The Justice and Necessity of Taxing the American Colonies, Demonstrated / Together with a Vindication of the Authority of Parliament
Date: 2010-05-20T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Great Britain -- Colonies -- America -- Administration; Great Britain. Stamp Act (1765); Stamp duties -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain; United States -- History -- Revolution; 1775-1783 -- Causes; Taxation -- Great Britain -- Colonies

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Justice and Necessity of Taxing the American Colonies, Demonstrated

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Justice and Necessity of Taxing the American Colonies, Demonstrated

Author: Unknown

Release date: May 20, 2010 [eBook #32463]
Most recently updated: January 6, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Ernest Schaal, Jana Srna and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE JUSTICE AND NECESSITY OF TAXING THE AMERICAN COLONIES, DEMONSTRATED ***

Transcriber's Notes:

Obsolete spellings of words (e.g. impolitick, antient, assylum, can'st, etc.) have been retained; ct ligatures are represented as ct, and long s as modern round s.

Typesetting errors have been corrected and marked like this. The original text appears when hovering the cursor over the marked text.

Catchwords have been deleted. (Catchwords were used on each page of very old books to indicate the first word of the following page.)

THE
JUSTICE and NECESSITY
OF
TAXING
THE
COLONIES.

[Price One Shilling.]

THE
JUSTICE and NECESSITY
OF
TAXING
THE
AMERICAN COLONIES,
Demonstrated.

TOGETHER WITH A
VINDICATION
OF THE
Authority of Parliament.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Almon, opposite Burlington-House in Piccadilly, 1766.

A
VINDICATION
OF THE
Authority of Parliament, &c.

Of all the objects, which have since the revolution, engaged the attention of the legislature, the proper method of adjusting our present quarrels with the Americans is undoubtedly the most important. For as the riches and power of Britain depend chiefly on trade, and that trade on her colonies; it is evident that her very existence as the first of commercial nations, turns upon this hinge.

It cannot therefore be impertinent in any one modestly to offer his sentiments on this topick; that by the confrontation of different opinions we may strike out truth, as we do fire by the collision of flints; and that, as much light as possible may be afforded to our legislators to guide them through so dark and intricate a labyrinth.

This is the more necessary, as there can be found no similar case in all the records of history to serve as a precedent, or clew, to direct their steps; and all they can do is to grope their way by their own industry, and to employ their reason, as the only compass which can steer their course aright to this land unknown.

Without any farther preamble, therefore, I shall proceed to discuss this point, and to state the case fairly between the two contending parties, that those, who having like myself, no particular interest concerned, have consequently little prepossession for either side, may be enabled to form an adequate idea of the subject.

While the colonies were under any apprehensions from the encroachments of the French and Indians, they submitted to the British legislature without reluctance; because they were sensible of their inability to defend themselves, and of the necessity of taking shelter under the wings of their mother. But no sooner were the French kites and Indian vultures scared away, than they began to strut and to claim an independent property to the dunghil. Their fear and their natural affection forsook them at one and the same time. They now boast that they owe their present happy state to no power on earth but themselves; that they worked out their own salvation by their own right arm: forgetting that, had we not conquered at Louisbourg, at Quebec, and many other places; had we not constantly protected and defended them, the French and Indians would have long ago reduced them to the situation of the ancient Britons, and we should ere now have received some such letter as this, inscribed, The groans of the Americans. The barbarians, on one hand, drive us into the sea; the sea on the other, forces us back on the barbarians: so that we have only the hard alternative left us, of perishing by the sword, or by the waves.

Their insolence is arrived to such a pitch that they are not ashamed to assume to themselves the merit of bringing the last war but one to a period. According to them, what obliged the enemy to listen to terms of accommodation was not our success by sea, not the ruin of the French navy, not the total stagnation of their trade, not the march of the Russian auxiliaries; but the reduction, in a couple of short days, by a couple of little cannon, of a little island hardly discernable in a map, called Cape-Breton.

This undutiful, this disobedient behaviour of Britain's children abroad, owed, no doubt, its origin partly to the causes assigned above, and partly to the murmurs and discontent of those at home; the Sacheveril in London produced another in Boston; the spirit of disaffection and mutiny, which the harangues of a general raised in the cyder counties, those of a colonel conjured up in New-England. Out of one hydra many more arose, and there wants a Hercules to crush them. But who has the courage and skill to wield his club? In hopes that such a hero will arise, I will endeavour to furnish him with weapons, and to show him how to pierce the vitals of the monster.

The most effectual way, in my opinion, of laying the spirit of disaffection among the colonists, and of quieting the present disturbances to the mutual satisfaction of each party, is to convince the Americans that they ought to be taxed rather than the English, and to prove that the interest of both is best promoted by leaving the power of taxation in the hands of the British legislature; I shall therefore address myself now to this task.

In this age all the kingdoms in Europe maintain a standing military force, which may be ready on all occasions to defend themselves, and to seize every opportunity of annoying their foes; Great-Britain therefore is obliged to keep, tho' contrary to the genius of its constitution, a large body of regular troops in constant pay: and as America must have a considerable share of these for its safeguard, on whom ought the burden of supporting them to fall, but on the Americans, to whom they prove an immediate benefit? Great-Britain is sufficiently exhausted already; she has spilt plenty of her blood in their cause, she has expended many millions in their service, and has by these means contracted an immense load of debt, of which she is never likely to be eased. Must she then expire under her pressures? Instead of being relieved, must a new burden be laid on her shoulders to crush her entirely? A tax for the support of American guards and garrisons must be raised somewhere; else all the labour of the last war may be lost in a moment; the colonies may be conquered by our enemies in one campaign.

What then must be done? America must be taxed. By no means, says America; I am sufficiently taxed already; the many restrictions and prohibitions, under which I labour in point of trade, are an ample tax. You gain of me by way of balance about half a million a year; let this be applied to the defence of America, and it will be found an abundant provision for all her wants.

But why, good America, dost thou not also desire us to apply to the defence of Spain and Turkey all that we gain by them annually? The argument will hold equally good, and cannot be absurd in the latter case without being so in the former.

Why likewise, do'st thou not throw into the opposite scale the many millions, which we have already laid out for thy preservation, and see whether they do not make all, that we have ever drawn from thee, mount up and kick the beam.

Thou sayest indeed, that we receive in the general course of trade all the specie, which thou can'st spare; and that it is cruel, nay, impolitick, to exact more than thou can'st afford; as excessive imposts always damp industry, create a despondency in merchants, and incapacitate a state for furnishing its ordinary quota of taxes.

But let me tell thee that the money raised by the stamp act, being all necessary for paying the troops within thy own territories, must center wholly in thyself, and therefore cannot possibly drain thee of thy bullion.

It is true, this act will hinder thee from sucking out the blood of thy mother, and gorging thyself with the fruit of her labour. But at this thou oughtest not to repine, as experience assures us that the most certain method of rendering a body politick, as well as natural, wholesome and long-lived, is to preserve a due equilibrium between its different members; not to allow any part to rob another of its nourishment, but, when there is any danger, any probability of such a catastrophe, to make an immediate revulsion, for fear of an unnatural superfetation, or of the absolute ruin and destruction of the whole.

All countries, unaccustomed to taxes, are at first violently prepossessed against them, though the price, which they give for their liberty: like an ox untamed to the yoke, they show, at first, a very stubborn neck, but by degrees become docile, and yield a willing obedience. Scotland was very much averse to the tax on malt; but she is so far from being ruined by it, that it has only taught her to double her industry, and to supply, by labour, what she was obliged to give up to the necessities of the state. Can America be said to be poorer, to be more scanty of money than Scotland? No. What then follows? America must be taxed.

It is in vain to pretend that the increase of the American territories, and of the commodities, which they furnish to the British markets, has reduced the price of any article; or placed the ancient colonists in a worse situation than before the war; and consequently rendered them incapable of bearing any additional burden.

Europe is still the same as in seventeen hundred and fifty-five, its inhabitants are as numerous; therefore as Britons, with regard to it and America, are, for the most part, but factors, the demand for American goods must be as great, if not greater, than formerly; their value cannot be diminished, nor can the Americans be worse situated than at the commencement of the war.

It is equally idle to pretend that a tax on America must prove prejudicial to Britain.

A tax for defending it must, as hinted above, be levied somewhere; either in Britain or its colonies: and nothing is more manifest than that those, on whom the tax is laid, or who advance the money, must be the only sufferers, as in all dealings between two, what is taken from the one is added to the other; it always requires some time to balance accounts, by raising the price of commodities in proportion to the tax, and to reduce every thing by the course of circulation to a level. What America loses, Britain gains; the expences of the former are a saving to the latter. All the world is sensible of the justness of this maxim, the clamours of the colonists are a striking proof of it. If they were not convinced of this truth, why grumble at the impost? If they did not know that a tax upon them must prove comparatively detrimental to their country, and serviceable to Britain, why exclaim against it? How absurd then, is it to advance that as an argument for the abolition of the tax, which was the principal one for opposing it? Indeed, to alledge that England will gain more by laying the tax on herself, is to alledge that a man, who gives his daughter an annual pension, becomes richer than if he received an equal sum.

I own, if Britain, by any channel, receives in return a larger portion than she bestows, she gains by the bargain. But that cannot be the present case; for by taxing herself she raises the price of provisions, which encreases that of labour, and manufactures, not only at home, but also in America, and all other foreign markets; by which means all her rivals in trade undersell her; she diminishes the quantity of her exports, the number of her artisans and people, and empoverishes herself in general. Whereas by levying the tax on the colonies, she saves a round sum of money annually; the price of her manufactures continues nearly the same, and as the wants of the colonists, cannot be much lessened, her exports are almost equally considerable; in short, the foregoing prospect is wholly inverted.

But why keep any Forces at all in America? She is sufficiently able to defend herself. Every Male above sixteen years of age is enrolled in the militia; they have arms, they are disciplined, their numbers are great, and still upon the Increase: what more is wanting for her security? Is she in greater danger now, that the French are exterminated, than she was before the last war, when the enemy pressed vigorously upon her, and yet hardly any troops were to be found throughout her whole extent?

No; but lest the same Difficulties should recur, lest the same quarrels which bred the last expensive and bloody War, should return, troops must be maintained for her safeguard. Britain observes this policy within herself; is it not absurd to imagine she would not follow the same maxim with regard to her colonies? She keeps on foot a considerable body of forces to be prepared on every emergency, not only to oppose a public foe, but also to enforce the decisions of the civil magistrate. And notwithstanding the antipathy which most people have to standing armies, they have been found to be very useful; and no government, antient or modern, can be named, which was not, without their assistance, subject to bloody riots and insurrections. Nor is there any danger to be apprehended from them, while their number is small, while the sword is in the hands of the people in general, while, as in America, there is a superior well regulated militia to check them, if they should discover any sinister design against liberty.

It is with a view of being useful to the mother country, that colonies are first planted; this is part of their charter, a tacit condition, on which they are allowed to depart and settle; therefore they are not allowed by the laws of nature and nations to violate this agreement, as long as the mother is able to avail herself of it, and treats them with due Lenity and maternal affection. A few restrictions on their trade, in order to pay off what debts they contracted, while yet in the nursery, cannot be construed into acts of severity, and as little can a tax intended for their own defence, and appropriated to that sole use.

Upon the supposition that America is never to be taxed, this country, which now groans, and is like long to groan under the weight of taxes, will in time be left desolate, all its inhabitants will flock to America, to enjoy the benefits of a less oppressive government, and to mingle with a people of similar manners, religion and laws. Britain, the assylum of liberty, the seat of arts and sciences, the glory of Europe, and the envy of the world, will be ruined by her own ungrateful sons, and become a desart. What neither Spain nor France, nor all the world combined, could accomplish, America, the child of her own fostering, will effect.

Quos neque Tydides, nec Larissæus Achilles,
Non anni domuere decem, non mille carinæ,
Vincentur pueris.

America will prove a continual drain upon her industry and people, an eternal spunge to suck up her vital moisture, and leave her a dry and sapless trunk, exposed, without branches, without leaves, to the inclemency of the weather. This event may be distant, but it is in the womb of time; and must be brought forth, unless we have sufficient skill to cause an abortion.

But what does America gain by all this? A transitory independence perhaps, on the most noble constitution, which the wit of man has been hitherto able to invent. I say transitory independence, for the broken and disjointed members of the American empire cannot be cemented and consolidated into one firm mass; it is too unwieldy and unmanageable; it is composed of particles too heterogeneous to be ever melted down into one consistent and well digested system of liberty. Anarchy and confusion will soon prevail, were it to attempt an union; and the loss of liberty will tread fast upon their heels. For a free and extended empire on a continent are incompatible: to think they are not is a perfect solecism in politicks. No history furnishes us with an example; foreign conquest, or the power with which the magistrate must be entrusted, are an invincible obstacle in their way. It is in islands alone, where one part of the people cannot be so easily employed to oppress the other, where the sea separates them from conquerors and great empires, that liberty can be deemed a native of the soil. What a wretched exchange, then, would the Americans make! They would barter liberty for slavery.

But, say they, we are not represented in parliament.

True; you are not; no more is one twentieth of the British nation; but they may, when they become freeholders, or burgesses: so may you; therefore complain not; for it is impossible to render any human institution absolutely perfect. Were the English animated by your spirit, they would overturn the constitution to-morrow.

Like the colonies of all other countries, you enjoy the privilege of being governed in the same manner, as the people, from which you are derived. You have the same parliament, the same laws; you are all deemed free-born Britons, and are intitled to all their immunities. What would you have more? Would you reduce your protectors, your deliverers, your parents to a state of servitude, by obliging them to pay taxes for you? It is plain, too plain, excessive prosperity has rendered your heads giddy, you attempt to soar higher than your strength will carry you, than your safety will permit; it is incumbent on us, under whose care you are, to clip your wings.

You tell us you are very sober and temperate, that you fear the influence of a standing army will corrupt you, and introduce profligacy and debauchery.

I take your word for it, and believe you are as sober, temperate, upright, humane and virtuous, as the posterity of independents and anabaptists, presbyterians and quakers, convicts and felons, savages and negro-whippers, can be; that you are as loyal subjects, as obedient to the laws, as zealous for the maintenance of order and good government, as your late actions evince you to be; and I affirm that you have much need of the gentlemen of the blade to polish and refine your manners, to inspire you with an honest frankness and openness of behaviour, to rub off the rust of puritanism, and to make you ashamed of proposing in your assemblies, as you have lately done, to pay off no more debts due to your original native country.

I am only afraid that you will not be blest with enough of their company; they will be obliged to live on the frontiers, in order to check the Indians, and to preserve your hairy scalps untouched; they must be constantly exposed to secret treachery, and open violence, for your ease and security; and yet you will not contribute a single penny for their support.

In the name of wonder, what would you desire? Every farthing raised by the stamps, and a great deal more from Britain, is necessary for your defence, and is to be applied solely to that purpose: what more would you ask? Would you, preferably to all the parts of the British dominions, be exempted from taxes?

Do you murmur because Britain is not taxed for you, or because you are not allowed to lay the tax on what commodities you please? If the former be the source of your discontent, you are very unnatural, and very ungrateful: very unnatural, because you have no compassion, no fellow-feeling for the distresses of your exhausted parent; very ungrateful, because, after Britain has done so much for you, after she has nourished and reared you up, from your sickly infancy to a vigorous state of adolescence, or rather manhood, after she has conquered your enemies, and placed you, if now you be not wanting to yourselves, beyond the reach of French perfidy and fraud, you will not stretch forth your hand to ease her, sinking under her burden, nor contribute to her security, or more properly your own.

But if the latter gave rise to your disaffection, you are very ill informed, very short sighted, in not perceiving, that a general tax, for the general defence of all America, could not be raised by peace-meal, in every province separately. How could the quota of every colony be ascertained; and, if it could be ascertained, how were the colonists to be persuaded to grant it? We remember with what difficulty they were induced to advance money for their own defence in the late war, when the enemy was at their gates, when they fought pro aris & focis, for their religion and property. Some of them have not, to this day, contributed a single shilling. Are we to imagine, that they will be more forward, more lavish now, when the danger is distant, and perhaps imperceptible to the dull senses of most of them, than when it stared them in the face, and threatened immediate ruin. Whoever thinks so, must be a very weak politician, and ought to be sent to catch flies with Domitian.

Each assembly among you, forsooth, pretends to an equality with the British parliament, and allows no laws binding but those, which are imposed by itself. But mark the consequence. Every colony becomes at once an independant kingdom, and the sovereign may become, in a short time, absolute master, by playing the one against the other.

But were the sovereign always virtuous enough not to avail himself of this power, which with the greatest good nature, with the utmost political foresight, you thus put into his hand, quarrels would, in all probability, soon arise among you. It is well known you cannot boast of much mutual love, or christian charity; the same spirit which actuated your ancestors, and kindled the flames of civil war in this country, still reigns among you, and wants but a single spark to raise a combustion.

You will tell me, perhaps, that notwithstanding the multiplicity of governments, you may, like the Swiss cantons, live for ages in harmony and unity.

But I aver the contrary. The strength of the Protestants and Roman Catholicks among them, is nearly equal, and keeps them in awe of each other; but above all, the fear of being crushed by the surrounding powers in case of intestine dissensions, prevents ambitious projects, and secures the peace. But as neither of these is your case, you have little reason to hope that you could preserve your liberties. Greece, as soon as it ceased to dread the Persian monarch, fell immediately into the hands of a despotick prince; you have no king of Persia to fear, how then do you expect to remain free from slavery? Believe me, your safest course is to continue in your dependence on Britain, where liberty is naturalized, and where you are entitled to every blessing with which it is attended.

Can you be so weak as to imagine that the two houses of parliament will allow you to set up a claim to uncontrollable authority in your several provinces? Perhaps you do not comprehend how this will in time reduce them, and consequently you to mere cyphers? I will inform you. The power of the crown is, of late, greatly encreased, by the vast number of places, which the last war, and the enormous growth of the national debt have left at its disposal. Give it also but the management of the colonies, exclusive of the parliament, and there needs no more, in a few years, to render it despotick.

Undoubtedly, the weight of this consideration was what moved the British, to assume a superiority over the Irish parliament; and Ireland, considerable a country as it is, submits to their controul; how can you have the front to ask greater privileges? Indeed, till you are placed on a quite different footing, you cannot expect even this indulgence: such a number of scattered jarring governments would create so much embarrassment and perplexity, as to be quite unmanageable.

Some of you complain that the privileges granted by your charters are invaded.

But by whom, pray, were these privileges granted? By a king, who had no power, I mean legal power, to grant you any privileges, which rendered you independent of parliament, no more than he can make a corporation in England independent of it. Talk not then, of such privileges; the spirit of the British constitution could allow you none, by which you did not remain subordinate to every branch of the legislature, and consequently subordinate to parliament. The king makes but one member of the legislature, and it is self-evident he cannot give away the rights and privileges of the rest. He can grant any body of men a charter, by which they are empowered to make bye-laws for their own government, but farther his prerogative does not extend. He cannot free them from obedience to acts of parliaments.

Another, and a general complaint is, that you are taxed by a body of men unacquainted with your circumstances.

But who can be so well acquainted with the circumstances of the colonies in general, as the British parliament? It is composed of men very well versed in mercantile affairs, and much accustomed to the discussion of intricate questions; many of them are merchants, and merchants that trade to America and the West Indies. They are always ready to receive information from any hand, and never proceed to business of importance, till they have made the requisite inquiries. Nothing can be a better proof of this, than their conduct with regard to the stamp act. A year before it was passed, the ministers desired you to send agents over to London, in order to propose your objections to the whole, or any part of it; but you neglected this reasonable request; therefore, if the duty on some articles should be too high, you have none but yourselves to blame.

How then can you pretend to set up your own knowledge in competition with that of the British parliament? Every single assembly among you, may, perhaps, be a better judge of its own province than it; but that is all: a full and comprehensive idea of the whole they cannot be expected to have; their own particular interest they may understand, but the interest of the colonies in general is an object too large, too complex, to be taken in at one view, and to be perfectly scanned by them. It is the British legislature alone, whose close connection with all the colonies, whose thorough acquaintance with their trade and with commerce in general, is universally allowed, that is properly qualified for such an arduous task.

Thus have I shewn that the interest of both parties, of England and America, is best promoted by adhering religiously to the ancient system; that a claim of new privileges by the Americans, for they have been taxed before by our parliament, will be attended with many immediate disadvantages, and that the remote consequence will be their own ruin and slavery.

But if, after all, the prejudices of the Americans should be so great as to make them reject all reasonable terms of accommodation, should they be so tenacious of what they call their privileges, as to be fully resolved on asserting an absolute independence on the parliament of Great Britain. Should they be determined, rather than yield to it as formerly, to proceed to the last extremity, I would, with all due deference to the wisdom of parliament, advise a certain number of contiguous provinces to be incorporated, and to be allowed parliaments under the same restriction as that of Ireland.

If they decline this equitable compromise, were I a member of either House, I would give my vote for treating them as the Romans did the Latins, when they attempted by force to make themselves denizens of Rome. This step, I own, is dangerous, and very delicate in its management, but in such a crisis, it is the only one which can, with any dignity and prudence, be taken.

Though the partizans of America, in order to throw dust in our eyes, and erect a bug-bear to the ignorant, insinuate that the colonies would, in this extremity, follow the example of the Low Countries under Philip the Second, and call in the assistance of France and Spain. There is little reason to be apprehensive on that score; for the case is by no means parrellel: the Flemings and Dutch contended for ancient established rights, which had been allowed such by their oppressors themselves; the Americans assert privileges unknown, unheard of before; the Spaniards were strangers and foreigners to the inhabitants of the Low Countries; the Britons are brothers and relations to the Americans; the seventeen provinces were cruelly oppressed by the king of Spain, and a few of his counsellors; the colonies are moderately taxed by the whole body of the British legislature. Is it credible then, that, in order to free themselves from the gentle tutorage of their parent, they should run directly into the jaws of ruin and slavery? It is more probable that, when they hear of the final determination of this point against them by our parliament, the weight and authority of that body, the most august in the world, will make them sit down, like the Cyder counties, quiet under their burden.

But should they be so far infatuated as to act otherwise, it is in our power to prevent any fatal consequence; the British fleet can soon bring them to reason; all their capital towns lie defenceless on the edge of the shore, and must always obey the dictates of the tremendous mouths of cannon. This, however, is the last argument which ought to be used; for it is always of consequence to preserve the affections of subjects, to rule them by love rather than fear: nothing but the utmost contumacy, of which, I trust in Heaven, they will never be guilty, can justify such a violent measure.

FINIS.

Speedily will be Published.

In two Volumes Octavo, Price 10s. sewed, or 12s. bound.

An Authentic Collection of the SPEECHES and DEBATES in the British House of Commons from the Year 1742, to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748. In the Debates of this Period, are many important Motions arising from a Variety of interesting Events, both Domestic and Foreign. Several material Changes in the Administration, were the Consequence of those Debates. As the Attention of Parliament was occasionally employed upon a long and expensive War with both France and Spain, and the Suppression of an unnatural and intestine Rebellion; a Moment's Reflection will shew this to have been one of the most important Periods in our History. It is therefore to be regretted, that these Debates have not been collated and digested before, and that so necessary a Work has been so long neglected; a Work so essentially useful to every Member of Parliament, and every Lover of Constitutional History. These Debates which are principally compiled from authentic Notes taken in the House, are arranged partly upon the same Plan with Chandler's Collection, which is brought down to the Year 1742; but with such Improvements from the Journals, and other authentic Papers, as, it is presumed, will render them worthy the Notice of every British Legislator.

Printed for J. Almon, opposite Burlington-House, in Piccadilly.

Of whom may be had, just published;

1. The Double Mistake; a new Comedy; as it is now performing at the Theatre-Royal, in Covent-Garden. Price 1s. 6d.

2. The Royal Kalendar; containing new and very correct Lists of all the public Offices, and both Houses of Parliament. Price only 6d.—The same in an Annual Pocket-book. Price 1s. 6d.

3. The late Occurrences in America, and Policy of Great-Britain, considered. Price 1s.

4. Considerations on the Propriety of imposing Taxes in the British Colonies. Price 1s. 6d.

5. The Necessity of repealing the American Stamp-Act, demonstrated. Price 1s.

6. The Grievances of the American Colonies, examined. Price 1s.

7. Dummer's Defence of the Provincial Charters. Price 1s. 6d.

8. Considerations on behalf of the Colonies. Written at Boston. Price 1s.

9. An Examination of the Rights of the Colonies, upon the Principles of Law. Price 1s.

10. The Principles of the late Changes, impartially examined. By a Son of Candor. Third Edition. Price 1s. 6d.

11. THE SECURITY OF ENGLISHMEN's LIVES; or the Trust, Power, and Duty of the GRAND JURIES of ENGLAND, explained according to the fundamentals of the English Government, and the Declarations of the same made in Parliament by many Statutes. First printed in the Year, 1681. Written by the Right Honourable JOHN Lord SOMERS, Baron of Evesham, and Lord High Chancellor of England. Price 1s. 6d.

This excellent Tract has for many Years been very scarce, although several Times strongly recommended by the best Writers on the English Constitution; and in particular by the learned and able Author of the Letter upon Libels and Warrants, &c. As that ingenious Work treats so fully on the Rights and Privileges of Petit and Special Juries; this admired Performance, on the Subject of Grand Juries, is thought to be its proper Companion: and is therefore printed in the same Size, and at the same Price.

12. A LETTER concerning Juries, Libels, Warrants, the Seizure of Papers, and Sureties for the Peace or Behaviour. With a View to some late Proceedings, and the Defence of them by the Majority, upon the Principles of Law and the Constitution. Fifth Edition. Price only 1s. 6d.

13. A POSTSCRIPT to the same, second Edition. Price 1s.

14. A Letter from Candor to the Public Advertiser, on some late interesting Trials, and other Points of civil Liberty. Second Edition. Price 1s.

15. The Trial of Mr. William Owen (never before printed) Bookseller, near Temple Bar, who was charged with the Publication of a Libel against the Government in 1751, of which he was acquitted by a Jury of free-born Englishmen, Citizens of London. The principal Speakers in this Trial for the Crown, were, Sir Dudley Rider, Attorney-General, afterwards the famous Chief Justice of that Name, and Mr. William Murray, Sollicitor-General, now Lord Mansfield and Chief Justice of the King's Bench. For the Defendant, Mr. Ford, since dead; and Mr. Pratt, now Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas: Whose Speeches are all printed as nearly verbatim as possible.—To which is prefixed, the whole of the remarkable Trial of John Peter Zenger of New York, Printer, (which for some Time has been very Scarce) who was also charged with printing and publishing a Libel against the Government; of which he was acquitted by an honest, independent Jury. With a Narrative of his Case. Price only 1s. (Zenger's Trial alone was formerly sold for 1s. 6d.)

16. The State of the Nation; with regard to its Income, Expenditure, and unfunded Debt. Fifth Edition. Price 1s.

17. The BUDGET. Eleventh Edition. Price 1s.

18. The Right of Appeal to Juries in Causes of Excise asserted. Second Edit. Price 1s.

19. The Rights of the Colonies, asserted and proved. By James Otis, Esq; of Boston in New England, Second Edit. Price 2s.

20. An Account of the late Right Hon. Henry Bilson Legge. With Original Papers. Price 1s.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE JUSTICE AND NECESSITY OF TAXING THE AMERICAN COLONIES, DEMONSTRATED ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

- THE JUSTICE and NECESSITY OF TAXING THE AMERICAN COLONIES, Demonstrated.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE