. He said that he was very willing that the Powers should arrange a settlement of his difficulty with Greece.

The next day an Armistice was signed, which bound all the land and sea forces of both nations to keep the peace for seventeen days.

A commission was appointed to decide on a strip of land between the two armies, which should be regarded as neutral ground, and across which neither army should be allowed to advance during the continuance of the armistice.

The Armistice has not found favor with the Turks; they are grumbling very much at it. They do not want to withdraw from Greece until they have reached Athens itself.

The most open of these grumblers are being sent back to Turkey under escort, and the priests who are with the army have been ordered to teach the soldiers to be obedient, and to listen to the commands of the Sultan.

In spite of the Armistice there is still some fighting going on. The Greek Government has sent word to the Powers protesting against it, and also against the way the Turks are destroying and robbing the villages in Thessaly.

During the Armistice the Powers will do their best to arrange the terms of peace, but, as we have already told you, the victorious Turk is going to be a very difficult person to deal with, and the Powers find they now have very little influence with him.

It is said that the Sultan is not willing to have the Powers interfere at all, and has sent word to the Greeks that his general, Edhem Pasha, can arrange the terms of peace with them.

The Greeks, however, replied that they had put the case in the hands of the Powers, and therefore could not treat with Edhem Pasha.

The Powers are annoyed that Turkey should try to put them aside, but this is probably but a foretaste of what the Sultan will do, now that he feels himself of importance in Europe.

There was for a time some difficulty in getting all the Powers to agree about the terms for peace, but word reaches us that Germany has at last given her approval to the note of the Powers, and that it has been despatched to the Sultan.

The exact wording of the note has not been made public, but it is said that its tone is very mild and friendly.

The note is said to object to the Turkish demand for Thessaly, and while it agrees that Greece should pay some money to Turkey for the expenses of the war, it declares that the sum asked for is much too large.

It is impossible to guess what the Sultan's answer will be, and in truth he appears to be in a very unpleasant position himself in regard to the matter.

The victories of their army have so excited the Turkish people that they are murmuring against the dictation of the Powers, and declare that the Government showed weakness in granting an Armistice before the Greeks had agreed to give up Thessaly and pay the sum demanded.

So threatening have the people become, that the Sultan has doubled the patrols in Constantinople, and is taking great precautions to guard his own palace.

He gives as his reason for doing so that the Armenian National Festival is about to occur, and he is afraid of an outbreak that would cause fresh Armenian troubles.

The Turks have, however, set their hearts on regaining Thessaly, and the Sultan will have hard work to appease them if he agrees to the terms of the Powers. If he refuses, the Powers may declare war upon him.

It also seems likely that there may be trouble over Thessaly with the religious element. The Sultan has been informed by one of the old Sheiks, or Chiefs, that it is the will of Allah (the Moslem word for God) that Thessaly shall be reunited to Turkey.

If he listens to this, the followers of Mohammed may rise, and, unfurling the banner of the prophet, sweep over Thessaly, and take it from the hands of the Greeks, putting every one who opposes them to the sword.

Should the Sultan disregard this statement it is possible that the people may rise against him and demand a new Sultan.

Notwithstanding his successes, the Sultan is not lying on a bed of roses.

The Fur Seal question is being very actively discussed on all sides, and many interesting facts have been brought to light in connection with it.

Mr. David Starr Jordan, the President of the Leland Stanford University, wrote a very fine article on the subject which appeared in The Forum last month.

He said that the shameful practice of killing the mother seals when they went to their feeding-grounds could be entirely stopped by a means much simpler than the making of a treaty with Great Britain. This means, he stated, has already been tried and found to be most satisfactory; it was in short, branding the skins of the female puppies.

To brand means to mark with a hot iron.

Branding is a practice in use among all cattle raisers, who are thus able to mark their beasts, and if they stray, can recognize and recover them.

In the West, when the owners round up their cattle to count and separate them, each man can tell his own stock by the brand. At the round-up, the young calves, which have been born since the last count, are also marked.

The branding of the seals is not for purposes of identification, but so to destroy the skin of the female seal that it will have no market value.

The seal puppies can be easily caught and handled. Last year three hundred and fifty of them were marked with a series of bars across the back, which had much the appearance of a huge face.

The hair will never grow again over the spot that has been burned, and the marks are made in all the best parts of the fur, so that the skin is utterly destroyed, and the seal is no longer worth killing.

The pups that had been branded were very carefully watched until they had quite recovered from their burns, and it was found that none of them had been injured by the branding, nor did their altered appearance seem to make any difference in their habits, nor in the friendliness of their tribe toward them.

The Dingley Tariff Bill was brought up in the Senate last week.

It promises to be a very long while before a vote is reached on this subject.

Senator Aldrich, who has charge of the bill in the Senate, explained its various portions with the greatest care.

He stated that it was the desire of the framers of the bill to assist the growth of agriculture, commerce, and manufacture, and that their one aim was to enable American industries to compete with those of foreign countries.

He went on to say that there was no desire to raise the rate of taxation on imports (or goods brought into this country) to such a height that people could no longer afford to deal in them, the idea was merely to fix the price at such a figure that foreign goods could not be sold for less money than native goods could be manufactured for.

The friends of the measure, Mr. Aldrich said, hoped in this way to encourage American industries, and increase the prosperity of the country.

There is much agitation in Europe over the Dingley Bill.

In the Italian Chamber of Deputies, the Minister of Foreign Affairs said the Government was watching the outcome of the Tariff Bill with the greatest interest.

He stated that the Government had called the attention of the United States to the injuries that Italian trade would suffer if the bill were passed.

He went on to say that while Italy did not intend to raise her tariff on American goods in return, she would undoubtedly levy heavy taxes on Americans doing business in Italy if the bill were passed.

The attitude of Germany is even more threatening than that of Italy.

The German Ambassador sent an official letter to Mr. Sherman, the Secretary of State, the other day, saying that the proposed duty on sugar is considered a violation of the commercial treaty between Germany and the United States.

He requested the Secretary of State to call the attention of Congress to the matter, and inform them that they will break the agreement with Germany if they pass this clause of the bill.

He added a little hint of the course his country will take in case the bill becomes law.

He said that in 1891 an arrangement had been made between Germany and the United States for the importation of German sugar to this country and the exportation of American pork to Germany.

He said in the plainest terms that if the Dingley Bill is passed in its present form, the German Government will break the agreement in regard to pork and other agricultural products from this country, and levy such a heavy tax on them that it will not pay us to export them, so that this trade with Germany will be ruined.

Mr. Havemeyer is now on trial in Washington for not answering the Senate's questions in 1894. It is said that if he is found guilty he may be sent to prison for a whole year, instead of merely for one month, as Mr. Chapman was.

It would seem as if the Trusts were not going to have it all their own way any longer. The Coal Trust is now to be looked into.

A referee has been appointed to take testimony about the so-called Coal Trust, to see if such a combination really exists. If it is found that there is indeed a Coal Trust, the Attorney-General will take proceedings against it, and, if possible, break it up.

The Coal Barons are of course fighting this action fiercely.

They declare that the new law, under which their business methods are to be looked into, is not in accordance with the Constitution of the country, and that they will not submit to it until the State has proved that the law is constitutional.

This new law, which was made after the Lexow investigations, only came into existence on the 7th of May, 1897. It provides that the price or the supply of an article shall not be controlled by any one, and that an attempt to assume such control is unlawful and shall be punished.

It also adds that the Attorney-General may order witnesses to come before a judge, and may ask them any questions he chooses about their business methods, and that he may also examine the books and accounts of their business whenever he has a mind to.

Finally, the law states very clearly that witnesses must answer all the questions put to them, and that if they refuse to answer they shall be punished for contempt of court.

The Coal Barons say they are quite willing to answer any questions, because they have been carrying on their business in a perfectly proper way. They are, however, most unwilling to have the Attorney-General go over their books. They insist that the personal liberty of a citizen is interfered with if this law is carried out, and so they are determined to fight it.

The modern method of mining coal is very interesting, and especially so when we understand that from the mine to the cellar the coal is handled almost exclusively by machinery.

The miners go down the shaft and blast off the coal. They shovel what has been loosened by the blast into wagons, which hold about two and a half tons.

These wagons are hoisted on the elevator to the mouth of the mine, and from the moment the coal sees the daylight, the work in connection with it is done by machinery.

The wagons dump their loads into a chute which sends the coal sliding down into the breaker. This machine breaks up the large lumps in which it is brought out of the mine, and divides the coal into the various sizes, nut, stove, egg, etc.

From the breaker the coal is carried to the washer, and then back to the breaker ready to be sold.

As soon as the coal is ready to be loaded a train of trucks is brought up in front of the breaker, a lever is touched, and the coal comes pouring down into the trucks. A whole train can be loaded in ten minutes by this process.

From the breaker the cars carry the coal to the canal-boats that are waiting for it. The cars run on a trestle, and discharge their loads through chutes into the boats, without a shovel having touched it since the miners first blasted it out of the earth and loaded it on the wagons.

Professor Winchell, in his "Sketches of Creation," gives a very interesting description of a coal mine. He says:

"Armed each with a miner's lamp, and clad in a miner's garb borrowed for the occasion, we step upon a platform, or "cage," six feet square, suspended by iron rods connected with machinery moved by an engine, and, at the word, begin to sink into the darkness beneath us. This perpendicular hole, perhaps eight feet square, is called the shaft.

"Continuing to descend, we perceive the bed of coal underlaid by clay, with abundant grass-like shoots and occasional stems of vegetation.

"We hang before the portal to a long avenue excavated in a deeper-seated bed of coal. In some of the dark and dusty chambers which open here the miner's pick is heard, and now and then the muffled report of the miner's blast comes echoing through the vaulted aisles.

"But this is not the station where we are intended to stop. Our car moves on, and we plunge through two hundred feet more of the rocky rind of the earth. Above us the mouth of the shaft seems narrowed into an insignificant hole; before us opens a dark street, over which, on a tramway, mules are hauling carloads of coal, which is starting on its way to the surface. Miners with picks are moving to and fro; the sound of hammers is heard, the signs of busy life are about us.

"In the seam of coal, passages are cut about eight feet wide and about five feet high. These are shored up with timber or iron, to prevent them giving way.

"A main gangway may be half a mile or a mile in length. From this, at suitable intervals, passages are quarried out, running at right angles with the main gangway.

"These chambers cross and recross one another, and make a network of passages like the streets of a city.

"Along the principal passages tram-rails are laid to carry the coal to the shaft. The trams are moved over the track by mules, which often spend their lives underground. They are stalled and fed in side rooms cut out of the coal.

"By the feeble light of the miner's lamp we enter one of these aisles. The whole thickness of the coal seam is exposed along the walls.

"Here and there a white shell projects, showing us that the products of the sea are suspended over our heads.

"Then a very different sight will greet our eyes. The rocky ceiling will be ornamented everywhere with the most delicate tracery, faultless representations of the delicate fronds of ferns.

"We remove a scale from the rock, and behind is still another picture. The whole mass of the shaly roof is a portfolio of inimitable sketches. The sharpest outlines and the minutest serratures are clearly traced. Buds, woody stems, cones, fruits, grasses, rushes, club mosses, all are by turns pictured on the dusky ceiling."

In another portion of his book, Professor Winchell speaks of very curious things that have been found in many instances by miners in the heart of a coal mine.

These are the trunks of trees, which are found standing upright as though still growing.

Mr. Winchell says:

"These tree-trunks are from one to five feet in diameter, and are sometimes sixty or seventy feet in height.

"In many instances they have been found standing erect, and have evidently been buried by accumulations of mud and sand.

"In the excavation of a bed of coal these petrified trees are not unfrequently cut off below, when the slight taper of the trunk permits them to slide down into the mine.

"These 'coal pipes' are much dreaded by English miners, for almost every year they are the cause of fatal accidents."

The tailors of New York are striking for better wages and shorter hours. They want laws to protect them, for they complain that their wages are often left unpaid.

Several of the Unions in neighboring cities have joined the New Yorkers, and it is expected that the strike will be a long one.

This strike is peculiar in one sense, for, while the workmen are really fighting the contractors, these same contractors are heartily in sympathy with them, and hope that they will win.

The contractors are the people who make the garments for the large wholesale houses, and they declare that the low prices the wholesale houses pay for the clothes is the cause of all the trouble.

Formerly the contractor was able to get $1.25 for making a coat, now the manufacturers will only pay 75 cents.

As the manufacturers' prices went down, the contractors had less money to pay their hands with, and they were obliged in turn to reduce the wages of the workers.

When the wages were as low as the contractors dared make them, they increased the day's task, and forced the workers to make more coats in their day's work.

For the first time in six years all the branches of the tailors' trade have joined in the strike.

The leaders from all the various organizations have had meetings, and consulted as to the scale of wages to be demanded from the contractors, and the terms on which the strikers will return to work.

It is hoped that they will be able to hold out until the end of June, when the busy season for making winter clothes begins, and when the wholesale houses will be obliged to consent to pay higher prices for the garments or lose their winter business.

A great deal of sympathy is felt for the strikers. The President of the Police Board actually went to one of their meetings and addressed them.

He told them that he believed their cause was a proper one, but warned them that they would ruin themselves if they used any violence.

He said that he had been told that some of their number had begun to get restless and grumble, so he had dropped in on them in a friendly way, to ask them to be careful, and not do anything to bring them in contact with the police.

So far there has been no rioting or violence.

The contractors have offered to take the men back and pay them the wages they ask, on the "piece" system, which means that they will give a certain sum for each garment they make.

The leaders of the strike will not consent to this. They think that paying by the piece will make it possible for the sweating system to come into use again, and this they say is a much worse evil than the one they are now trying to cure.

A surprising discovery was made at West Point the other day.

The quartermaster suddenly discovered that four of the cannon captured in the Mexican war by General Scott's army had been stolen.

These guns had been lying for years in Fort Clinton, which is an earthwork overlooking the Hudson River, and only about four hundred feet from the row of brick houses occupied by the officers of the post.

One of these guns was particularly valued by the War Department, as it had been captured at Monterey.

The cannon had been in the fort for many years, and as it was never supposed that they would be stolen, there had been no special guard placed over them.

No one had the slightest idea how the guns had been stolen. Every attempt was made to discover the thieves, and at last Colonel Ernst, who is the commander of the post, obtained a clue which may lead to the discovery of the miscreants.

It seems that a carter, who has been going back and forth to West Point for a very long time, carrying packages and supplies, is the suspected person.

He has lately taken to lingering around the post until after dark.

The sentries have stated that on several occasions it was quite late when he drove past them.

He always gave a good excuse for his delay, and being a well-known character at the Point, he was allowed to pass.

Colonel Ernst thinks that the cannon have been carried off one by one by this man, and sold to some junk-dealer as old metal.

It is supposed that he must have had some accomplices to help him lift the cannon into his cart, and that he carefully steadied them so that they would not rumble and betray him, covered them up with tarpaulin, and drove out with them, under the very nose of the sentry, returning to fetch another at the next favorable opportunity.

Word has been sent to every junk-dealer, in hopes of finding the Monterey cannon before it has been put into the melting-pot.

LETTERS FROM OUR YOUNG FRIENDS.

Tel-el-Amarna is the ruin of a residence of Amenophis IV. in Central Egypt. In the winter of 1887-88 there were discovered there about three hundred clay tablets, covered with cuneiform inscriptions which have since been deciphered.

They contain the diplomatic correspondence of Kings of Babylon, Assyria, Palestine, and other countries of Western Asia with the Egyptian court.

The word library applies not only to books, but is often used to indicate a collection of inscribed tiles or bricks.

2. Mehemed Ali was made Viceroy of Egypt and Pasha of Three Tails in 1806.

He resigned in favor of his son Ibrahim Pasha in 1849.

Ibrahim died the same year, and was succeeded by Mehemed Ali's favorite grandson, Abbas Pasha, who died in 1854, and was succeeded by his brother Said.

In 1863 Said died, and was succeeded by his nephew Ismael, who promoted the Suez Canal.

In 1866 the Sultan of Turkey, who is the nominal ruler of Egypt, made this family hereditary Viceroys of Egypt.

In 1879 Ismael abdicated in favor of his son Mohammed Tewfik, who died in 1892 and was succeeded by his son Abbas.

Under this family, Egypt, though nominally tributary to Turkey, has enjoyed all the advantages of an independent kingdom.

In reply to your inquiries.

1. Article 14 of the Amendments to the Constitution of the United States says:

"All persons born ... in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and of the State wherein they reside."

2. For the answer to this question we applied to the highest possible authority, namely, to the Hon. Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of the House of Representatives. He has very kindly favored us with the appended reply:

Your letter of inquiry has been received. A United States Senator may have one vote only at one time on any question. On questions like the ratification of a treaty, where two-thirds are required for affirmative action, one vote in the negative counts for as much as two in the affirmative. Very truly,

The Cretan matter seems nearer solution now, and it is to be hoped that all the trouble may result in better conditions for the people of the island.

I certainly do hope the Cubans will gain their freedom, for I think their cause is a just one.

Our country promises to take care of all her citizens, and so we have not the slightest doubt young Mayer will be properly looked after.

As soon as our Ambassador in Germany has given the German Government satisfactory proof that young Mayer was born in this country, there is very little doubt that he will be excused from serving in the German army.

You are a very good little boy to be so full of sympathy for Cuba, but you must not wish any harm to Spain—for that is not good of you. You must remember that there are always two sides to every question. If we could look at the Cuban war from Spain's point of view, we should perhaps think that the Cubans were a rebellious, tiresome people who had cost Spain much money; and the lives of many brave men. We might perhaps think that they deserved punishment, and that General Weyler was only trying to do the best he could for his country, and was not punishing the Cubans more than they deserved.

I say, we might think this if we were Spaniards, and the war was taking our dear friends away from us and making us poor besides.

As we are neither Cubans nor Spaniards we are able to look calmly at the whole affair, and judge it without any personal feeling creeping in to prejudice us. We have decided that Cuba ought to be free, and that hers is the righteous cause, but for all that we must not wish harm to Spain.

Spain believes she is in the right, or else she would not be willing to make the terrible sacrifices she is making.

As long as she believes she is right we should not call her hard names and wish her ill. We ought instead to pray that the good God may show her the right way, and give her the courage to walk in it.

The seal question has puzzled many wiser heads than ours; and no one has arrived at a proper solution of it yet.

We tell you in our paper this week of a new plan that has been suggested to prevent the mothers and puppies from being killed.

Seals are found in nearly all waters, but the seal whose fur is so valuable to us is found only in the North and South Pacific oceans, and not in the Atlantic.

Seals are found in the Mediterranean Sea, the Caspian Sea, along the European shores of the Atlantic; off the coast of Greenland, and off the Atlantic coast of the United States, but these seals have not the under fur we described to you in The Great Round World, and are of little market value compared with the Pacific Ocean seals.

We do not understand your question about the bicycle car. Explain it more fully, and we will do our best to answer it.

Many thanks.

Do not think that you must not write to us because you are far away. For that very reason there must be numbers of things going on around you which would be strange to us, and which we would much like to hear about. Write often, and let the kind post-office show you that you are not so very far away, after all.

You will find Jingoes and Jingoism described in the article on the passing of the Morgan resolution in this number.

We will give you the Cuban news whenever there is any to tell. You will find much to interest you about Cuba in this number.

...PREMIUMS...

TO ANY ONE SENDING US 4 NEW SUBSCRIBERS

A Pocket Kodak

Measures 2-1/4 x 2-7/8 x 3-7/8 inches, makes a picture 1-1/2 x 2 inches, and weighs only 5 ounces. Delivered ready for 12 exposures without reloading.

The Lens is of the fixed focus type, and of sufficient length of focus (2-1/2 inches) to avoid distortion.

Has improved rotary shutter and set of three stops for lens. The slides for changing stops and for time exposures are alongside of the exposure lever and always show by their position what stop is before the lens and whether the shutter is set for time or instantaneous exposures, thus acting as a warning.

In the quality of the work they will do, Pocket Kodaks equal the best cameras on the market. They make negatives of such perfect quality that enlargements of any size can be made from them.

The Pocket Kodaks are covered with fine leather, and the trimmings are handsomely finished and lacquered. They are elegant, artistic, and durable.

TO ANY ONE SENDING US 9 NEW SUBSCRIBERS

An Improved

No. 4

Bulls-Eye

For pictures 4x5 inches; delivered ready for 12 exposures without reloading. Size of camera, 4-7/8 x 5-7/8 x 9-1/4 inches; weight 2 pounds 2 ounces; length of focus of lens, 6-1/4 inches.

Fitted with an achromatic lens of superior quality, having a set of three stops; has two finders, one for vertical and one for horizontal exposures; and is also provided with two sockets for tripod screws, one for vertical and one for horizontal exposures. Fitted with improved rotary shutter, for snap-shots or time exposures. Can be loaded in daylight. Handsomely finished and covered with leather.

TO ANY SUBSCRIBER SECURING

..... FOR US 1 SUBSCRIPTION

The Great Round World