The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Childrens' Story of the War, Volume 3 (of 10)
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Childrens' Story of the War, Volume 3 (of 10)

Author: Edward Parrott

Release date: February 22, 2011 [eBook #35355]
                Most recently updated: January 7, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Marcia Brooks, Ross Cooling and the Online
        Distributed Proofreading Canada Team at
        http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This file was produced from
        images generously made available by The Internet
        Archive/American Libraries.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHILDRENS' STORY OF THE WAR, VOLUME 3 (OF 10) ***




Produced by Marcia Brooks, Ross Cooling and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Canada Team at
http://www.pgdpcanada.net (This file was produced from
images generously made available by The Internet
Archive/American Libraries.)









[Illustration: cover--THE CHILDREN'S STORY OF THE WAR

By Sir Edward Parrott, M.A., LL.D.]




[Illustration: British Aeroplanes attacking the Zeppelin Factory at
Friedrichshafen.

On November 21, 1914, three British aeroplanes flew from France across
the mountains into Germany, a distance of 250 miles, and dropped bombs
on the Zeppelin factory at Friedrichshafen, on the shores of Lake
Constance. Serious damage was done, and all the pilots but one returned
safely. Another daring air raid was made on Christmas Day 1914 by seven
aeroplanes on German warships lying off Cuxhaven.]




  THE
  CHILDREN'S STORY
  OF THE WAR

  BY
  SIR EDWARD PARROTT, M.A., LL.D.
  AUTHOR OF "BRITAIN OVERSEAS," "THE PAGEANT OF ENGLISH LITERATURE," ETC.


  From the First Battle of Ypres to the End of the Year 1914


  THOMAS NELSON AND SONS, Ltd.
  LONDON, EDINBURGH, PARIS, AND NEW YORK
  1916




  "_O hearts ever youthful, like schoolboys at play,
   So be it with you in the thick of the fray;
   In the crash and the smoke and the roar of the fight,
   Be it yours, if it need be, to die for the Right!
   While deep in your heart a quick prayer shall arise
   To Him who looks down on the earth from the skies,
   For those whom you love in a faraway Home--
   O! shield them, our Father, whatever may come!_"

      I. Gregory Smith.
     (_By permission of "The Times."_)




  CONTENTS.


       I. A Glance Backwards                             1
      II. Some German Theories of War                   17
     III. From Arras to Armentières                     27
      IV. From Lille to Nieuport                        33
       V. Maud'huy at Arras and the Retreat from
            Antwerp                                     43
      VI. With Rawlinson in Belgium                     49
     VII. The Long, Thin Line of Steel and Valour       54
    VIII. The Work of the Third British Corps           65
      IX. Stirring Stories of Anxious Days              70
       X. With the Second Corps                         78
      XI. The Indians in the Trenches                   81
     XII. Fire and Flood                                87
    XIII. Eight Days of Struggle and Anxiety            97
     XIV. Tales of Heroes                              113
      XV. The Crisis of the First Battle of Ypres      129
     XVI. The Price of Victory and the Passing of
            a Hero                                     145
    XVII. Tales from the Trenches                      154
   XVIII. More Tales from the Trenches                 161
     XIX. Germany's Colonial Empire                    171
      XX. Germany's Vanishing Colonies                 177
     XXI. The Story of the "Emden"                     187
    XXII. The Last of the "Emden," and the Sea
            Fight off Coronel                          193
   XXIII. The Fall of Kiao-chau                        209
    XXIV. The First Attack on Warsaw                   218
     XXV. Von Hindenburg foiled                        225
    XXVI. Stories from the Battlefields                231
   XXVII. The Second Russian Advance on Cracow         241
  XXVIII. The Second Assault on Warsaw                 252
    XXIX. Warsaw again saved                           257
     XXX. At War with Turkey                           264
    XXXI. Fighting in Chaldea                          273
   XXXII. The Campaign in the Caucasus                 278
  XXXIII. The Battle of the Serbian Ridges             284
   XXXIV. The Battle off the Falkland Islands          289
    XXXV. Naval Raids on the East Coast of England     297
   XXXVI. Winter in the Trenches                       305




[Illustration:
THE
CHILDREN'S
STORY OF
THE WAR

VOLUME III.]




  CHAPTER I.

  A GLANCE BACKWARDS.


When the last British soldier, with the mud of the Aisne trenches still
clinging to his tunic, detrained in Artois,[1] within fifty miles of the
white cliffs of Dover, seventy-seven days of anxious and fateful
struggle had come to an end. Before we follow the progress of the
terrible campaign which was soon to begin, let us glance backwards and
recall in brief outline the leading incidents of the crowded weeks which
had elapsed since Germany unsheathed the sword and flung her legions
into that "battle without a morrow" which she vainly hoped would win for
her the mastery of Europe and the supremacy of the world.

In our first volume we learned how the disunited states of Germany,
under the leadership of Prussia, became welded together into a great
empire on the ringing anvil of war. The German Empire had been created
by the sword, and Germans had been taught to believe that only by the
sword could it be maintained and increased. During less than half a
century they had grown from poverty to riches and greatness, and this
sudden rise to wealth and power had so turned their heads that they now
deemed themselves entitled to world-empire. Mighty in industry and
commerce, and possessed of the vastest and most highly organized weapon
of war that the world has ever known, they nevertheless saw their
ambitions thwarted again and again. They desired greatly a dominion
beyond the seas, but colonies were hard to come by. With the failure of
their attempts to expand they grew more and more embittered, until they
believed that they were being robbed of their rightful due by the envy
and greed of neighbouring Powers.

On their eastern border they saw the Russians daily recovering from the
effects of the war against Japan, and so rapidly advancing in military
strength as to be a real menace to that commanding position which they
coveted. Their leaders feared that if Russia were not speedily crippled
she would

           "Bestride the narrow world
  Like a Colossus,[2] and we petty men
  Walk under his huge legs, and peep about
  To find ourselves dishonourable graves."

While viewing the rise of Russia with mingled fear and contempt, they
saw the British people, whom they had been taught to despise as a
worn-out and wealth-corrupted race, holding dominion on every continent
and in every sea, and unfurling their flag over one in four of all
mankind. The spectacle was gall and wormwood to them, and they made no
secret of their intention to wrest this vast empire from its present
holders when the time was ripe. To this end they had built a great
fleet, and their sailors drank to "The Day" when the lordship of the
ocean should be theirs, and the overseas dominion of Britain the spoils
of their triumph.

But the fruits of industrial strength and armed might were slow in
ripening, and in 1911, when, thanks to the support of Great Britain,
France became supreme in Morocco and the shadowy claims of Germany were
set aside, there was bitter chagrin in the Fatherland. It was then, as
we have good reason to believe, that the leaders of the German people
came to the conclusion that only by war could they realize their
ambitions. War must be made on France and on her ally, Russia. When
France was overthrown, Germany would be absolute master of Central and
Western Europe. When Russia was crippled, Germany would have a free hand
in the Balkans. Then, mightily increased in territory and resources, she
would proceed to the conquest of Britain.

Preparations on a vast scale were at once begun. The war lords of
Germany bent all their thoughts and energies to the task. The effect of
heavy artillery and high explosive shells was studied, and the great
armament works were ordered to turn out huge howitzers and the necessary
ammunition for them. Innumerable machine guns and motor cars were built,
and nothing that made for military or naval efficiency was overlooked.
The Kiel Canal was enlarged so as to accommodate the heaviest
Dreadnoughts in the navy; the number of trained men in the army was
increased; huge stocks of all the necessaries of war were collected. The
bankers were instructed to sell their foreign stocks and shares, and to
collect gold with which to purchase abroad the cotton, copper, rubber,
and petrol, which are all-important in modern warfare. A deep-laid plot
was hatched to hamper British bankers so that they could not lend money
to France and Russia. Silently and secretly, and with wonderful
foresight and zeal, everything was prepared for the great adventure.

Some idea of the wonderful completeness of the German preparations for
war may be gathered from the following description of a soldier's
equipment:--

    "The German soldier was clothed in cloth of a colour which, on
    the average of European days, gave a greater degree of
    invisibility than khaki. This cloth was excellently woven to
    withstand weather and strain. Each soldier had a pocket-knife
    worth a week's pay of a British corporal, and carried in this
    pocket-knife a little equipment for mending his clothes (as also
    a first-aid bandage of adhesive plaster). His boots were of
    wonderfully strong and supple leather, such boots as only rich
    civilians in England can buy. His valise of cowhide, tanned with
    the hair on, was most ingeniously furnished with straps and
    removable bolts of white metal for ease of carrying and ease of
    packing and unpacking. Its contents, disposed in various little
    cupboards, gave the maximum of food-reserve and
    clothing-comforts for the space and weight. The order-books, the
    maps, the other equipment of officers and non-commissioned
    officers, showed the same skilful devotion to detail. During
    many years of preparation the German mind had evidently devoted
    itself with passionate industry to providing for every possible
    emergency of the soldier's life in the field."


A spy system of the most widespread and elaborate character had been
established in all European countries. The Kaiser was assured by his
spies that Great Britain would not actively join with Russia and France,
because her people were sharply divided on an important political
question, and because they had grown so spiritless that they would
prefer to make money by providing the combatants with materials of war.
France was well known to be ill-prepared for a campaign, and that great,
unwieldy giant Russia would be so sluggish in making ready that months
would elapse before he could become formidable. By the summer of 1914
Germany had made all her military and naval preparations; she was armed
to the teeth, and she knew that the nations against whom she had
secretly prepared were quite unready to meet her.

[Illustration: The Kaiser in the Field.

_Photo: Central News._

This remarkable Photograph shows the German Emperor directing the
operations of his troops in Flanders.]

Towards the end of June 1914, when the army was ready to the last gaiter
button, an event took place which gave the Kaiser an excellent excuse
for bringing about that war which was necessary for the fulfilment of
his aims. The Archduke Ferdinand was murdered in Bosnia, and Serbia was
charged with bringing about the crime. It was alleged that the heir to
the throne of the Kaiser's ally, Austria-Hungary, had been foully done
to death by miscreants in the pay of Russia's friend, Serbia. The Kaiser
at once determined that Austria-Hungary's quarrel should be his; he
would support Franz Josef in punishing Serbia--that is, in throwing down
the gauntlet to Russia. This would be certain to bring about the war
which his soul desired. A little more delay, however, was necessary. An
army, as Napoleon told us long ago, marches on its stomach, and great
supplies of food are required before it can take the field. For this
reason the Kaiser decided to play for time until the harvest of the year
had been gathered in. So for a whole month little was heard of the
Archduke's murder, and the Powers of Europe were encouraged to believe
that the crime would not lead to war.

[Illustration: Montenegrin Artillery in Action.

_Photo, Daily Mirror._

Montenegro is the smallest kingdom in Europe, and consists of lofty
highlands of gray, broken rock. The Montenegrins are said to be the
finest and strongest race in Europe. They are born warriors, and their
average height is six feet. They are of kindred race to the Serbians,
and in this great war they have thrown in their lot with them.]

As soon, however, as the German garners were full the Austro-Hungarian
Government was urged to send to Serbia a series of demands such as had
never been presented to a civilized and independent power before. They
were meant to provoke Russia, and to drag her into the quarrel. What
were these demands? Mr. Lloyd-George has told us, in the following
burning words:--

    "What were the Austrian demands? Serbia sympathized with her
    fellow-countrymen in Bosnia. That was one of her crimes. She
    must do so no more. Her newspapers were saying nasty things
    about Austria. They must do so no longer.... Serbian newspapers
    must not criticize Austria.... Serbia said: 'Very well; we will
    give orders to the newspapers that they must not criticize
    Austria in future, neither Austria, nor Hungary, nor anything
    that is theirs.' Who can doubt the valour of Serbia when she
    undertook to tackle her newspaper editors? She promised not to
    sympathize with Bosnia, promised to write no critical articles
    about Austria. She would have no public meetings at which
    anything unkind was said about Austria. That was not enough. She
    must dismiss from her army officers whom Austria should
    subsequently name. But those officers had just emerged from a
    war where they were adding lustre to the Serbian arms--gallant,
    brave, efficient. I wonder whether it was their guilt or their
    efficiency that prompted Austria's action. Serbia was to
    undertake in advance to dismiss them from the army, the names to
    be sent on subsequently. Can you name a country in the world
    that would have stood that?"

How did Serbia face the situation thus engineered? Listen again to Mr.
Lloyd-George:--

    "It was a difficult situation for a small country. Here was a
    demand made upon her by a great military Power who could put
    five or six men in the field for everyone she could; and that
    Power supported by the greatest military Power in the world. How
    did Serbia behave? It is not what happens to you in life that
    matters; it is the way in which you face it. And Serbia faced
    the situation with dignity. She said to Austria: 'If any
    officers of mine have been guilty and are proved to be guilty, I
    will dismiss them.' Austria said: 'That is not good enough for
    me.' It was not guilt she was after, but capacity. Then came
    Russia's turn. Russia has a special regard for Serbia. She has a
    special interest in Serbia. Russians have shed their blood for
    Serbian independence many a time. Serbia is a member of her
    family, and she cannot see Serbia maltreated. Austria knew that.
    Germany knew that, and Germany turned round to Russia and said:
    'I insist that you shall stand by with your arms folded whilst
    Austria is strangling your little brother to death.' What answer
    did the Russian Slav give? He gave the only answer that becomes
    a man. He turned to Austria and said: 'You lay hands on that
    little fellow, and I will tear your ramshackle empire limb from
    limb.'"

The object of the Kaiser was achieved--the quarrel between Austria and
Russia was now likely to provoke a European war. Our Foreign Minister,
Sir Edward Grey, worked night and day to bring the estranged Powers to
peaceful agreement, and he so far succeeded that on the 30th July
Austria showed signs of drawing back. At once the Kaiser saw that all
his hopes were likely to be shattered. That same evening he took steps
which made war certain. He ordered Russia to cease all warlike
preparations within twelve hours, and France within eighteen hours.
Before France had returned an answer to this impudent demand, his Uhlans
were over her border.

The Germans began the campaign absolutely certain of victory. While all
the talk of peace was going on, their General Staff was poring over maps
of the future battlefields. France was to be overwhelmed by a mighty
rush; she was to be beaten to the ground before her armies could be
marshalled in strength. Short, sharp, and sudden was to be the blow; and
when France lay at her conqueror's feet, the victorious legions would be
entrained for the eastern front in sufficient time to meet the
slow-moving Russians, who could be easily held up by the Austrians until
the main German armies were free to assail them. The Germans believed
that when Russia found herself alone in the struggle some arrangement
could be made with her so that thenceforth she would not stand in the
way of their ambitious schemes.

Such was the plan of campaign, and it will readily be seen that any long
delay in invading and subduing France would enable the Russian millions
to be arrayed on the eastern frontier, and to carry war into Germany and
Austria. Consequently, no time was available in which to besiege the
barrier fortresses on the eastern frontier of France, and to push
through the difficult country behind them. The quickest and easiest
route to the heart of France had to be taken, and that lay through the
Belgian plain, which was so well supplied with railways that food and
munitions from the German bases could readily reach the invading armies
as they pushed forward. Belgium, it was true, had been guaranteed
freedom from invasion by a treaty to which Prussia was a party; but in
the opinion of the German Government military necessity overrode all
such engagements and reduced them to mere "scraps of paper." Belgium, it
was thought, would make little or no resistance. She had but few trained
soldiers, and these were ill-equipped. She had powerful fortresses on
her frontier, but there were not enough men to garrison them properly,
and there was a grave lack of ammunition for the guns. Even if the
fortresses did resist, the Germans were prepared with a plan to deal
with them.

So Belgium was invaded, and this terrible breach of faith on the part of
the Germans shocked all neutral nations. Great Britain had been the
leading Power in neutralizing Belgium, and she could not in honour
desert the little country which was ready to fight to the death for its
independence. Nor dared she stand by with folded arms and see France
overcome. A victorious Germany in possession of Antwerp and the Channel
ports of France would be in a very favourable position to attack British
shores. Should Germany become master of the west of Europe, the
existence of the British Empire would be in dire peril. Britain,
therefore, was compelled by dictates of honour and self-preservation to
declare war on Germany.

This declaration of war was a great blow to Germany; it upset all her
calculations. It brought into the struggle not only the greatest naval
Power in the world, but the unrivalled riches and resources of the
British Empire. The British army which could be sent overseas was so
small as to seem negligible to the Germans; but they could not shut
their eyes to the fact that the British Empire, with its 417 millions of
inhabitants, could, in the course of time, array colossal forces against
them. In the meantime the British could, by means of their navy,
paralyze German sea-power, and sweep German commerce from the seas, and
at the same time, out of the abundance of their riches, find plentiful
sinews of war for their Allies. Our declaration of war was bitterly
resented in Germany, and a flood of hate against all things British
began to sweep over the country.

[Illustration: German Soldiers leaving Berlin for the Front.

An amateur artist is drawing a caricature of General Joffre on the side
of the carriage.]

On 2nd August Germany demanded a free passage through Belgium; it was
refused, and two days later the enemy was swarming across the frontier.
Within ten days the great barrier forts of Liége were crushed into
shapeless ruin by shells of such explosive power that neither steel nor
concrete could resist them. Within a fortnight the greater part of
Belgium was in German hands. Brussels was entered and occupied, and two
and a half million men were ready to fall like an avalanche on France.

The French Commander-in-Chief was faced by an appalling problem. With
forces numbering one-half of those launched against him, he had to await
the German attack on a frontier 500 miles long. He was uncertain as to
where the main blow would fall. Accordingly he followed Napoleon's
advice: "Engage everywhere, and then see." He engaged in Alsace; but the
main forces of the enemy were not there. He engaged in Lorraine, and in
the third week of August suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the
Bavarians, though he was still able to keep the field in that province.
On 23rd August, when the Battle of Nancy was raging, the avalanche fell
on the line of the Sambre and Meuse, where French armies were arrayed to
meet the shock. Namur, the pivot of the defending armies, fell; its
forts were blown to atoms by the great howitzers which unwisely had been
permitted to come within range. An unexpected army of Saxons pierced the
Allied centre, and the French were forced to retreat rapidly or suffer
destruction. The northern gate to Paris was now forced, and the eastern
gate in Lorraine was threatened. For a moment it seemed that the Germans
had won the campaign in two battles.

France had reserves, but they were far away in Alsace, in Burgundy,[3]
and behind Paris. They could not be brought to the front in time to
retrieve disaster, so the beaten armies had to hasten southwards towards
their reserves.

The Germans pushed southwards with incredible speed. The British, on the
left of the French, had been left unsupported, and overwhelming numbers
of the enemy were striving might and main to envelop them. They were in
grave peril, and at any moment the right flank in Lorraine might be
turned, and the retreating French be caught between two fires. There was
nothing for it but swift and desperate retreat, until a line could be
reached on which a stand was possible. Here and there, during the rapid
retirement, the French gained local successes, which might have tempted
them to halt and put their fortune to the test once more. But the French
Commander-in-Chief was proof against the temptation. He held firmly to
his plan, and continued the long and depressing retreat.

[Illustration: A Hand-to-hand Fight during the Battle of the Marne.

_By permission of the Sphere._

The action here illustrated took place on the South bank of the Marne,
where the Germans found themselves attacked by French colonial troops.
The Germans were soon beaten back, after a fierce affray amidst burning
houses and broken barricades.]

Upon the devoted British fell the full force of the German shock.
Hopelessly outnumbered, and with the enemy on three sides, they
nevertheless struggled out of van Kluck's grasp, and made a fighting
retreat that will go down to posterity as one of the finest feats known
to the history of warfare. Terrible were their losses, as were those of
the French armies on their right; but they were still unbroken, and were
still capable of striking hard when the Allied line should be knitted up
anew. In the early days of September this was accomplished; the whole
Allied line lay extended from the southern outskirts of Paris eastwards
to Verdun. It had been welded into strength by misfortune; it had taken
the measure of the foe, and was eager for revenge.

To the Germans it appeared that Paris had been abandoned, and in Berlin
men confidently declared that the war was over, and that only the fruits
of victory remained to be reaped. Von Kluck, sweeping irresistibly
towards the capital, believed that he had only wearied and broken foes
before him. He had good reason for this belief, for he could not
conceive that any armies could have retreated so rapidly and suffered so
severely and yet remain fit to oppose him. He was full of confidence,
but it was the confidence of ignorance. He was totally unaware that a
new army, fresh and unwearied, was silently concentrating in the streets
of Paris.

In Britain there were the worst of forebodings. The Allied armies had
been driven back helter-skelter with a terrible tale of losses, and von
Kluck was within gunshot of the outer forts of the French capital. The
5th of September was the darkest hour before the dawn. Everywhere the
Allied armies seemed to be on the verge of disaster. Von Kluck was
wheeling his right in order to envelop the 5th French Army; farther east
the Würtembergers were striking hard at the French centre; the Crown
Prince, to the south of Verdun, was waiting for the huge siege guns with
which he hoped to batter down the defences of that great fortress;
Maubeuge was at its last gasp; and at Nancy the Bavarians, under the eye
of the Kaiser himself, were preparing to break through the eastern
barrier. The man in the street at home could only stifle his feelings of
dismay, and hope that by some miracle victory might yet be snatched from
the jaws of defeat.

[Illustration: Motor-cyclist Dispatch Rider breaking through a Patrol of
Uhlans.

_By permission of The Sphere._

The motor-cyclist enables communications to be kept up, and messages to
be sent to and from headquarters all along the far-extended lines of the
Allies. Adventures similar to that illustrated above were common in the
early stages of the war.]

So far the war had been one unbroken triumph for Germany. She had
succeeded even beyond the expectations of her people at home. Fortress
after fortress had fallen; victory after victory had been won; the
capital of France was at her mercy; prisoners had been captured in huge
numbers, and guns by the score. To crown all, just as Sedan Day was
approaching and the fall of Paris was hourly expected, the news arrived
that von Hindenburg had won an astounding victory at Tannenberg, in
Eastern Prussia. The whole German nation went mad with delight. Its
wildest ambitions were about to be realized.

One short week later there was a sudden and dramatic change in the
aspect of affairs. The Allies had made a leap forward; von Kluck, beaten
and outflanked, was being harried northward through the woods of
Compiègne; von Buelow, with his famous Guards reduced to half their
strength, was hurrying towards the Aisne; the Duke of Würtemberg, foiled
in his attacks on the French centre, was in sullen retreat; Verdun was
still intact; and in Lorraine the Kaiser had seen the White Cuirassiers
of Bavaria hurled back in confusion from the French line. The avalanche
had fallen, but it had failed to overwhelm the Allied armies. The
Germans were now, for the first time, tasting the bitterness of forced
retreat.

Back they were thrust, but not in rout, to the plateau beyond the Aisne,
where, in a position of great strength, they were forced to fight,
against all their traditions, on the defensive. For weeks they were
besieged, but day by day their entrenchments were strengthened until
they resembled fortresses. All the courage and skill and patience of the
attackers could not bolt them from these burrows by means of frontal
attacks. Then an attempt was made to outflank them by a northward
movement of the Allied left. As this movement proceeded, a similar
manoeuvre was begun by the foe. Each side attempted to outflank the
other, and a feverish race set in for the North Sea, where both flanking
movements must perforce end. Three French armies were strung out
northwards as far as the La Bassée canal; the British army was
transferred from the Aisne to fill the gap beyond; and a new army was
collected and hurried to the assistance of the Belgians, who extended
the line to the sea. The Allies just won the race, and the Germans found
themselves besieged once more, this time on a line of trenches some 450
miles in length. For months to come they strove to break through the
Allied lines; with what success future pages of this history will tell.

Such, in brief outline, is the story which has been told in our two
former volumes. It is the story of the most ruthless and determined
assault that has ever been made upon the liberties of mankind in the
whole history of the world. We see master minds plotting and planning
for long, secret years, watching and waiting for an occasion to swoop
down upon unsuspecting neighbours and rob them of life and freedom and
the fruits of their toil. We see them launching millions of men, armed
with every death-dealing device that fiendish ingenuity can frame,
against a little peaceful people that dares to stand in their way. The
earth shakes with the roar of gigantic guns and the thunderclaps of
bursting shells. Fortresses crumble to shapeless ruin; homesteads are
given to the flames; temples of God are profaned and despoiled;
monuments of art and piety are blotted out; cities are shattered; young
and old, man, woman, and child, are given to the sword, and wherever the
battle has raged there are ghastly heaps of dead and dying, "friend and
foe in one red burial blent."

Onward sweep the conquering legions, with pillars of cloud by day and
pillars of fire by night, and it would seem that nothing human could
give them pause. Armies recoil before them; but strive as they may, they
cannot overwhelm them. Victory sits upon their banners, when suddenly
those whom they have hunted and harried across the fair fields of France
spring forward with undaunted fire and vigour, and the torrent is
stayed. Then it is swept back, and soon the invaders are hemmed in by a
ring of steel, against which they fling themselves in baffled rage like
a trapped tiger against the bars of his cage.

Such is the story of seventy-seven days of bloodshed, horror,
destruction, and woe--days which can never be forgotten while the memory
of man endures.

[Footnote 1:] _Ar-twa´_, former province of France, now forming the
greater part of the department Pas-de-Calais. Its name is derived from
Arras, its capital.]

[Footnote 2: The Colossus of Rhodes was one of the seven wonders of the
ancient world. It was a huge figure of brass one hundred and twenty feet
high, and it strode across the harbour mouth.]

[Footnote 3: This old province of France lies between the Aube on the
north, the Rhone on the south, the Meuse on the east, and the Loire on
the west.]




  CHAPTER II.

  SOME GERMAN THEORIES OF WAR.


Before I proceed with my story, let me call your attention to certain
theories of war with which the German General Staff began the campaign.
By a theory of war I mean some plan or scheme which, in the judgment of
those making it, is _likely_ to prove of great advantage, but which can
only be _proved_ to be so by actual practice. Some of the German
theories turned out to be right, others wrong, as we shall see.

If you were to witness a field day of British troops you would notice
that the infantry make their attacks in long, thin skirmishing lines.
The men are widely spread out, and as they advance they offer a small
target to the guns of the enemy. Their losses are thus reduced to a
minimum. The Germans, on the other hand, believe in making their attacks
with their men massed together in close formation.

Troops attacking in close order have certain advantages over those
attacking in open order. First, they can begin their attack with the
least possible delay. Suppose a hundred men are marching forward in
fours, and are about to make an attack. If they are to spread out widely
time will be needed for them to deploy. (See Fig. 2, p. 19.) But if they
go forward packed close together as in Fig. 1, p. 18, they can attack
much more quickly. You can easily understand that the quicker a blow is
delivered, the more likely it is to be successful, for the defenders are
given little time in which to make preparations for resisting it.

Then, again, an attack delivered in mass formation brings much more
weight to bear on the part of the enemy's line against which it is
directed than an attack in open order. If, for example, a hundred men
are hurled against a front of a hundred yards, the force with which they
can assail it is much greater than it would be if the same hundred yards
of front were attacked by fifty men. Where, as often happens, troops
have to advance on a narrow front, say against a bridge, a causeway, a
street, or a defile, they must attack in close order if they are to
succeed.

Of course, when a massed attack is made, a very good target is offered
to the enemy, especially in these days of magazine rifles, machine guns,
and quick-firing field guns, and large numbers of the attackers are sure
to fall. In former wars it has been found that troops so punished break
or are brought to a standstill, and that their attack therefore fails.
The Germans, however, believe that men can be so disciplined that,
though large numbers of them are shot down, the rest will push on and
carry the position. They believe that this great waste of life is worth
while, because the campaign will be over all the sooner, and the total
losses will probably be no greater than they would be in a
long-drawn-out war carried on by attacks in open order.

[Illustration: Fig. 1. Column advancing to the Attack in Close Order.]

Now let us see how this theory bore the test of actual practice. You
will remember that at the Battle of Mons and on other occasions the
Germans made massed attacks on the Allied positions, and though their
men were shot down in droves, they came on again and again, almost
shoulder to shoulder. The theory that men can be so disciplined as to
continue to advance in massed formation, even though they know that
large numbers of them will certainly be killed or wounded, proved
correct. Where the theory broke down was in supposing that the men who
survived the slaughter would be able to carry the position. On some
occasions they succeeded, but in the majority of cases a swarm of
Germans advancing against inferior numbers were reduced by one-fourth,
or even by one-third, in the first few minutes of the rush, and the
remainder were too few to drive out the defenders. So, as far as actual
results were concerned, attacks in close formation proved to be a
failure. The Germans, however, persisted in them, and this led to an
immense wastage of life. They flung away life like water, but, as we
have seen, they did not win that speedy victory on which they had staked
so much.

[Illustration: Fig. 2. Column deploying for Attack in Open Order.]

Another theory of the German General Staff was that no existing fortress
could withstand for more than a few days the effect of high explosive
shells hurled from heavy howitzers. Up to about ten years ago it was
thought that fortresses mounting heavy guns, and fully supplied with
men, food, and ammunition, could hold out for months against a besieging
force. The fixed guns of fortresses had then a far greater range than
any movable guns that could be brought against them, and they were so
powerful that they could, as a rule, put out of action the artillery of
the besiegers.

[Illustration: A German Howitzer for Siege Work.

_Photo, Daily Mirror_.

Notice the caterpillar wheels which enable it to traverse soft roads
without sinking in.]

On page 200 of Volume I. you were told how a howitzer differs from an
ordinary field gun. Let me repeat what I then said. The great difference
between the action of an ordinary gun and that of a howitzer is the
difference between a boy throwing a stone at a mark which he can see,
and the same boy lobbing a stone over a wall so that it will fall on
something hidden from his view. The ordinary field gun has a long, flat
sweep of fire, and is therefore unable to shoot over hills, trees, or
houses, or to drop shells on men lying close behind a bank or in a deep,
narrow trench.

[Illustration]

Look at this little diagram. A howitzer, A, is firing at a fort, B, from
the other side of a hill. The howitzer is invisible from the fort, and
the men firing the howitzer cannot see the mark at which they are
aiming. But a man on or above the hill can see the fort easily, and can
so direct the fire of the howitzer that it can lob its shells over the
hill and drop them directly on the fort. The guns of the fort are
incapable of hitting the howitzer. The shells which they throw pass
right over the hill, and fall a long way behind it.

Until recently the fortress gun was master of the howitzer, for several
reasons. The howitzers then in use were small, and their range was much
less than that of heavy guns mounted in forts. No matter how carefully
the howitzers were concealed or how frequently they were shifted about,
they were sure sooner or later to be "spotted" from the fortress, and
put out of action. The explosives which were then used in the howitzer
shells were not sufficiently powerful to destroy the steel and concrete
of the forts, and there was much difficulty in discovering, whether the
aim of these high-angle guns was true.

The Austrian and the German General Staff had studied all this very
carefully, and they had come to the conclusion that howitzers could be
constructed of such a size that they would be more than a match for
fortress guns. Former howitzers were 6 inches across at the mouth; but
before the war the Austrians built howitzers of from 11 to 12-inch
calibre. This doubling of the calibre meant that the new weapon was
_eight times_ as powerful as the old one. Such howitzers could throw
their shells from an immense distance, and could take advantage of steep
cover so far off that the fortress guns could not reach them. Though the
new howitzers were so heavy, they were capable of being moved from place
to place as soon as they were "spotted".

Not only was the howitzer made much bigger than formerly, but new and
very powerful explosives were discovered, and huge shells were filled
with them. Experiments led the German Staff to believe that these
explosives would utterly destroy the forts, no matter how solidly they
might be constructed. How to aim these howitzers correctly was the only
remaining difficulty. Aeroplanes and balloons solved the problem.
Observers could fly high enough to see the forts, note where the shots
fell, and signal to the gunners so that they could find the exact range.

The Germans believed that no fortress along the line of their advance
could long resist their big howitzers and high explosive shells. The
French, on the other hand, thought that such ring fortresses as those at
Liége, Namur, and Verdun could hold out for a considerable time. During
the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5, Port Arthur, though attacked by
howitzers, held out for eleven months. The French saw no reason why
their forts should not resist for several weeks at least.

From what you have read in the former volumes you know that the German
theory was right, and that the French theory was wrong. Liége, Namur,
Maubeuge, and Antwerp all fell before the high explosive shells of the
huge howitzers in an astonishingly brief time. Verdun did not fall, it
is true, but this was because the French turned it into a new type of
fortress altogether. They made field works at a considerable distance
from the old forts, and moved out the heavy guns to advanced trenches.
Rails were laid down so that as soon as the guns were "spotted" they
could be moved to new positions at short notice. Thus, as I told you on
page 280 of Volume II., instead of fixed forts, each, say, mounted with
ten heavy guns, these same ten guns were "dotted here and there in
trenches rapidly established in one place and another, along perhaps
half a mile of wooded vale, and free to operate, when they moved, over
perhaps double that front." This is the German theory of fortification,
and Verdun was saved because the French adopted it.

Another theory of the German Staff was that high explosive shells could
be used with great effect not only against fortresses but against troops
in the field. In former wars shrapnel[4] was largely used, but in the
present war the Germans believed that high explosive shells would be
more effective.[5] Modern armies, as you know, "dig themselves in"
whenever they can, and fight from trenches. Against troops in deep
trenches with good head-cover shrapnel is not very deadly. When trenches
have been occupied for some time they become little fortresses, with
strong parapets and entanglements of barbed wire in front of them.
Before sending infantry to attack such trenches, the Germans determined
to fire high explosive shells at them, so that the barbed wire would be
torn away, the parapets of the trenches would be blown in, and the
defensive works destroyed. In this respect, too, the German theory
proved correct, and when the trench warfare began in real earnest the
Allies had to follow the German example. Months passed, however, before
their supply of howitzers and high explosive shells was sufficient to
enable them to cope with the Germans on equal terms.

[Illustration: The Effect of Shrapnel on Trenches.

Some four hundred to five hundred balls and splinters spread forwards,
downwards, and fan-wise when the shell bursts.

(_By permission of The Sphere._)]

In Volume I., page 189, I gave you some account of the machine gun
which, as you will remember, discharges automatically and accurately
some four hundred or five hundred shots a minute. As a rifleman can only
fire about a dozen aimed shots in the same time, a machine gun is
equivalent to at least thirty riflemen. It discharges its bullets in a
cone-shaped stream, and is even more deadly than sustained rifle fire.
Prior to the war each battalion in the British army was provided with
two machine guns. The German General Staff, however, provided each unit
of its infantry with a large number of machine guns,[6] which were so
mounted that they could be carried rapidly over every kind of ground.
The result was that the Germans had a very marked advantage over the
Allies in machine firing power. Here, again, the German theory was
correct, and the Allies were forced to follow suit and increase greatly
their supply of machine guns.

The Germans have no faith in the waiting game. They believe that
constant attack is the best form of defence. It is foreign to their
ideas to wait for the enemy to attack them; everywhere and always they
endeavour to strike at the foe. They believe with the American humorist:

  "Thrice blessed he who hath his quarrel just,
   But four times he who gets his blow in fust."

In order to enable troops to strike swiftly, and, therefore, to take the
enemy unawares, the Germans provided themselves with fleets of motor
cars in which they conveyed their soldiers to the points where they were
needed. The admirable Belgian and French roads enabled the motors to
travel very quickly, and this accounts in large measure for the rapid
pursuit of the Allies. The motor cars were meant to be specially useful
in making those flanking movements by which German generals strive to
envelop their enemies. These flanking attacks, however, were not
successful, perhaps because it was impossible to transport sufficient
artillery along with the men.

[Illustration: The Effect of High Explosive Shells on Trenches.

A breach is made in the wire entanglements and the chief force of the
explosion is downwards.

(_By permission of The Sphere._)]

Finally, let me deal for a few moments with a theory that proved to be
hopelessly wrong, so entirely mistaken that it robbed the Germans of
that speedy victory which they confidently expected, and led to a long
and uncertain trench war in the West. What was this theory?

The German General Staff believed that Paris would prove to be a great
trap for the French. They believed that in no circumstances would the
French Government permit Paris to be abandoned by the French armies.
They thought that if Paris were threatened, one of two things would
happen--either the French armies would be massed round the capital for
its defence, or they would be divided, and some would try to hold the
frontier, while others tried to hold the city. Further they felt sure
that if the French Commander-in-Chief should wish to keep his armies
undivided so that he could fight on the most advantageous ground,
irrespective of whether Paris fell into German hands or not, the French
politicians would interfere and overrule him. Then quarrels and
confusion would arise; there would be no unity of purpose; divided
authority would prevail, and France would go to pieces.

Whatever happened, the Germans felt confident of victory. They had more
men in the field than France could possibly bring against them. If they
fought pitched battles with the full strength of the French forces
outside Paris, they were bound to win, because they were superior in men
and guns. If the French forces were divided, their task would be still
easier; and if the French politicians interfered, France would do much
to destroy herself. Such was the theory; now let us see how it worked
out.

From the very beginning of the struggle the French military authorities
determined that they would conduct the war in their own way, and that
they would not brook any interference from the politicians. They foresaw
all the difficulties on which the Germans counted, and they fully
realized that if they allowed their plans to be hampered by defending
Paris they would fall into a trap from which there would be no escape.
While, therefore, the enemy was making his great drive towards Paris,
and even when he seemed to be on the point of besieging it, they did not
attempt to go to its rescue, but still retreated, so that their line
could be built up anew, and an advance made when the time was ripe. It
is true that a new army had been mobilized in and around Paris, but it
was not meant for the defence of the capital; it was intended for quite
another purpose.[7]

When von Kluck was near the outer fortifications of Paris he discovered
that the German theory was all wrong. He was forced to swerve in order
to follow up the French and British, and in the act of swerving he was
caught, and forced to retreat. Thus that rapid success in the West which
was the very keynote of the German plan of campaign was rendered
impossible.

[Footnote 4: See Vol. I., p. 197.]

[Footnote 5: See diagrams on the following pages.]

[Footnote 6: It was said that the Germans had 56,000 machine guns at
the beginning of the war.]

[Footnote 7: See Vol. II., p. 201.]




  CHAPTER III.

  FROM ARRAS TO ARMENTIÈRES.


In Chapter XXXIII. of Volume II. you read something of the race for the
sea. When I broke off the story the position of the Allies was as
follows. Northwards from Compiègne to Lassigny extended the left wing of
Maunoury's army. Still farther north, as far as the Somme, lay de
Castelnau's army. Beyond it was the army of Maud'huy, which ultimately
extended to the canal between Béthune and Lille. The British army was in
process of being transferred from the Aisne to a position north of this
canal. It was destined to fill the gap from the canal to the north of
Ypres. The Belgians, assisted by the French, were to complete the line
along the Yser to the North Sea.

Now the movements by which the various armies of the Allies swung into
these positions are very difficult to follow, and you must give me all
your attention if you are to have clear ideas about them. First of all,
we must know something about the character of country in which the war
was to be waged for many months to come. Within this region there are
several important towns which are mentioned in your geography books.
There are also numberless villages which are quite unimportant in
themselves, but have become world-renowned because they have been the
scene of great and stirring incidents. I shall mention these villages as
they occur in the course of the story, but the general character of the
country and the position and importance of the larger towns I must deal
with now. Do not begrudge the time given to this and the following
chapter. It will enable you to follow with intelligent interest the
story hereafter to be told; and to picture for yourselves the scenes
amidst which some of the most terrible struggles in all history have
taken place.

Most of the region from the Somme to the mouth of the Yser is comprised
within the two French departments of Pas-de-Calais and Nord, and the
Belgian province of West Flanders. Pas-de-Calais is the French
equivalent for the Strait of Dover, and the department is so called
because its shores are mainly washed by that narrow neck of sea. The
department of Nord lies to the north and east of Pas-de-Calais, and
merges into the Belgian province of West Flanders.

Nearly the whole of it is a plain, and much of it is as flat as the Fen
district of Lincolnshire. A line of low heights runs south-east from
Gris Nez,[8] and forms the watershed between the rivers running to the
North Sea and those which empty themselves into the English Channel. The
most important river of the region is the Lys, a tributary of the
Scheldt. It rises in the heights just mentioned, and winds across the
country north-eastwards to join the Scheldt at Ghent. Notice very
carefully the course of this river, for it crosses the country almost
midway between the two most important towns in the region from the
Scarpe to Nieuport--the French city of Lille, and the Flemish city of
Ypres.

[Illustration: Bird's-eye View of the Country from Arras to the Sea.]

From Arras to the sea near Ostend is a distance of over sixty miles.
Nearly the whole of this stretch of country is a dead level. There is a
crescent of low heights south of Ypres, but elsewhere, save at and near
Cassel, about eighteen miles west of Ypres, there is not a hill worth
mention. The hill of Cassel rises suddenly from the plain to a height of
515 feet, and from the summit there is a very extensive view. It is said
that thirty-two towns and a hundred villages can be seen from this
windmill-studded hill. What is called the Mont des Cats is about the
same height as the hill of Cassel. It stands almost on the frontier, to
the south-west of Ypres, and was of the greatest importance to the
Allies, for it was the key to their position north of the Lys.

[Illustration: Brothers in Arms.

_Photo, Alfieri._

A British and a French soldier chatting together in Flanders.]

I have already told you something of the ancient and beautiful city of
Arras.[9] It is the capital of the department of Pas-de-Calais, and
stands on the Scarpe, a tributary of the Scheldt. The old province of
Artois, of which it was the capital, has changed hands very often during
the course of its long and warlike history. It has been successively
French, Burgundian, Flemish, Burgundian, German, and Spanish, and it
finally came into the possession of France in 1640. You will remember
that Arras, the capital, was formerly famous for the tapestry hangings
known by its name. The manufacture, however, has long been extinct, and
the city has now such varied industries as soap, oil, cast iron, salt,
sugar refining, lace making, and the manufacture of agricultural
implements. It is also one of the chief grain markets of France.

Arras, as you will observe from the map on page 28, stands in a gap in
the line of hills which I have mentioned as forming the watershed.
Through this gap run the river Scarpe, many roads, and the main railway
from Liége by way of Namur, Mons, and Valenciennes to the Channel ports.
An enemy striving to push westwards to the English Channel would
naturally strive to gain possession of Arras because of its convenient
road and railway communications.

Arras was formerly a beautiful little city, but it stands on the edge of
perhaps the ugliest stretch of country on earth. Ten miles north of it
is the town of Lens, south of which the Black Country of France begins.
I have already told you that the Sambre cuts through an important
coalfield. This coalfield is continued west into North France as far as
the right bank of the Lys. The area of the coal-bearing region in
Pas-de-Calais is about 240 square miles, and its yield is about twenty
million tons per annum, which is about one-half of the total yearly
output of France, but not a twelfth part of the annual production of
Great Britain. You may be sure that this coal-bearing area is a busy and
grimy region of pits and factories, much like the coal-mining parts of
Lancashire or the West Riding of Yorkshire. There are the same
straggling towns of mean houses merging into one another, the same
mounds of refuse topped by the head-gear of pits, the same dirty roads,
the same factory buildings, and the same criss-cross of railways and
canals. The Lys, like the Irwell and the Aire, is black and foul with
the grime of industry.

Béthune, which may be said to mark the western limit of the coalfield,
has numerous pits in the neighbourhood, and a variety of industries such
as are usually found in towns similarly situated. It stands twenty miles
west-south-west of Lille, and is connected with it by an important canal
which runs almost directly east to La Bassée for about seven miles.
Beyond La Bassée the canal continues its eastward course for another
four miles, and then unites with a canal system running north-eastward
to Lille. Along both sides of the canal there are important railway
lines connecting Lille with Béthune and the Channel ports.

La Bassée is a small manufacturing town of 4,800 inhabitants, with no
special features to distinguish it from dozens of others in this
industrial region, but owing to its military importance in the present
war it will henceforth enjoy a fame which many a city of old renown
might envy. You already know that the canal from Béthune to La Bassée
was chosen as the dividing line between Maud'huy's army and the British
forces. The point where two Allied armies join hands is always
considered to be the weakest part of any defensive position. You will
learn, as the story proceeds, that the Germans made the most determined
efforts to break through the sally-port of La Bassée, and that the
British strove with all their might to push through the German lines in
the same neighbourhood, so as to cut the railway by which the enemy was
able to move his troops rapidly from north to south, and _vice versâ_.

Another industrial town in this region which must detain us for a moment
is Armentières,[10] which stands on the Lys about ten miles north of La
Bassée. Before the war it was a busy and prosperous place, with a
population of some 29,000. Its chief manufactures were cloth and table
linen. The Belgian frontier meets the Lys near Armentières, and
continues north-eastward along the left bank of the river.

[Footnote 8: _Gree-nay_ (gray nose), headland of Pas-de-Calais, the
nearest point of the French shore to that of England (South Foreland).]


[Footnote 9: See Vol. II., p. 127]

[Footnote 10: _Ar-mon-te-air´_ (_n_ nasal).]




  CHAPTER IV.

  FROM LILLE TO NIEUPORT.


By far the most important place between the Aisne and the coast of
Belgium is Lille, which is less than eight miles from Armentières. In
Lille we find ourselves in a city of more than 200,000 inhabitants,
which was formerly the capital of French Flanders. It stands in the
well-watered and very fertile plain of the Deule,[11] a navigable
tributary of the Lys, and is connected with all the rivers of the
district by a bewildering network of canals. Formerly it was considered
to be a fortress of the first class, and its citadel was said to be the
masterpiece of Vauban,[12] the great military engineer. He was a soldier
of the Spanish army, who was taken prisoner by the French, and was
induced by them to join the French service. His life was chiefly spent
in making and besieging fortresses. He conducted no less than forty
sieges, took part in more than three hundred combats, and built or
helped to build one hundred and sixty fortresses.

For ages Lille has been a storm-centre of war. It has been so frequently
mishandled by besiegers that the Church of St. Maurice is the only
building of importance which has survived from the Middle Ages. Lille is
the greatest industrial centre of North France, and its linen, woollen,
and cotton factories, its oil and sugar refineries, its chemical works
and great engineering and motor shops are of the utmost importance. It
is a handsome place, with many fine public buildings, and its picture
gallery is famous all over Europe because it contains some of the best
work of the Flemish and Dutch schools.

You can now understand why Lille is a great prize of war. We shall read
later that it was captured by the Germans. Its loss was a great blow to
the Allies, because it not only controls seven railway lines and a great
network of roads, but contains engineering and motor shops, which
enabled the enemy to carry out important repairs and to manufacture many
necessary implements of war within a mile or two of his front. Further,
when Lille was lost, the proceeds of its manufacturing activity went to
the Germans, and this rich, busy city thenceforth contributed nothing to
the war expenses of France.

A little to the north-east of Lille are two other large manufacturing
towns in the midst of one of the busiest industrial districts of France.
Roubaix[13] is the first of these, and Tourcoing[14] is the second. In
Belgium, a few miles north-west of Tourcoing, is the much smaller
industrial town of Menin,[15] which stands on the Lys where the main
road from Bruges crosses the river on the way to Lille.

North of the Lys we are in another world. We have left behind us the
ugly pit mounds, the grimy towns, and the smoke of factories. We are now
in West Flanders, in a countryside of market gardens, where every inch
of ground is closely tilled, and the fields are laid out like a
chessboard. There are many patches of woodland, some of them, such as
the Forest of Houthulst, six or seven miles north of Ypres, being fairly
large. West Flanders is not naturally fertile, but its dairy farmers and
market gardeners, by dint of the greatest industry, have turned it into
a rich and productive land. Six or seven hundred years ago its wealth
came from a different source. Its cities were then bustling hives, in
which most of the woollen cloth used in Europe was spun and woven.

[Illustration: The Cloth Hall at Ypres before Bombardment.]

The busiest and wealthiest of these cities was Ypres, which stands about
twelve miles north of Armentières. In the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries there were some four hundred guilds of cloth manufacturers in
the place, and its people numbered more than 200,000. So famous was its
cloth that we find the English poet Chaucer[16] referring to it in his
_Canterbury Tales_. His Wife of Bath, who was one of the pilgrims, was a
cloth manufacturer, and Chaucer tells us that her wares "passed them of
Ypres and of Gaunt" (Ghent). Before the war broke out Ypres was a little
town of less than 18,000 people, and its industries were represented by
its butter market and its small manufactures of lace and linen. But
within it, as in the other ancient cities of Belgium, were some of the
most glorious old buildings in all the world--the houses of the rich old
burghers, the halls in which they met to transact their business, and
the churches in which they thanked God for their prosperity. They spent
their money lavishly on these buildings and filled them with treasures
of art.

The glory of Ypres, prior to the war, was the Cloth Hall, the largest
and finest edifice of its kind in Belgium. It was begun in 1200, and was
more than a hundred years a-building. The front was 433 feet in length,
and the building consisted of three stories, with a high-pitched roof
broken by dormer windows. The niches of the top story were filled with
statues of Flemish counts and celebrated inhabitants of the city. On the
south side rose a massive belfry, with pinnacles at the angles. The east
side of the hall was formed by the so-called Nieuwerk, one of the most
beautiful buildings of its kind. I am obliged to describe the Cloth Hall
of Ypres in the past tense, for unhappily it is now in ruins. Ypres had
also a very fine cathedral, a meat hall, and a large number of old
houses with carved wooden fronts. They, too, have been destroyed, more
or less, by shot and shell.

In the days of its greatness Ypres, like Manchester of to-day, needed a
waterway to the sea, so that it could rapidly and cheaply import wool
from abroad, and export its finished cloth to distant markets. Ypres
stands on a little river which is a tributary of the river Yser, a
stream almost unknown to Britons before the war began, but now inscribed
on the pages of history. The Yser rises to the west of Cassel, and flows
in a curving course to enter the sea near Nieuport. A canal was cut from
Ypres to the Yser, which was itself canalized, and thus the city
provided itself with a waterway to the sea.

On the canal, twelve or thirteen miles north of Ypres, is the village of
Dixmude,[17] which is also one of the "dead cities" of Belgium. Its
fine Grand' Place, its noble Church of St. Nicholas, its Gothic town
hall, and its heavily shuttered stone houses, show us that it was
formerly a place of wealth and importance. Now, says a recent writer,
"its eleven hundred inhabitants might easily stand in a corner of the
Grand' Place. The passer-by--there is rarely more than one--disturbs the
silence, and one hears scarcely any sounds save the chimes in the tower
or the cooing of doves on the cornices." Alas! since the tide of war
rolled into this part of Belgium, those inhabitants who remain have
continuously been deafened by the roar of great guns, and the towers
from which the chimes rang out and the cornices on which the doves cooed
have been levelled with the ground.

Nieuport, the outport of Ypres, is the last of the towns in this region
to which I shall call your attention. It stands about two miles from the
mouth of the Yser, and, like Ypres and Dixmude, is only a relic of what
it once was. About 4,000 people were dwelling in it before the war broke
out, but its long, silent streets, with their massive houses, showed
plainly that it was formerly a populous and busy place. In the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries its quays were thronged with ships
discharging wool from England for the looms of Ypres, or filling their
holds with the fine cloth made in the old city. Before the war, Nieuport
still retained its cloth hall, town hall, and venerable Gothic church as
memorials of this busy and prosperous time. When the trade of Ypres
departed, Nieuport fell into decline. Prior to the war it was a small,
quiet place, visited by a few ships and by occasional tourists.
Everybody knows it now as the scene of battles which will change the
destiny of the world. Beyond Nieuport are the great sand dunes which
line the coast of Belgium, and extend as far west as Calais. From the
top of the dunes we look out on the restless and shallow waters of the
North Sea.

We have now traversed the region over which warfare was to rage for many
months to come.

       *     *     *     *     *

Before I close this chapter, let me remind you that the whole region
between Arras and the North Sea is filled with historical memories of
former warfare. This is by no means the first time that the British have
fought in West Flanders and Artois. Marlborough,[18] for example, fought
the greatest of his campaigns in this region, during the long struggle
between Louis XIV. of France and the allied forces of England, Holland,
and Austria. I am going to tell you about these campaigns in some
detail, because they have features greatly resembling those of the
present struggle.

Marlborough's great aim, was to recapture the valleys of the Lys and the
Scheldt, which in the year 1708 were in the possession of the French.
These rivers were then all-important, because they were the great lines
of communication for armies fighting in Flanders and North France. It
was by means of the rivers that food and munitions were brought to the
soldiers and the heavy guns were moved from place to place. What
railways are to modern commanders, navigable rivers were to generals in
the long ages before steam.

All the fortresses on the Scheldt were in the hands of the French,
except Oudenarde,[19] which you will find on the accompanying map,
thirty miles to the east of Ypres. At the time when our story opens,
Oudenarde was about to be attacked by the French. Marlborough made a
wonderful forced march, and fell upon them as they were advancing
towards the fortress. By nightfall on July 11, 1708, he had won a great
victory, and the remnants of the French army had fallen back in disorder
to Ghent. While Marlborough was waiting for reinforcements to come up,
some of his troops seized a French position near Ypres, and his main
army encamped near Menin.

Marlborough now proposed to besiege Lille, the greatest fortress on the
road to Paris. He could not bring his siege train by way of the river,
so it had to lumber slowly along the roads, and while doing so was in
great danger of being captured by the enemy. Thanks, however, to his
skilful arrangements, his heavy guns arrived safely, and then the siege
began in real earnest. Lille was very strongly fortified, and was
garrisoned by 15,000 men. While the siege was in progress a French army
of more than 100,000 men marched to its succour; but so strongly was
Marlborough posted that it did not dare to attack him. Instead of doing
so it fell back behind the Scheldt, so as to cut off Marlborough's
forces from Brussels. As, however, he still held Ostend, he was able to
get supplies from England.

The French now tried to seize Ostend, so that Marlborough might be cut
off from the sea and bottled up. He sent forces against them; but the
French fell back before him and opened the sluices of the canals, thus
flooding much of the country between him and the sea. A little later
they succeeded in capturing Nieuport, and Marlborough was cut off from
Ostend.

On 9th December Lille surrendered after the garrison had lost 8,000 men,
and the besiegers not less than 14,000. Marlborough also captured Ghent,
and at the end of December 1708 the French left Flanders altogether, and
retired into their own territory. Thus the valleys of the Lys and
Scheldt were recovered.

[Illustration: Map illustrating Marlborough's Campaigns in Artois and
West Flanders.]

Before I proceed with the story of Marlborough's campaigns, let me point
out that during the race to the sea there was a similar struggle between
the Allies and the Germans for the possession of the same valleys. The
Allies were hastening north in order to push across the Lys and Scheldt
and cut the German communications. Unhappily the Germans moved
northwards so rapidly that this was impossible. Further, when Antwerp
fell, a German army was released which made a great effort to outflank
the Allies by way of the coast. Each side foiled the other, and the
result was the long trench war which will be described in future pages.

Now let us return to our muttons. In the spring of 1709 Marlborough, who
was now in possession of Lille proposed to march on Paris. The French
knew that if he could seize Arras he would possess the gate to the
capital. They therefore prepared to block his way by strongly
entrenching themselves on a line extending from Douai,[20] which lies on
the Scarpe about fourteen miles north-east of Arras, to Béthune. These
trenches passed through La Bassée, where, as you know, the French and
the British joined hands during the race to the sea in October 1914.
Marlborough found these lines too strong to be carried by direct
assault, so he turned aside and besieged Tournai, the town in which
French Territorials, assisted by a British battery, made a very gallant
stand on August 24, 1914.[21] Tournai surrendered after a siege of about
thirty-seven days, and then Marlborough marched on Mons, the place where
von Kluck, on August 23, 1914, vainly endeavoured to overwhelm the
British.[22]

[Illustration: The Battle of Malplaquet (September 11, 1709).

(_From the picture by Jan van Huchtenburgh_).]

While Marlborough was besieging Mons, the French, fearing that the
fortress would suffer the fate of Lille and Tournai, marched an army
against him. They entrenched themselves in a strong position on the edge
of the broken and wooded country which fills the angle between two small
rivers which unite at Mons, and were there attacked by Marlborough on
September 11, 1709. After what he calls "a very murderous battle" the
French were outflanked and their centre was broken through. The British
encamped the following night on the French position, but they had lost
so many men that they were unable to advance any further that year. You
will find this victory referred to in your history books as the Battle
of Malplaquet.[23]

[Illustration: John Churchill, first Duke of Marlborough.

(_Photo by Walker and Cockerell, from the painting in the National
Portrait Gallery._)]

In April 1710 the campaign was resumed. Douai was captured, but Arras
and the road to France were found to be protected by a line of trenches
which foiled even Marlborough. Béthune and other places fell into his
hands; but during the winter the French extended their trenches from
Namur on the east right to the coast, and the barrier seemed
impregnable. In 1711, however, Marlborough carried out a series of
movements which are said to be the most wonderful in the whole history
of tactics. Early in August he approached the French lines as if about
to attack Arras. The French massed their forces to meet him, and in
order to do so had to weaken their hold on the trenches farther east.
Suddenly, on the same night, Marlborough made a forced march of thirteen
leagues to the left. Many of his men dropped from fatigue, but with the
remainder he seized a portion of the trenches, and was behind the French
lines while the French army was still awaiting his attack on Arras. He
had completely outwitted the French general, though, for various
reasons, he was unable to take further advantage of his success.

The French trenches of which you have just read ran, roughly, east and
west, and were meant to stop an advance on Paris from the north. During
the race to the sea the rival armies were moving from the south to the
north. Each was trying to outflank the other. The Allies wished to
strike eastwards, and the Germans westwards, and the result was that the
lines of trenches in which they opposed each other ran from north to
south.

[Footnote 11: _Dool._]

[Footnote 12: _Vō-bān´_, born 1633, died 1707.]

[Footnote 13: _Roo-bay´._]

[Footnote 14: _Toor-kwan´_ (_n_ nasal).]

[Footnote 15: _Meh-nan´_ (_n_ nasal).]

[Footnote 16: Chaucer, "the morning star of English song," born 1340,
died 1400.]

[Footnote 17: _Diks-müd´._]

[Footnote 18: The most brilliant, and perhaps the greatest, of all
English generals, specially famous for his genius in tactics; born 1650,
died 1722. (See _Highroads of History_, Book VI., Chaps. VII. and
VIII.). Mr. Winston Churchill (First Lord of the Admiralty from October
1911 to May 1915) is a direct descendant of the great general.]

[Footnote 19: _Ow-den-ar´deh._]

[Footnote 20: _Doo-ay´._]

[Footnote 21: See Vol. II., p. 107.]

[Footnote 22: See Vol. II., pp. 26 ff.]

[Footnote 23: _Mal-Pla-kay´._]




  CHAPTER V.

  MAUD'HUY AT ARRAS, AND THE RETREAT FROM ANTWERP.


Two hundred and three years after Marlborough vainly tried to capture
Arras, that little historic town became once more a prize for which
rival forces strove fiercely. Marlborough coveted it because it was, as
Louis XIV. styled it, the true gateway to Paris. The Germans, who were
now to make a great effort to seize it, desired its possession because
it would enable them to outflank Maud'huy's army and seize the Channel
ports.

Arras had already been in German hands. During von Kluck's rush on Paris
his troops drove out the weak French forces holding the city,[24] and
occupied it up to the middle of September. When, however, the deadlock
occurred on the Aisne, they withdrew from the quaint old place without
doing it very much harm.

It was on the last day of September 1914 that Maud'huy began to extend
his army beyond that of de Castelnau. Soon his left was at Lens, and his
cavalry was scouring the country still farther north towards the Lys and
the Yser. Several Territorial regiments attached to his army had already
been sent to occupy Lille and Douai. You can easily understand that
those weak forces would be in great danger if the Germans were to sweep
round to the west. The Allied generals, however, believed that they were
ahead in the race, and that they would be the first to overlap. They
were quite mistaken: the Germans were ahead, and were now preparing to
overlap by sending cavalry and infantry in motor buses towards the line
of Béthune and Cassel.

On the afternoon of 1st October Douai had to be abandoned, and that very
day the German guns began to thunder on the hills surrounding Arras. Von
Buelow attacked Maud'huy in great force on the flats to the east of the
city, while the Bavarians attempted to outflank him on the north. Though
he received reinforcements he was obliged to retire behind the city and
take up a position on the encircling hills. Before doing so he warned
all the men of military age to leave the place. Then began a pitiful
exodus to the coast.

For two days the Germans fiercely bombarded Arras: the beautiful
sixteenth-century town hall, with its superb clock tower, was ruined,
and the cathedral, as well as many of the historic houses, was badly
damaged. Shells were rained on the place; but the French maintained a
stubborn front, and refused to give way. The attack continued right
through the month. A most determined assault was made between the 20th
and the 26th, when the Prussian Guard came into action; but the enemy
could not cross the ramparts. On the 31st a large German force was
allowed to enter the suburbs, where a trap had been prepared. The result
was that a battalion of the Guard surrendered, and a military train with
one of the great siege howitzers was captured.

Maud'huy held the gate at Arras against all comers, and too great praise
cannot be given to him and his brave troops. Had the Germans been able
to sweep through the Arras gate the whole subsequent history of the war
would have been changed.

On the 3rd of October, when the Germans were closing in on Arras, their
patrols were reported on the outskirts of Lille, which they had also
entered during their southward march,[25] but had subsequently
abandoned. The mayor at once warned the inhabitants to keep cool, to
avoid gathering in crowds, and to give no offence to the enemy should he
enter the city. Next day the cracking of rifles was heard in the
suburbs, and several shells fell in the streets, one of them striking
the town hall. A new German force was advancing towards Lille from
Belgium. During the morning an armoured train containing 300 Uhlans
came dashing towards the station. A signalman promptly switched it on to
a siding, and the French attacked it. The surprised Uhlans tried to take
refuge in the neighbouring houses and workshops, but most of them were
captured next morning.

[Illustration: A Battle amidst the Coal Trucks of Lens.

(_From the picture by Paul Thiriat. By permission of The Sphere._)]

Nor was this the only attack on Lille that day. Some 3,000 Germans tried
to force their way in from the direction of Tourcoing, while others
tried to cross from the Belgian to the French side of the Lys below
Armentières, but both attacks were repelled. On the 6th there was
fighting to the west of Lille and on the 10th a company of Uhlans dashed
into the streets. They arrested the mayor and several other citizens as
hostages; but in the nick of time a party of French Chasseurs arrived,
set free the prisoners, and chased the Uhlans out of the city. Almost
immediately the Germans began to bombard the place, and shells fell upon
it at intervals until the 12th, when an infantry attack began. The
Territorials did their best to resist, but they were altogether
outnumbered, and were forced to withdraw. On the 13th Lille surrendered,
and the Germans, with bands playing, marched in and took possession.
Thus the most valuable city of North France fell into their hands.

You already know that it was of the utmost importance that Lille should
be retained by the Allies. Why, then, did not General Maud'huy send a
stronger force to hold it? The fact is, that he was so hard pressed at
Arras that he could not spare an additional man for the defence of
Lille. He had all his work cut out to save Arras and prevent the Germans
from swarming through the gap towards the Channel. But even the feeble
resistance of the Territorials at Lille was of advantage to the Allies.
The city was held for nine days, during which large German forces were
detained. By keeping these forces busy round the city the Territorials
helped to conceal the Allied movements which were going on farther to
the west, and also enabled the French and British troops to reach the
line of the Yser just, and only just, in time to stop the Germans from
bursting through.

       *     *     *     *     *

Now we must hurry north to Antwerp and see what happened after the
tragic fall of that great fortress. In the last chapter of Volume II.,
page 313, I told you that a British Naval Brigade, numbering about
8,000 men in all, was sent to the assistance of the beleaguered city. It
arrived too late to save the fortress, but its energies were not wasted.
The defence of the city was prolonged for a few priceless days while the
troops from the Aisne were being hurried up to the new theatre of war.

The Belgian troops began to retreat from Antwerp on the evening of 6th
October. Covered by cavalry, armoured motor cars, and cyclist corps,
they moved out towards Ghent and Ostend, while a strong show of
resistance was kept up by other Belgian troops and the British
contingent in the trenches to the south of the city. Next day came the
terrible flight of the civil population, and late that night, amidst
scenes of indescribable confusion, the remainder of the Belgian troops
and most of the British left the forts and trenches, cut the pontoon
bridge over the Scheldt behind them, and hurried westwards, beating off
attacks on their rear. Unfortunately, as you will remember, three
battalions of the British Naval Brigade did not receive orders to retire
until the road westwards was blocked by the enemy. Some 2,500 of them
either passed into Holland, where they had to remain, or were captured
by the Germans. It is said that 18,000 Belgians suffered the same fate.

The following extract from the diary of a petty officer who served with
the Naval Brigade gives you some idea of the experiences of the British
contingent:--

    "_October 8._--What a night last night! Shells coming in like
    one o'clock. Man on my side got a bit in his leg, but says he
    can shoot just as well on one leg. Belgian artilleryman reports
    that he and two others are all that are left of our covering
    fort. We seem to have nothing to do but wait for the end. These
    trenches would be all right against savages, but against their
    huge artillery, like so much dust. These shells come with a whiz
    like an express train, and then--crash! The spirits of our troop
    are top hole. No one the slightest bit excited--just smoking or
    yarning and dodging shells; but it's just rotten not coming
    alongside them. Here she comes--dip, crash! Saved again. Another
    'non-stop' for Antwerp![26] When they shorten the range for
    us--well, cheer oh! Officer just given us the bird for laughing.
    'Grin at each other, but don't speak, chapsies. In case I don't
    see you again, all my best love.'

    "_Next day._--About six last night we had a German attack on our
    left flank, and drove them off. As they had the range of our
    entrenchment, we had orders to clear out. So we did so. As I
    fell in outside, a shell exploded alongside. One man was left on
    the deck. We had to march back to Antwerp. City in places in
    flames. Everybody gone. Dead animals in the streets. Shells
    screaming overhead. Right through the city, over a bridge of
    boats, which were afterwards exploded, and marched until six
    this morning. Only one hour's sleep on the pavement of a small
    town. Thousands of men on the march back, thousands of refugees,
    Belgians, horses, cattle, and artillery, just like pictures of
    the retreat from Moscow and such like. We got a train at once,
    and it's now one o'clock, and we are still in it, bound for the
    coast. Part of our entrenchment was blown up as we were
    retreating, so if we had not gone I don't suppose any of us
    would have been alive. So, taking things all round, we had a
    pretty brisk time, and seem to have done nothing. Don't know how
    many miles we marched last night, but it is a picture which will
    always live in my memory. The conduct of our boys is simply
    marvellous--just as cool as seasoned veterans.

    "_Saturday, October 10._--Blankenberghe.[27] Arrived last night;
    slept at a kind of town hall. Had a meal where the refugees are
    staying; breakfast at hotel. Girls wearing R.N.V.R.[28] ribbons
    across their heads.

    "_Sunday, October 11._--Came aboard collier yesterday afternoon,
    and still aboard now. There are about 2,000 men here.
    Accommodation for none, so I slept between the funnel and the
    engine-room grating. Some even slept on the cylinders. Don't
    know when we shall shove off."

When Mr. Winston Churchill explained why the Naval Brigade had been sent
to Antwerp, he said that it was "part of a large operation for the
relief of the city which more powerful considerations prevented from
being carried out." On the day after the Naval Brigade reached Antwerp
(6th October), a part of the Fourth British Army Corps, under General
Sir Henry Rawlinson, landed at Ostend and Zeebrugge,[29] and at once
marched eastwards. The original object of this force, always supposing
that Antwerp held out, was to join hands with the troops defending the
city, and then advance across the Scheldt so as to cut the German lines
of communication. On the evening of his arrival in Belgium Sir Henry
Rawlinson visited Antwerp, and saw with his own eyes that the fortress
could not be saved. His business now was to cover the retreat of the
forces which had vainly tried to hold the city.

[Footnote 24: See Vol. II., p. 127.]

[Footnote 25: See Vol. II., p. 126.]

[Footnote 26: These high explosive shells were nicknamed "Antwerp
expresses."]

[Footnote 27: Seaside resort of Belgium, 11 miles north-east of Ostend.]

[Footnote 28: Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve.]

[Footnote 29: That is, Sea Bruges. _Zā-brug´ge_, the port of Bruges,
with which it is connected by a ship canal seven miles long.]




  CHAPTER VI.

  WITH RAWLINSON IN BELGIUM.


When Rawlinson's troops reached Ghent, on 7th October 1914, they fell in
with the first body of retreating Belgians, and also with a brigade of
French Marine Fusiliers, 6,000 strong, which had been hastily organized
and rushed northwards that very morning. Most of them were Breton[30]
reservists and recruits who had never fought on land before. Their chief
was Admiral Ronarc'h,[31] a big, broad-shouldered, cool seaman, with
eyes of Celtic blue. The Germans called these Bretons lads and
graybeards "the girls with the red pompoms."[32] They were soon to
discover that the Bretons were not playing at war, but that they were
fighters of iron resolution and fiery courage.

When the troops under Rawlinson were disembarking at Ostend and
Zeebrugge, fourteen transports, containing the 7th British Division,
which had been assembled on the borders of the New Forest, were on the
way to join him in Belgium. Just when the transports were off Ostend
they received a wireless message ordering them to recross the Channel to
Dover. A grain ship had just been blown up off Ostend, and it was
feared that the transports would be sent to the bottom too. They were
therefore ordered back to Dover to wait until the mines were swept up
along the Belgian coast. On the day when the retirement from Antwerp was
in full swing, the 7th Division disembarked at Zeebrugge, and marched to
the outskirts of Bruges. The agony of Antwerp was then over, and all
that could be done was to help to cover the retreat of the forces now
marching away from the city.

[Illustration: Bavarian Troops leaving Antwerp for the Dash on Calais.]

The Germans, as you know, strove hard to cut off the retreating
defenders, and in the villages to the east and south of Ghent the
British forces and the French Marine Brigade made a stand against an
army which numbered about 45,000. When they had checked the enemy, they
decided to retire westwards towards Bruges. That night, under a wintry
moon, a long march of twenty-six miles was accomplished, the 7th
Division and the French Marines acting as the rearguard.

After a brief rest the retreating forces turned south-south-east, the
cavalry scouring the country in advance, and on the following evening
reached Thielt,[33] where it was discovered that the pursuit had so
greatly slackened that the weary men were enabled to get the first good
sleep which they had enjoyed for several days. It is said that they owed
this piece of good fortune to the mayor of one of the neighbouring
towns, who deliberately sent the Germans off on a false scent. When the
Germans discovered that they had been misdirected, the mayor was
promptly shot.

On 13th October the Allies reached Thourout,[34] where they divided into
two parts. Admiral Ronarc'h and his Marines, along with the Belgian
forces which had been holding Ghent, moved west to the Yser, where they
joined the remnants of the Belgian army which had retreated through
Bruges. Here the undaunted King Albert, accompanied by his devoted wife,
Queen Elizabeth, rejoined the exhausted army, and helped to reorganize
it for the terrible struggles which lay before it. Meanwhile Sir Henry
Rawlinson's forces pressed on southwards, and arrived at Roulers,[35]
_en route_ for Ypres, on 13th October, the day on which Lille fell into
the hands of the Germans. By that time part of the German army which
had been besieging Antwerp, and had been released for other operations
when it fell, had swept through Bruges, and had occupied Ostend. German
soldiers were seen strolling on the sands which in the early days of
July had been crowded with laughing bathers and merry holiday-makers.
Many of the German soldiers had never seen the sea before, and they
gazed upon it with open-mouthed interest, straining their eyes in the
vain attempt to see the shores of that island kingdom which was so
steadfastly blocking their path to victory.

       *     *     *     *     *

Mr. C. Underwood, an interpreter who was attached to the 7th Division,
which played such an important part in the fighting retreat from Ghent,
tells us[36] that it was the delay caused by sending back the transports
of his division to Dover that prevented Sir Henry Rawlinson from
marching to the relief of Antwerp.

    "We left Roulers for Ypres," he says, "at 9.30 a.m. (October
    14), and four Taubes flew over us on the road, but too high to
    be shot at. We arrived at Ypres at 6.30, and that evening I saw
    our first lot of allies, reserve dragoons dismounted in the
    square to receive us. The Germans had been through and stayed
    one night, the 7th, the day we landed at Zeebrugge. They had
    taken up their quarters in the famous riding school, and the
    first thing they had done was to break open the mess-room and
    cellars, and take out all the wine, after which they broke up
    everything and stole the mess-plate. When I saw it, a week
    later, the school was strewn with broken bottles--champagne,
    claret, port, etc., etc.--and every drawer and cupboard burst
    open and ransacked. They had cut all communications at the
    station, demanded an indemnity of 65,000 francs (£2,600), and
    stolen all the money they could lay hands on from the Banque
    National. Six thousand loaves were requisitioned in the evening
    to be ready next morning, failing which there was a penalty of
    £800 (20,000 francs). At 10.30 a.m. a Taube, with pilot and
    observer, had been brought down; but they were not captured till
    4.30, as they concealed themselves in a wood. They were both
    brought in, furious with rage, as each was seized by the collar,
    and a revolver pointed at their heads by Belgian officers. They
    were driven off in a car at the rate of sixty miles an hour at
    least!

    "Next day the whole brigade marched out to Halte on the
    Menin-Ypres road, dug trenches, and remained in them all night.
    It was pitch dark in the morning when we were ordered to attack
    a patrol of Germans towards Menin. About a quarter of a mile
    beyond Gheluvelt[37] we engaged advance party of Uhlans at 8.30
    a.m. in a thick fog. A file of the Bedfords brought in a
    suspect, whose papers, not being in order, I escorted into
    Ypres. He was there detained at the town hall, and I heard no
    more of him. Had quite an amusing skirmish with the daughter of
    the proprietress of the hotel of the Three Kings. Feeling very
    hungry, I asked for lunch. She said she had nothing; asked for
    an egg, same reply; bread, the same; finally, in a fury at such
    disobliging conduct, I asked her whether she did not think
    herself most ungrateful, considering we were there to defend
    them against the Germans. This had the desired effect, and she
    asked me to come in, cooked me a splendid omelet, brought out a
    bottle of wine, and plenty of bread and cheese, for which she
    only charged me two francs."

On Sunday, the 18th, Mr. Underwood's brigade had its baptism of fire at
a village a little to the north-east of Gheluvelt, where a British
battery silenced the guns of the enemy. All night they waited for an
attack, but the Germans left them alone until the morning. Then the
fighting was continued, and thus began that series of desperate
conflicts--"ten Waterloos a week"--known as the Battle of Ypres. I shall
give you a full account of this gigantic struggle in a later chapter.

The enemy against whom the 7th Division was now fighting consisted of
four reserve corps which had left Germany on 11th October. Three of the
corps had assembled in Brussels, and without losing an hour had been
sent on an eighty-mile march westwards. They largely consisted of
Landwehr[38] and new volunteers, and ranged from boys of sixteen to
stout gentlemen in middle life. Though quite new to the work of war,
they soon showed themselves as desperate in attack as the most seasoned
veterans. Mr. Underwood says: "On questioning one of the prisoners, he
informed me that they were all Landwehr men, fathers of families, about
the age of thirty-nine and forty, who had been called up quite recently.
There was no doubt that the Germans were well equipped; all their
clothes were in excellent order and brand new. They seemed relieved, and
evidently overjoyed, when I told them that they would probably be sent
to England. They were afraid that the report which had been made to them
that we shot all prisoners was true."

[Footnote 30: Inhabitants of Brittany, a former province of France,
forming the extreme north-west. The people are of Celtic stock, and
their language is allied to the Welsh. Brittany was partly settled from
England and Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries, and thereafter was
called Britannia Minor. Brittany has always been famous for its sailors.
Jacques Cartier, the discoverer of the St. Lawrence, was a Breton.]

[Footnote 31: _Ron´ark._]

[Footnote 32: French sailors wear a red pompom on the top of their
caps.]

[Footnote 33: _Teelt_, 15 miles south-east of Bruges.]

[Footnote 34: _Too-roo´_, 11 miles south-south-west of Bruges].

[Footnote 35: _Roo-lare´_, 20 miles south by west of Bruges, a textile
manufacturing town of 25,000 inhabitants.]

[Footnote 36: In _Blackwood's Magazine_, March 1915.]

[Footnote 37: Village on the Ypres-Menin road, four miles east of
Ypres.]

[Footnote 38: See Vol. I., p. 146.]




  CHAPTER VII.

  THE LONG, THIN LINE OF STEEL AND VALOUR.


Let us look again at the sixty-mile stretch of country from Arras to the
North Sea, the great danger zone during the month of October and for
many months afterwards. An enemy advancing from Belgium and North
France, desirous of capturing the coast of the Channel, and making
himself master of the Strait of Dover, must cross this stretch of
country in order to attain his object. You already know that a most
determined effort was made by the Germans to push through the gap at
Arras, from which the railways give access not only to the Channel ports
but to Paris. As you are aware, General Maud'huy was able to say to the
Germans, "No road this way."

Seventeen miles north of Arras we find the second passage by which the
Channel ports may be reached by an army advancing westwards. You have
already heard more than once of the town of La Bassée, which stands on
the canal uniting Béthune with Lille. A great thrust through La Bassée
would serve almost as well as a thrust through the Arras gap, for
Béthune, which lies seven miles to the west, is the junction of two
diverging railways, both of which lead to Boulogne. The more northerly
of these lines has a branch which runs through the important railway
centre of Hazebrouck[39] to Ypres. At Hazebrouck the St. Omer[40]-Ypres
line meets the railway which comes westwards from Lille through
Armentières to the coast. A little west of Hazebrouck this line
subdivides: one route goes through St. Omer to Boulogne; the other runs
north to Dunkirk, from which Calais and Boulogne may be reached by a
line along the coast.

Examine this little railway map carefully, and you will see that if the
Germans could make a thrust through the Allied lines at La Bassée they
would soon be in possession of the two railway junctions of Béthune and
Hazebrouck, which would give them no fewer than four lines of railway
for their advance on the sea-coast. Had the Germans broken through at
this point, the Allied forces to the north would have been overwhelmed.
We shall soon learn that the sally-port at La Bassée was the scene of
long and desperate struggles.

[Illustration]

The third passage by which the enemy might capture the coast of North
France and outflank the Allies at the same time is by way of the Yser
Canal and the Ypres Canal. You have already learnt how Rawlinson's army
tried to block the road to Ypres and how the Belgians withdrew to the
line of the Yser in order to contest its passage. Rawlinson's force was
far too small to resist the numbers which were hurled against it on and
after the 18th of October, and the much-battered Belgians were far too
exhausted to offer more than a feeble resistance to the forces of the
enemy following hard on their heels. They were strengthened by some
French Territorials, but even with this support they had to fall back
behind the line of the Yser on the 16th.

[Illustration: Weary Belgian Soldiers resting on the Banks of the Yser
River after their Retreat from Antwerp.

_Photo, Daily Mirror_.]

Now, while the gates at Arras and the Yser were thus being guarded by
Allied forces too weak to do more than barely hold their own, what had
happened at the middle gate of La Bassée? On 11th October, two days
after the Germans made their triumphal march into Antwerp, General
Smith-Dorrien and the Second Corps detrained, marched to the line of the
La Bassée Canal, and took up a position along its southern bank. On
their right were the French cavalry, linking them with Maud'huy's army;
on the left were the brisk squadrons of Gough's cavalry, who were
clearing the Germans from the wooded country to the north of the Lys.
The Germans were holding the high ground south of La Bassée, where the
French trenches had baffled Marlborough more than two hundred years
before, and were in strong force on the road to Lille. That great
industrial city had not yet fallen, so Sir John French decided to make a
great effort to save it.

On the morning of the 12th, in a thick fog, the Second Corps wheeled on
its right, and took up a new position facing east, its left resting on
the Lys and its right on the canal north of Béthune. It then advanced
eastward, finding its way much impeded by the difficult character of the
ground. Our soldiers from the coal-mining districts of Great Britain
found themselves in familiar country--amidst the large, straggling,
connected villages, the pit-heads, refuse mounds, and factories of their
own homeland. They had to advance across a flat country with a patchwork
of fields and hop-gardens, hemmed in by high bedraggled hedges, and cut
across by interminable ditches, with frequent canals by way of variety.
The roads, which were lined by scraggy poplars, were narrow, and deep in
mud owing to the heavy traffic. Through this flat, depressing country in
which good gun positions were few and far between, the British marched
to meet the Germans. By nightfall, however, they had made some progress
amidst the slippery maze of the muddy dykes, and had driven back several
counter-attacks, both by steady fire and by bayonet charges.

Next day the Second Corps began to wheel. It pivoted on the village of
Givenchy,[41] which stands on the north bank of the canal, less than
two miles due west of La Bassée, and endeavoured to get astride of the
La Bassée-Lille road, so as to threaten the right flank and rear of the
enemy's position on the high ground south of La Bassée. The enemy was
found to be strongly entrenched, and supported by artillery in good
positions. Before long the fighting was of the most desperate character.
The British advanced across the marshy fields under a fierce and
devastating fire with the utmost courage, fighting pitched battles in
the villages, where every house had been loopholed and turned into a
miniature fortress.

[Illustration: The Fighting about La Bassée.

Sketch map showing front held by the Second Corps on October 19, on
night of October 22, and about mid-November 1914.]

The 5th Division, on the right, bore the brunt of the deadly fray. At
Pont Fixe, on the La Bassée canal near Givenchy, the Dorsets, led by
their brave commander, Major Roper, fought hand-to-hand combats in the
lanes between the houses, and drove the enemy headlong before them. The
Germans then turned their guns on to the place, and tore it to
fragments. High explosives and shrapnel were hurled on the village,
until it seemed that no living thing could survive the deadly hail.
When, however, the infantry attack was launched, the Dorsets were still
there, but were sadly reduced in numbers. Though their leader was
killed, they held on to the smoking ruins all day, and when nightfall
came they were still in possession. One hundred and thirty killed and
two hundred and seventy wounded was the price paid for this village on
that blood-drenched day. The Bedfords, of the same brigade, fought their
way to Givenchy, but were driven out again by heavy shell fire.

That night news arrived that Lille had fallen and was in possession of
the 14th German Corps. Though Lille was lost La Bassée might be won, and
the Second Corps now devoted its energies to the task. Next day the 3rd
Division suffered a heavy loss. Sir Hubert Hamilton, its commander, was
struck by a shrapnel bullet while riding along his lines, and fell from
his horse a dead man. He was one of the most skilful and beloved of the
younger generals, and his loss was greatly deplored. An eye-witness thus
describes his burial in the village graveyard:--

    "Owing to the proximity of the enemy absolute silence was
    observed, except for the low voice of the priest, advantage
    being taken of a lull in the attack. Just at the moment when the
    priest was saying the last prayer the guns began to roar again,
    and projectiles whistled over the heads of the mourners. The
    German attack was directed from a distance of a few hundred
    yards. The moment was well chosen, for the volleys fired by the
    troops of the Allies in honour of the dead, gloriously fallen
    for the common cause, were at the same time volleys of
    vengeance. Crackling reports of rifles continued round the
    ruined church, but the voice of the priest, reciting the last
    words of the requiem, lost nothing of its calm and clearness."

Next day the 3rd Division brilliantly avenged the loss of its leader.
Sir John French tells us that they "fought splendidly," crossing with
planks the dykes with which this country is intersected, and driving the
enemy from one entrenched position to another in loopholed villages,
till at night they pushed the Germans off the road leading from
Estaires,[42] on the Lys, to La Bassée. On the 16th the division
advanced its left flank in front of the village of Aubers,[43] which
lies behind a ridge of high ground and a stream which joins the Lys at
Armentières. Aubers was captured by the 19th Brigade on the following
day, and late that evening the village of Herlies,[44] about a mile and
a half to the south-east, was carried at the point of the bayonet by the
1st Lincolns and the 4th Royal Fusiliers.

The Second Corps was now within four miles of La Bassée. So far it had
been opposed by German cavalry; now it found itself up against the main
wall of German defence. "This position of La Bassée," records Sir John
French, "has throughout the battle defied all attempts at capture."
Powerful counter-attacks began the next day, and continued right up to
the end of the month. Against the masses of Germans now concentrated
against them the Second Corps could do nothing but stand on the defence.
Most resolutely they held their lines until the end of the month, and
again and again repulsed very heavy attacks, in which the Germans lost
heavily and left large numbers of dead and prisoners behind them.

All this heavy work was now telling on the Second Corps, and their
losses had been so heavy that Smith-Dorrien on the evening of the 22nd
was obliged to withdraw his forces to lines of entrenchments which had
been prepared on a line running from the eastern side of Givenchy to a
village on the Béthune-Armentières road, some seven miles south-west of
the latter town. There they settled down into their new trenches; but
their lines were very thin, and had not every soldier in them done the
work of ten men, they could never have held the position against the
swarming masses of the enemy. One day, it is said, General French
visited these lines, and talked with a colonel who was hard pressed. "We
can't hold out much longer, sir," said the colonel; "it is impossible."
"I want only men who can do the impossible," said French. "Carry on."

Before I conclude this account of the very gallant but unavailing attack
of the Second Corps on La Bassée, I must tell you one or two incidents
which occurred during the fighting in October. On the 19th Major Daniell
and his Royal Irish Regiment found the enemy in the village of Le
Pilly,[45] about a mile to the north of Herlies. Every house in the
place had been loopholed, and line after line of trenches had been dug,
so that the position was as strong as a fortress. With loud yells the
Royal Irish dashed upon the place, and, in spite of the shrapnel that
was rained on them, carried it by storm. They then entrenched
themselves, and prepared to defend the village. But next day the gallant
battalion was cut off by German supports from Lille, and was surrounded,
after suffering heavy losses.

Very early on the morning of the 24th there was a fierce German attack
upon our new lines, but owing to the skilful work of the artillery it
came to naught. Towards evening there was another heavy attack, which
the Wiltshires and Royal West Kents repulsed. Later on the Germans drove
the Gordon Highlanders out of their trenches, but they were retaken by
the Middlesex Regiment, gallantly led by Lieutenant Colonel Hull.

While our men were "hanging on by their eyelids, some one, I am told,
looked back from a trench and saw a solitary outpost, a turbaned,
cloaked figure of the desert, very startling in the green, peaceful
landscape, riding over a hill. Behind him nodded the turbans of Sikh
cavalry, and the British in the trenches, who seemed past emotion, waved
their rifles and cheered." It was the advance guard of the Lahore
Division of the Indian army coming in the nick of time to reinforce the
hard-pressed men who had fought almost continuously for nearly a
fortnight. The Indians had been resting and preparing for a winter
campaign near Marseilles, and had long been eager to play their part
side by side with their fellow Britons. A few days before, Sir James
Willcocks, their commander, had addressed them as follows:--

    "You are the descendants of men who have been mighty rulers and
    great warriors for many centuries. You will never forget this.
    You will recall the glories of your race. Hindu and Mohammedan
    will be fighting side by side with British soldiers and our
    gallant French allies. You will be helping to make history. You
    will be the first Indian soldiers of the King-Emperor who will
    have the honour of showing in Europe that the sons of India have
    lost none of their martial instincts and are worthy of the
    confidence reposed in them.

    "In battle, you will remember that your religions enjoin on you
    that to give your life doing your duty is your highest reward. .
    . . You will fight for your King-Emperor and your faith, so that
    history will record the doings of India's sons, and your
    children will proudly tell of the deeds of their fathers."

This timely reinforcement was at once sent off to the support of the
Second Corps.

       *     *     *     *     *

We now know how a small army of much-tried Britons barred the way
through the La Bassée postern and stretched a thin line of valour and
steel northwards towards the Lys. I have still to tell you how the
twelve-mile gap between Armentières and Ypres was closed. While the
Second Corps was forming up near Béthune, the trains carrying the Third
Corps were running into St. Omer. As each unit arrived it set out for
Hazebrouck, and on the 13th the whole force moved eastwards towards the
line of the Armentières-Ypres road, with the object of reaching
Armentières, from which it could threaten Lille. Gough's cavalry lay to
the north, and French cavalry to the south.

The French cavalry had already done much hard fighting. On 9th October
it was discovered that German horsemen were holding the south bank of
the Lys to the west of Estaires. They had covered the river crossings
with machine guns, and had set up searchlights, which at night swept
their broad beams along the northern bank. The French commander
assembled his men at a point on the river where the current was very
swift and the water deep. The Germans believed that the river could not
be forded at this spot, and had not troubled to hold it strongly. At
dusk a French trooper who was a good swimmer stripped, and, carrying
with him one end of a light rope, plunged into the water and swam across
the river. When he arrived on the south bank his comrades on the other
side fastened a heavy rope to the end of the line which he was holding,
and the dripping soldier hauled it across and tied it securely to the
trunk of a tree. The other end of the rope was made fast in a similar
way, and during the night, assisted by the rope, men and horses crossed
the stream. At daybreak, when the Germans found that the French were on
their bank of the river they retired rapidly towards Armentières.

In this force of French cavalry there was a champion rider, named
Lieutenant Wallon. One day, during the cavalry fighting along the Lys
two squadrons of the dragoons to which he was attached advanced across
the fields in a thick mist to seize a river bridge at a village where
there was an important crossing. The village was held by the enemy, and
the French squadrons entrenched themselves in front of a small
farmhouse, and beat off an attack, during which thirty Germans were
shot. After an interval, eleven men in peasants' dress, with picks and
spades over their shoulders, were seen advancing towards the French
lines. Supposing that they were peaceful civilians, the French refrained
from firing. When, however, these "peasants" were within forty yards or
so of the trenches, they suddenly dropped their implements, and, drawing
concealed revolvers, opened fire. A sergeant who stood by Lieutenant
Wallon laughed as a bullet whistled by, and remarked that another Boche
had missed him. The lieutenant, however, had fallen. The sergeant wished
to carry him to a safe place in the rear; but the dying man said, "Leave
me. A wounded man is worthless. Get back to the trench; you are wanted
there." The trusty non-com. could not be persuaded to abandon his
leader, and dragged him to the rear, where he shortly afterwards
expired. The eleven disguised Germans were captured and shot; the bridge
was taken, and the village occupied.

[Illustration]

[Footnote 39: _Ăz-brook´_]

[Footnote 40: _O´mare._]

[Footnote 41: _Zhee-van´shee_ [_n_ nasal].]

[Footnote 42: _Es-tayr´_. See map, p. 59.]

[Footnote 43: _Ō-bayr´._]

[Footnote 44: _Her´lee._]

[Footnote 45: _Pee´ye._]




  CHAPTER VIII.

  THE WORK OF THE THIRD BRITISH CORPS.


The Third British Corps, commanded by General Pulteney, first came in
contact with the German outposts at a village about a mile and a half
west of Bailleul.[46] It was a day of heavy rain; the thick, steamy fog
prevented the aircraft from scouting, and the water-logged fields were
too much enclosed for cavalry to operate. The 10th Brigade, under
General J. A. L. Haldane, were the first to attack, and they made a
bayonet charge in which the 2nd Seaforths distinguished themselves. By
nightfall the position was carried; the Germans were driven out, and the
troops were entrenched, ready to attack Bailleul next day (14th October
1914). In the morning it was discovered that the enemy had retired.
Bailleul was occupied, and the signs of German pillage were to be seen
everywhere. Fourteen villagers had been shot, and the inmates of the
lunatic asylum had been turned out of doors. These poor creatures
wandered about the countryside for days, and many of them were
afterwards found dead by the roadside or in the woods. No wonder a
native bitterly said, "The Germans are not soldiers so much as brigands
and assassins.'"

Some very fine deeds of gallantry were done during the first day's
fighting. Sergeant E. Howard, of the 1st Royal Lancaster Regiment,
discovered that twelve men of his platoon who were occupying a trench
had ceased firing. Amidst a very heavy fire, he crawled up to them, and
found that they were all dead! Sergeant G. A. Hodges, of the 2nd Essex
Regiment, led his platoon into the firing line though shot through the
shoulder; while Private C. Rowley, of the 1st Royal Warwickshire
Regiment, crossed and recrossed from the firing line to the support
trench, a distance of 300 yards, under a perfect hail of bullets, with
ammunition for his hard-pressed comrades.

On the 15th the Third Corps was ordered to carry the line of the Lys
from just below Estaires to Armentières. The enemy offered no serious
opposition, and by evening the work was done. Next day Armentières was
entered, and on the 17th the Third Corps held a line extending from
three miles north to three miles south of the town. It was now
discovered that the Germans were holding in strength the right bank of
the Lys from a short distance below Armentières to within a couple of
miles of Menin.

[Illustration: British Cavalry entering Warneton.

The enemy was posted behind a high loopholed barricade, which was blown
to pieces by British guns; whereupon our cavalry entered the town, but
could not maintain themselves within it.]

Next day an effort was made to clear the Germans out of this position.
Midway between Armentières and Menin is the little town of Warneton,[47]
which was seized by Allenby's corps. "Eye-witness" thus describes an
incident which occurred at the capture of the place:--

    "An important crossing over the Lys at Warneton was strongly
    held by Germans, who at the entrance to the town had constructed
    a high barricade, loopholed at the bottom so that men could fire
    through it from a lying position. This formidable obstacle was
    encountered by a squadron of our cavalry. Nothing daunted, they
    obtained help from artillery, who man-hauled a gun into
    position, and blew the barricade to pieces, scattering the
    defenders. They then advanced some three-quarters of a mile into
    the centre of the town, where they found themselves in a large
    'place.' They had hardly reached the farther end when one of the
    buildings suddenly appeared to leap skywards in a sheet of
    flame, a shower of star shells at the same time making the place
    as light as day, and enabling the enemy--who were ensconced in
    surrounding houses--to pour in a devastating fire from rifles
    and machine guns. Our cavalry managed to extricate themselves
    from this trap with the loss of only one officer, the squadron
    leader wounded, and nine men killed or wounded. But determining
    that none of their number should fall into the enemy's hands, a
    party of volunteers went back, and, taking off their boots in
    order to make no noise on the pavement, re-entered the inferno
    they had just left, and succeeded in carrying off their wounded
    comrades."

By this time the Third Corps found itself approaching the main German
position, which was far too strong for it to attack with any prospect
of success. Just about the time that the Second Corps was retiring to
the line stretching from the eastern side of Givenchy northwards the
Third Corps came to a standstill. It then lay across the Lys with a
front of a dozen miles--an impossible length of line for one corps to
hold. Both the Second and the Third Corps had reached the limit of their
eastern advance.

Though they could not push forward any farther, they had closed the
sally-ports at La Bassée and Armentières. One more link was necessary to
connect the Third Corps with Rawlinson's force holding the eastern gate
to Ypres. This was provided by the 1st and 2nd Cavalry Divisions, under
General Allenby. The 1st Division (Gough's), as we have seen, had
cleared much of the country along the Lys, and had secured a footing on
the right bank below Armentières. On the 14th it moved north to join the
2nd Division, which had pushed back invading bands in the neighbourhood
of Cassel and Hazebrouck.

Thus the line was established. Half formed, weak, and insecure, it
nevertheless extended from the La Bassée Canal to the sea, and though it
was opposed by overwhelming odds, it barred the western road to the
Germans. The weakest place in it was the bulge in front of Ypres, where
Rawlinson's harassed and overstretched division was fighting for its
life. Every day the enemy flung new forces against it. More and more
Germans were rushed along the Belgian railroads to overwhelm it. "They
seemed to rain down on us everywhere," said a spectator; "but most of
all they rained on that weak point to our left."

In Chapter VI. I gave you an outline of the doings of Rawlinson's men in
Belgium. You there learned how they retreated from Ghent to Roulers, and
how the cavalry division reconnoitred all the country towards Ypres and
Menin, while the 7th Division battled with four reserve corps of
Germans, who on the 18th of October were on the line Roulers-Menin.
Rawlinson had a very difficult task to perform. He had to operate on a
very wide front, and to encounter very superior forces; yet Sir John
French could not spare a man to reinforce him. Sir John was very eager
to get possession of Menin, for he thought it a very important point of
passage which would greatly help the advance of the rest of the army. He
therefore ordered Rawlinson on the 18th to advance his 7th Division, and
try to seize the crossing of the Lys at Menin, so as to cut the German
communications between Ghent and Lille.

Rawlinson replied that large bodies of the enemy were advancing upon him
from the east and north-east, and that his left flank was in danger.
With his weak troops he dared not attempt such a task. Sir John tells us
that Rawlinson was probably wise in not trying to capture Menin, but
that the loss of it greatly helped the enemy to bring up reinforcements,
and put an end to any further British advance.

You have probably been wondering where the First Corps was at this time.
You last heard of it on the Aisne; so far it had not been seen in
Flanders. It did not arrive at Hazebrouck until October 19. While it was
detraining, Sir John had some very hard thinking to do. Should he use
the First Corps to reinforce the Second and Third Corps, and thus secure
the ground already won on the right, or should he send it to help
Rawlinson? Between the British left and the Franco-Belgian right there
was "a place where the weak spot in the bladder might bulge, and,
bulging too much, break." Sir John French, "with the air," some one has
said, "of a business man closing a deal," made his decision, and turned
in for a little sleep. He chose to let the Second and the Third Corps
continue to do the impossible. He sent the First Corps to the line about
the city which has given name to this whole series of actions--Ypres. It
incorporated what was left of Rawlinson's force, then prepared to dig in
and hold on.

[Illustration: The Allied Line from La Bassée to the Sea about October
20.]

[Footnote 46: _Bay-yule´_, a small village seven miles north-west of
Armentières.]

[Footnote 47: _Varn-ton´_ (_n_ nasal).]




  CHAPTER IX.

  STIRRING STORIES OF ANXIOUS DAYS.


In this chapter I am going to give you a selection of stories which
illustrate the fighting from the fall of Antwerp down to the 20th of
October 1914. Our first story tells how a British lady in her own yacht
carried off many refugees from Ostend while the enemy was actually in
the town.

[Illustration: Miss Jessica Borthwick steering the Grace Darling out of
Ostend Harbour.

(_Photo, Sport and General._)]

"At nine," says a newspaper correspondent, "we interviewed the official
in charge at the burgomaster's office. 'Fly,' he said tersely. 'The
Germans will be here, perhaps, in ten minutes.'... I had already
arranged a retreat. At ten o'clock we went on board the _Grace Darling_,
a schooner yacht which for the past weeks has been working the British
Field Hospital in Belgium. She was chartered and fitted out for the
purpose by Miss Jessica Borthwick at her own expense. As will appear,
the _Grace Darling_ was by three hours the last vessel out of Ostend....

"The Germans were now half a mile away, and we were lying well down in
the almost empty harbour. It became necessary to get our auxiliary
engine going, and make out at least as far as the harbour mouth. At a
quarter-past ten the first Germans appeared--a patrol of
Uhlans--trotting across the bridge that leads into the town from the
Blankenberghe road.

"At this critical moment the fact emerged that the man who had shipped
as a first-class engineer to work our engine for us was not an engineer
at all, but an organ-grinder! The organ-grinder's efforts to start the
engine were deplorable, and we were so placed we could not get a breath
of wind for the sails. The decks of the little yacht were covered with
refugees--Belgian fathers, women, and children. They watched with a
stricken calm a second and a third Uhlan patrol cross the bridge. Two
escaped soldiers in plain clothes who had come on board dropped their
uniforms into the water . . .

"Every moment we were expecting the appearance of the Germans on the
pier. Soon after midday we sailed at a majestic one mile per hour out of
the harbour with the British flag flying. Past the pierhead we found
some wind, actually got the engine started, and ploughed away at a
cheerful ten knots. A mile out we anchored, to await developments.
Through our glasses we saw four Uhlans standing like statues staring out
to sea. From over the horizon came racing a torpedo boat, got the news,
and promptly poked her nose into the harbour to see for herself. After
five minutes she backed out, and went away swiftly. Thereafter Miss
Borthwick and several correspondents, including myself, decided on a
scouting expedition of our own in the launch. We plunged ahead through
the green and lifting waves, raising a fine spray, till we were within a
few hundred yards of the _digue_.[48] There we saw four Germans running
across a little triangle of sandy beach and up on to the pier. We hung
on for a moment, anxious as to what would happen next.

"The Germans ran along the pier, the end of which was only two hundred
yards from us. When we saw them taking cover among the little buildings
at the end of the pier we considered it time to bolt. Promptly the
Germans fired a wide shot, and signalled to us to come in, but we made
for the open sea. Then they opened fire seriously. We lay as flat as we
could--which was not very flat, for we were tightly packed in the tiny
boat--and scooted. Two of the Germans were kneeling down with their
rifles resting on the rail at the end of the pier, and two standing up.

"It was an extremely uncomfortable four minutes before we were out of
range. They fired rapidly, but did not even hit the boat, though they
were very close above and beside us. We regained the _Grace Darling_,
raised anchor, and at once made for sea."

       *     *     *     *     *

Here is a description of one of the French regiments which fought so
bravely under Maud'huy against the Bavarians round about Arras:--

"They have come a long way down the straight roads between the hills,
and there is dust in their eyes and throats, and they have arrived at
that moment in the march when the pack weighs heaviest, when the
shoulder-straps begin to rub, when the rifle seems to wear a hole in the
shoulder, and when the shoe begins to pinch. The best-hearted man in the
regiment knows that it is the time for a little joke. He begins to speak
about his captain, who is walking a yard away from him. 'Our captain
grows a little fat, I think, my little ones.' 'Yes,' says a comrade,
taking up the joke; 'it is possible that he has been eating too much.'
'And he has a great thirst, I am told,' says a third man. 'It is
marvellous what a thirst our captain has! Three bottles of red wine are
hardly enough to wet his throat.' 'He gets too old for war;' and so the
joke goes on, every word of which is heard by the captain, who finally
bursts into laughter, and says, 'You are impudent rascals, all of you.'
The bad moment has passed. The weight of the pack is forgotten, and
presently the baritone of the regiment sings the first line of a
marching song. The chorus goes lilting down the long white road between
the poplar sentinels."

       *     *     *     *     *

Few stories have appeared with reference to the fighting round La
Bassée. A dispatch rider says: "There was one brigade there that had a
past. It had fought at Mons[49] and Le Cateau,[50] and then plugged away
cheerfully through the Retreat and the Advance. What was left of it had
fought stiffly on the Aisne. Some hard marching, a train journey, more
hard marching, and it was thrown into action at La Bassée. There it
fought itself to a standstill. It was attacked and attacked until,
shattered, it was driven back one wild night. It was rallied, and,
turning on the enemy, held them. More hard fighting, a couple of days'
rest, and it staggered into action at Ypres, and somehow--no one knows
how--it held its bit of line. A brigade called by the same name,
consisting of the same regiments, commanded by the same general, but
containing scarce a man of those who had come out in August, marched
very proudly away from Ypres, and went--not to rest, but to hold another
bit of the line.

"And this brigade was not the Guards' Brigade. There were no picked men
in the brigade. It contained just four ordinary regiments of the
line--the Norfolks, the Bedfords, the Cheshires, and the Dorsets. What
the 15th Brigade did other brigades have done."

       *     *     *     *     *

You have just heard of the splendid endurance of the Dorsets. Here is
another story concerning their doings. It is told by Private Cornelius
O'Leary. "We encountered the Germans when they were making one of their
fiercest attacks in their efforts to get through to Cálais. There were
eight companies of us (1st Dorset Regiment), numbering 120 officers and
men apiece, and the fight took place in a very large turnip field. The
German artillery was in front of us, and the Maxim fire was on the right
and left. It was impossible for us to make trenches, so we had to place
our packs in front of us, and do the best we could. We were often
outnumbered by ten to one, as the Germans were almost continually being
reinforced. But we defeated them with heavy loss."

       *     *     *     *     *

Armoured motor cars, equipped with machine guns, played an important
part during the fighting of October. "In their employment", says
"Eye-witness," "our gallant allies the Belgians, who are now fighting
with us, and acquitting themselves nobly, have shown themselves to be
experts. They appear to regard Uhlan-hunting as a form of sport. The
crews display the utmost dash and skill in this form of warfare, often
going out several miles ahead of their own advanced troops, and seldom
failing to return loaded with spoils in the shape of Lancer caps,
busbies, helmets, lances, rifles, and other trophies, which they
distribute as souvenirs to crowds in the market places of frontier
towns."

       *     *     *     *     *

No man fought an armoured motor car more gallantly and successfully than
Commander Sampson, the famous airman. "He is," says a correspondent,
"the will o' the wisp of the British army, and he peppers the Germans
according to his fancy, from aeroplane, armoured motor car, or armoured
train." On one occasion two machine guns continually annoyed our
advanced trenches. Eventually they were discovered; one was in a
windmill, the other in a neighbouring cottage. Commander Sampson took
out an armoured car with a three-pounder quick-firing gun, and one
morning the Germans were surprised to see a low slate-coloured car come
rushing out of the British lines, followed by heavy but rather wild
rifle fire. The Germans naturally thought that the car was one of their
own attempting to escape from the British, so they refrained from firing
on it. Just as the car appeared to be about to enter the German lines it
pulled up. In fifteen seconds the windmill, with its machine gun and
crew, was blown to pieces by the shells from the quick-firer, and before
the astonished Germans could collect themselves the gun had swung round,
and more shells had crashed into the cottage, which was soon destroyed.
Then the car shot back to the British lines, to be received not with
rifle fire, but with a loud burst of cheering. It is said that the
Kaiser was so exasperated at Commander Sampson's successful daring in
this and many other adventures, that he offered a reward of £1,000 to
any German soldier who could kill him.

       *     *     *     *     *

[Illustration: The Arrows of Death.]

It was during the month of October that we first learnt of the new
weapon served out to our flying corps. It consists of an arrow-shaped
missile of steel like a pointed lead pencil. A mechanical device spreads
these missiles out as they fall from the aeroplane, so that they cover
an area of about 200 square yards when dropped from a height of 500
yards. From this height the arrow of death will pass right through a
man's body.

       *     *     *     *     *

"Eye-witness" tells us that "an easy capture was effected by an engineer
telegraph linesman. Returning in the dark after repairing some air lines
which had been cut by shell fire, he was passing through a wood, when
his horse shied at some figures crouching in a ditch. He called out,
'Come out of it!' whereupon to his surprise three German cavalrymen
emerged and surrendered. He marched them back to his headquarters."

       *     *     *     *     *

An action fought near a village less than a mile to the north of
Armentières was brought about by a pig. The British and German trenches
were so near that the soldiers talked with each other, made jokes, and
even learnt the names of their opponents. One day a pig walked on to the
strip of land between the trenches. British and Germans alike shot at
him, and down he fell. Both sides wanted the pig, for roast pig is a
pleasant change from the dull and tasteless round of ordinary rations.
But how was he to be got in? To go out to fetch him meant instant death.
Five daring soldiers lost their lives over that pig, and still he lay
unreclaimed between the trenches.

There was a big fellow in the German trench named Hans Müller. He crept
out of his trench in the night, tied a rope to the pig's leg, and
crawled back to his trench unhurt. The Germans waited till morning came,
so that the British might see their triumph, and then began hauling in
the pig. It was a bitter moment for the British, and the Germans did not
forget to rejoice loudly in their success. But the British had their
revenge: two nights later they took that German trench with the bayonet.
That is how they made things even.

       *     *     *     *     *

The dispatch rider already quoted tells us that spies were very busy in
and behind our lines. "I heard a certain story, which I give as an
illustration and not as a fact. There was once an artillery brigade
billeted in a house two miles or so behind the lines. All the
inhabitants of the house had fled, for the village had been heavily
bombarded. Only a girl had had the courage to remain, and to act as
hostess to the British. She was fresh and charming, clever at cooking,
and modest in manner. Now, it was noticed that our guns could not be
moved without the Germans knowing their new position. No transports or
ammunition limbers were safe from their guns. The girl was told of the
trouble; she was angry and sympathetic, and swore that through her the
spy would be discovered. She spoke the truth."

One night a man, who had his suspicions, saw the girl go into a cellar
as if to bring up coal. He followed her, and, groping about in the dark,
touched a wire. Quickly running his hand along it, he came to a
telephone. The truth was now out. The Germans were receiving their
information from the girl, who posed as the friend of the British. In a
few hours she suffered the usual fate of spies.

       *     *     *     *     *

"Battle noises," says the dispatch rider, "are terrific. At the present
moment a howitzer is going strong behind us, and the noise is
tremendous. It is like dropping a traction engine on a huge tin tray. A
shell passing away from you over your head is like the loud crackling of
a newspaper close to your ear. It makes a sort of deep, echoing crackle
in the air, gradually lessening, until there is a dull boom, and a mile
or so away you see a thick little cloud of white smoke in the air, or a
pear-shaped cloud of gray-black smoke on the ground. Coming towards you,
a shell makes a cutting, swishing note, gradually getting higher and
higher, louder and louder. There is a longer note one instant, and then
it ceases. Shrapnel bursting close to you has the worst sound.

"It is almost funny to be in a village that is being shelled. Things
simply disappear. You are standing in an archway a little back from the
road--a shriek of shrapnel. The windows are broken, and the tiles rush
clattering into the street, while little bullets and bits of shell jump
from side to side, until their force is spent. Or, a deeper bang, a
crash, and a whole house tumbles down."

[Footnote 48: Harbour wall.]

[Footnote 49: See Vol. II., pp. 26 ff.]

[Footnote 50: See Vol. II., p. 91.]




  CHAPTER X.

  WITH THE SECOND CORPS.


The last ten days of October 1914 were days of furious but indecisive
fighting all along the line from Arras to the sea. "The Germans rocked
their attack from side to side, searching for the weak spot. They gained
here; they lost there; but the line remained as it had been when Haig
moved up his First Corps. The British held on, and continued to dig in.
These were days of incessant battering and continual losses; the
hospital trains running back to the base carried as many as 4,000
wounded in one day."

The Germans, as you know, were bent on winning the Channel ports at all
costs. They thought that the capture of Calais and Boulogne would create
a panic in Great Britain, and make us keep our new armies at home for
the defence of our shores, instead of sending them abroad for the
reinforcement of our Allies. They also thought that if the Channel ports
could be captured the British Navy would have to be divided, one portion
keeping watch over the German naval bases on the North Sea, the other
part operating in the English Channel. In this case the Germans hoped
that they might fight and win a naval battle against one part of our
divided fleet. There was a good deal of talk in the German papers about
mounting huge guns at Calais which would command at least half of the
Strait of Dover, and make the dispatch of transports very difficult, if
not impossible.

I have already described the three gates through which the Germans tried
to pierce the Allied line and make their descent on the shores of the
Channel. You know how they were held up at Arras and at La Bassée.
Though they did not cease their efforts to break through these gates
during the latter days of October, they began to direct a great attack
on the bulge in the Allied line to the east of Ypres. Further, they also
attempted to break through by way of the Yser. Military men still wonder
why they continued to fling themselves against four points in the Allied
line, instead of putting forward all their strength against one of them.
We can only be thankful that they wasted their energies in attacking all
these points, when they might have battered with all their force at one.

We will now return to the Second British Corps, which, you will
remember, had been under fire for twelve days, and had become so
exhausted that on 22nd October it was found necessary to withdraw it to
a line running generally from the eastern side of Givenchy, east of
Neuve Chapelle,[51] to a point about four miles south-east of Estaires.
The Lahore Division of the Indian Corps had now arrived, and was about
to receive its baptism of fire. The village of Neuve Chapelle, which was
destined to figure largely in later history, is four miles north of La
Bassée. It was captured by the Germans on the 27th, and its recapture
was entrusted to the Indians. The 28th of October will be ever memorable
in the annals of the Indian army. On that day it first showed its mettle
on a European battlefield.

At Neuve Chapelle our trenches presented a salient[52] which could be
swept by fire on both sides, and the Seaforths, who occupied some of
them, were much exposed, and suffered heavily. The 47th Sikhs, the 9th
Bhopal Infantry, and the 20th and 21st Companies of the 1st Sappers and
Miners were now ordered to advance. They dashed forward with great
spirit, and though they were under artillery fire for the first time,
showed great indifference to the bursting shells. It was noticed that
after the first few had exploded near them they hardly troubled to look
around.

The fighting was of the most desperate and confused character, and the
Germans flung their dead from their trenches to make cover, under which
they advanced. No sooner had the British won a hundred yards of trench
than they were driven back by a counter-attack. The line swayed to and
fro, now in front of the ruins of what had been Neuve Chapelle, now
behind them. Trenches were dug in the streets, and sometimes were only a
few yards apart. Part of Neuve Chapelle was won, but the whole of it
could not be recovered.

Next day there was a terrible fight at Festubert, a village less than
two miles to the north-west of La Bassée. Ever since the 18th of October
the German guns had been pounding the little place, which was held by
the thin line of the 2nd Manchesters. In the early dawn of the 29th the
Germans swarmed out of their trenches and swept down in dense masses on
the British infantry, who were driven back to their supporting trench.
Here they rallied, and thrust back the Germans who followed them. One of
the lost trenches was recaptured by two men--Lieutenant James Leach and
Sergeant Hogan, who were afterwards awarded the Victoria Cross, as you
will hear later.

More Indians now arrived, and the defence of the La Bassée gate was
entrusted to them, to two and a half British brigades, and most of the
Second Corps artillery. Amongst the Indian infantry were the 8th Gurkha
Rifles. You will remember that the Gurkhas are little men. The trenches
which they took over had been dug for taller white men, and they found
that they could not see out of them. The German machine guns
enfiladed[53] the Gurkhas, and most of their white officers fell. Little
wonder that, so placed and so strange to this new kind of warfare, they
were forced back. Wandering in the dark, they managed by good luck to
stumble on the trenches of the 1st Seaforths, a regiment to whom they
are blood brothers.

For the next two days there was a heavy bombardment all along our
position, and especially against the left wing behind Neuve Chapelle. On
2nd November the Germans again pierced the British line in one place,
but a desperate charge of the 2nd Gurkhas, the famous regiment which had
fought so bravely on the ridge at Delhi,[54] saved the situation.

For the next three weeks the troops in this section were engaged in
beating off German attacks, which gradually grew less and less violent
as the Germans concentrated their forces farther north for a great
assault on Ypres. Our line was forced back till it ran from Givenchy, to
which we stubbornly clung, north by Festubert, and onwards towards
Estaires. After an unsuccessful attack on Givenchy (7th November) there
was a fortnight's lull, during which the contest was little more than an
artillery duel.

[Footnote 51: _Noove Sha-pel´._]

[Footnote 52: See Vol. II., p. 16.]

[Footnote 53: Took them in flank and raked them from end to end.]

[Footnote 54: During the Indian Mutiny. The story of the capture of
Delhi is told on p. 149 of this volume.]




  CHAPTER XI.

  THE INDIANS IN THE TRENCHES.


Every boy and girl has heard of the wonderful valour and daring of the
Sikhs and Gurkhas. Many people in this country fully believed that they
would prove invincible on European battlefields. Too much was, perhaps,
expected of them: they found themselves waging an entirely new kind of
warfare in a cold, clammy land, which numbed their limbs and broke down
their stamina. It was all so strange and new--the awful roar of the
great howitzer shells, the fighting from holes in the ground, the
endless stream of shrapnel, the bitter cold, and the absence of those
fierce, furious charges in which they delight. At first their nerve was
shaken, but they quickly recovered, and it must be remembered that when
they broke they dashed forward just as frequently as they retired.
Nevertheless, their splendid courage was not in doubt for a moment, and
before long the enemy went in terror of them, as the following letter,
published in a German newspaper, plainly shows:--

    "To-day for the first time we had to fight against the Indians,
    and Heaven knows those brown rascals are not to be underrated.
    At first we spoke with contempt of the Indians. To-day we
    learned to look at them in a different light.... When for three
    days it had rained shells and the British thought we were beaten
    to a jelly, they had then in store for us a visit from their
    brown allies. Heaven only knows what the English had put into
    those fellows. Anyhow, those who stormed our lines seemed either
    drunk or possessed with an evil spirit. With fearful shouting,
    in comparison with which our hurrahs are like the whining of a
    baby, thousands of those brown forms rushed upon us as suddenly
    as if they were shot out of a fog, so that at first we were
    completely taken by surprise. At a hundred metres (109 yards) we
    opened a destructive fire which mowed down hundreds, but in
    spite of that the others advanced, springing forward like cats
    and surmounting obstacles with unexampled agility. In no time
    they were in our trenches, and truly these brown enemies were
    not to be despised. With butt-ends, bayonets, swords, and
    daggers we fought each other; and we had bitter hard work,
    which, however, was lightened by reinforcements which arrived
    quickly, before we drove the fellows out of the trenches."

The Indians are famous for "ruses"--that is, for tricks of war. Here is
a striking instance of the resource and presence of mind of an Indian
soldier. He and a comrade were instructed to creep out of the trench
which they were defending, in order to spy out a German position some
two hundred yards distant. They crawled along in the dark, and when they
were half-way to the German trench a brilliant searchlight was suddenly
flashed on them. At once they were revealed. One of the men was
quick-witted enough to realize that only by a trick could he save his
life. He immediately rose to his feet and advanced, salaaming to the
Germans. They were so surprised that they ceased fire, and after some
dumb show let him enter the trench. Then began a conversation, which, as
you may imagine, was not very fruitful. The Germans were trying to find
out the Indian race to which he belonged. When the word Mussulman was
mentioned he nodded his head; but when the word British was uttered, he
made a gesture of disgust. The Germans naturally concluded that he hated
the British, so they gave him some rations and a blanket, and let him
spend the night with them. Next morning, by means of dumb show, he made
an officer believe that there were twenty-five other Mohammedans in his
trench who were eager to join the Germans. Completely deceived, the
officer gave him a final cup of coffee, and sent him off to bring in his
friends. Needless to say, he did not return. Unhappily, a few weeks
later this nimble-witted soldier was killed in action.

       *     *     *     *     *

You must not suppose that the Indian army consists only of Gurkhas and
Sikhs. There are many other Indian races serving as soldiers, and
amongst them are the Pathans, fierce hillmen of the North-West Frontier
Province. Somewhere south of Ypres British troops who were holding a
line of trenches one misty night became aware of some hundreds of lithe
gray figures silently gathering in their rear, and gliding forward like
ghosts amidst the trees. Shortly afterwards a score of these gray
figures detached themselves from the larger body, and stealthily, like
Red Indians on the trail, moved up to and beyond the advanced line of
the British trenches. Under their breath our soldiers whispered, "The
Indians are going out," and as they craned their necks they saw the
ghostly figures disappear from view, crawling python-like towards the
first German trench.

[Illustration: A Night Attack by Pathans.

The People of Afghanistan and the adjoining borderland of India are
known as Pathans (_Pat-ans'_), and their language as Pushtu. They
include all the strongest and most warlike tribes of the North-West
Frontier Province, and make excellent soldiers. The Afridis (_Af-ree'
dees_), against whom 35,000 British and Indian troops made a campaign in
1897-98, are Pathans. The Khaibar Pass, that great gloomy defile in the
mountain barrier, through which every invader of India except the
European has had to fight his way, is jealously guarded by Afridis in
the pay of Britain.]

What happened there no one quite knows. There was no shout or sudden
cry, but in a few minutes the British saw one of the score reappear and
glide back to his comrades in the rear. Then the hundreds who were
waiting behind in the shadow of the trees went forward in dead silence
to join the advanced party. For five minutes there was perfect quiet.
Then came a few shots, followed by a wild splutter of musketry,
intermingled with cries and groans. Three or four light-balls were
thrown in the air, and by their means the British saw, some 600 yards to
their front, a mass of wild and struggling men. They saw the gleam of
steel and the whirling rifle butt as the Pathans smote down the foe.

For ten minutes they hacked and slew amongst the half-awake and wholly
bewildered Germans, who had been lying down awaiting the order to attack
the British trenches. The score of Pathans who had gone out in advance
had silently slain the German pickets, and their main body had thus been
enabled to get right amidst the sleeping foe unchallenged. The slaughter
was terrible, and only ended when the Germans, thoroughly aroused to
their peril, ran for their lives. The threatened attack had been turned
into a ghastly defeat.

       *     *     *     *     *

In these pages I have given you countless instances of German cunning
and audacity. The Indians, being in a strange country, incapable of
speaking any language but their own, and not able to distinguish between
the French and the German soldiers, were thought to be easy prey. Here
is a story of a piece of German deception which utterly failed. A
figure, standing out clear in the moonlight, and wearing a complete
Gurkha uniform, suddenly appeared one night in front of a Gurkha trench,
and delivered this message: "The Gurkhas are to move farther up the
trench; another Gurkha contingent is advancing in support." Puzzled by
this order, the officer in charge replied, "Who are you? Where do you
come from?" To which the only answer was: "You are to move up to make
room for other Gurkhas."

[Illustration: Two London Scots and a Wounded Gurkha.

(_Photo, Sport and General._)]

The English was good, but something (or many small things) excited the
officer's suspicion. "Answer, and answer quickly," he said: "if you are
a Gurkha, by what boat did you cross?" The question was, in the
circumstances, no easy one to answer, and the German (for such he was)
turned at once and fled. But he had not gone five yards before he fell
riddled by bullets. Had the officer been deceived, the trench would have
swarmed with Germans almost before the Gurkhas had made room for them.

An officer in a Gurkha regiment relates the following amusing story:
"One night our men rushed a German trench, and one of them captured a
big fat German, who surrendered at the sight of cold steel.

"There is a reward for any man who brings in a prisoner, so the Gurkha
started back across the open towards the British trenches with his
captive. Unfortunately the little man got hit in the leg, so he climbed
on the German's back, and made him carry him to our trenches, where he
triumphantly handed his prisoner over, and was then carried off to
hospital!"

       *     *     *     *     *

German troops were holding a copse near a village north of the
British-French position, and, fearing an attack, were in the habit of
protecting themselves every night by a double line of sentinels. The
copse considerably hampered the advance of the Allies, and an Indian
regiment was brought up as a reinforcement. The officer in charge said
that the wood would soon be captured, and without too great a sacrifice
of life. A French officer who was present thought that the Indians were
too big to enter the wood unnoticed, and declared that they would soon
be perceived by the German sentinels. Thereupon the British officer
offered to bet the Frenchman a sovereign that all the German sentinels
would be removed. The bet was taken.

At eleven o'clock that night, when every one, except the sentries, was
slumbering, the copse was suddenly filled with a fearful din, with
occasional shots, and a few shouts. Then all was silent again.

Shortly afterwards the Indians returned. Two by two they came in and
placed before their officer a prisoner tied up like a sausage, and
carefully gagged. This went on until all the thirty German sentinels who
had been guarding the entrance to the wood had been brought in and
handed over to the officer.




  CHAPTER XII.

  FIRE AND FLOOD.


We will now leave that melancholy region in which Britons of the Second
Corps, like the ocean cliffs of their native land, have been thrusting
back the furious surges of hostile attack for long and weary weeks.
Melancholy indeed is the country over which the tide of war has swept.
Prosperous villages and comfortable homesteads are now crumbling walls
and smoking ruins, with the decaying carcasses of horses, cows, and pigs
lying around. To and fro wander those wretched inhabitants who have
escaped shot and shell, striving to save something from the wreckage of
their homes. "Here, blocking up a narrow side street, is a dead horse
still harnessed to a trap, and beside it is stretched the corpse of a
Jäger[55]; close by, in an enclosure where a shell has found them, lie
some thirty cavalry horses; a little farther on is laid out a row of
German dead, for whom graves are being dug by the peasants.

"The work of burial falls to a great extent on the inhabitants, who,
with our soldiers, take no little care in marking the last
resting-places of their countrymen and their Allies, either by little
wooden crosses or else by flowers. Amidst the graves scattered all over
the countryside are the rifle pits, trenches, and gun emplacements,
which those now resting below the sod helped to defend or to attack.
From these the progress of the fighting can be traced."

We now move northwards to the stretch of country which lies between
Ypres and the sea. It is a flat, marshy land, where the inhabitants are
doomed to an everlasting struggle against the thankless soil and the
invading flood. More than once the district has been the bed of an
ancient sea. Beet grows on the silt of old bays; seaports have become
agricultural villages, and channels along which large ships formerly
sailed are green polders.[56] Only a very complete system of drainage
saves the country from being water-logged. It is literally seamed with
canals and dykes, and crops are only raised by the unremitting labour of
men's hands. The towns and villages are small, and a few highroads,
consisting of narrow causeways of cobble stone with broad bands of mud
on either side, serve their needs. It is a dismal land of frequent rains
and white mists, though quaint and pleasing in sunshine, when its white
farmsteads, whirling windmills, lofty spires, and everlasting lines of
pollards and poplars seem very attractive to the foreign eye.

From Ypres seawards runs a canal which meets the Yser six miles south of
the large village of Dixmude.[57] From Dixmude on to the sea, a distance
of eleven miles, we find the canalized Yser, the main waterway of the
district. Near the left bank of the canal, at a distance of about a mile
and a half, runs a single-line railway,[58] which passes the villages of
Pervyse[59] and Ramscappelle,[60] and has its terminus at the mouth of
the river. No railway crosses the Yser between Dixmude and Nieuport, but
the road from Bruges forks and sends one branch across the stream to
Nieuport, and the other to Pervyse.

A number of small creeks of brackish water flow through the low, marshy
meadows, below the level of the sea, and bring their sluggish tribute to
the Yser. Along the edges of the canal are two or three "islands" of
higher ground; but nowhere, until we reach the dunes of the seashore,
are there any elevations or commanding positions for guns. It is a
blind, sodden country, as ill-fitted for the passage of troops and heavy
guns as the coast region of Essex.

To the inhabitants of this amphibious district water is a foe in peace
and a friend in war. In times of great peril the sluices of the myriad
canals can be opened, and the whole flat district from the railway
embankment to the Yser and beyond can be flooded, and thus rendered
impassable for an army. You can easily understand that the Belgians
would not flood the country until every other means of defence had
failed; for the land so submerged would be ruined for agriculture, and
years of labour would be necessary to restore it to its former
condition. The sluices were opened in the days of Marlborough, and again
in 1793-94. You are soon to hear how the progress of the Germans was
similarly stayed in 1914. The idea of calling in the aid of water as a
defence has long been familiar to Belgian soldiers, and a scheme for
flooding the country had been prepared before the war broke out.

I have already described how the Allies held the avenues to the Channel
ports at Arras and La Bassée. Two other efforts were made by the Germans
to break through the line of defence--the one at Ypres, the other
between Dixmude and the sea. All these four attacks were going on at the
same time, and all were closely connected; but for the sake of clearness
they must be described separately. We will now see how the Belgians and
the French barred the road to Calais by way of the Yser, and in a later
chapter I will describe the great struggle which took place round Ypres.

When the retreating Belgians were driven out of the Forest of Houthulst
on 16th October, they retired to the eastern bank of the Yser. All that
was now left to them of their native land was but one-tenth of its
surface; they were battle-worn and weary; their surviving countrymen
were in bondage; their wrongs cried aloud to Heaven, but their spirit
was still unsubdued. No longer were they fighting alone. Britons and
Bretons, Indians and Canadians, stockmen from the Antipodes, and
tribesmen from the Atlas had come to their succour, and with a new heart
they prepared to defend the last few miles of territory which they could
call their own.

On the morning of the 17th the Belgians were strung out along the east
bank of the Yser from Nieuport to Dixmude. In the ditches by the village
were 5,000 Belgians and 7,000 of Ronarc'h's Marines. The total force
numbered some 40,000, and against them von Beseler was now advancing
with 60,000 men, while the Würtembergers were rapidly moving from the
south. Early on the 17th two Belgian divisions in the centre were driven
across the river, but they managed to regain the right bank in the
course of the night. Early on the morning of the 18th von Beseler, with
his right resting on the sand dunes, began a fierce attack that was full
of danger. Everybody, from general to private, knew that the critical
hour had come. If von Beseler could push back the Belgians beyond the
railway embankment on the west side of the Yser, he would be in Dunkirk
in two days, and in Calais the day after; the last narrow strip of
Belgian soil would be lost, the Allied army at Ypres would be surrounded
or forced to retire, and all the bloodshed farther south would have been
in vain. The prospect was enough to make the stoutest heart quail.

Fiercely the Belgians strove to hold their line in the unequal combat,
but they were forced back step by step, and disaster seemed to await
them, when suddenly succour came--from the sea! The guns of British
warships began to rake the German trenches, and in their roar was the
stern warning, "No road this way."

History was repeating itself, as it has so often done during this war.
More than two and a half centuries ago, when the French and English beat
the Spaniards at the Battle of the Dunes,[61] which was fought on this
very coast, Cromwell's fleet shelled the enemy's wing, and greatly
helped to bring about the victory.

As soon as the danger showed itself at Nieuport, King Albert begged our
Admiralty for naval assistance. It was, of course, impossible to send
ordinary warships to operate on this coast, because the sea is shallow,
and cumbered with many a sandbank--"a very dangerous flat, and fatal,
where the carcasses of many a tall ship lie buried." The Germans knew
this well; they had examined the charts, and they had no fear of
molestation from the sea. They believed that no warship could come
sufficiently near to the coast to get within range of their trenches.

Now it happened that when the war broke out there lay at Barrow three
ships of light draught but very strong gun power which had been built
for the Brazilian Government. Such ships are known as monitors, after
the name of the first of the type, which was built in 1862, during the
American Civil War. Really, a monitor is little more than a low, moving
gun platform, carrying a little fort, in which one or two heavy weapons
are mounted. Each of the three monitors at Barrow displaced 1,200 tons,
and carried two 6-inch guns mounted forward in an armoured barbette, two
4.7-inch howitzers aft, and four 3-pounder guns amidships. They were
protected by stout armour, and as they drew only four feet seven inches
of water, they could move in the shallows where ordinary ships would run
aground. These ships were taken over by the British Government at the
beginning of the war, and were called the _Humber_, the _Mersey_, and
the _Severn_.

[Illustration: British Monitors shelling German Trenches.

Note the aeroplane and the balloon directing the fire of the monitors'
guns.]

On the evening of 17th October the three monitors left Dover under the
command of Admiral Hood, and arrived off the Flemish coast just as the
German attack began. An old cruiser, a battleship, a gunboat, and
several destroyers, aided by French warships, also bombarded the coast
from outside the shoals. Von Beseler endeavoured to bring his big guns
to bear on them, but his artillery was completely outranged, and several
of his batteries were destroyed. Every attempt to beat off the monitors
failed. The German submarines were ineffective because they could not
manoeuvre in shallow water, and their torpedoes, being set to a greater
depth than the draught of the monitors, passed harmlessly beneath their
hulls.

The guns of the monitors swept the coast for six miles inland, their
fire, which proved very accurate and deadly, being directed by naval
balloons, aeroplanes, and signals from the shore. The Germans could not
retaliate; nor could their troops easily protect themselves in trenches,
for if they faced the sea they could be enfiladed from the canal, and if
they faced the canal they could be enfiladed from the sea. For ten days
the big guns of the monitors blazed across the sandhills. One vessel
fired a thousand shells in a single day. Heavy batteries were
established by the Germans at Ostend on the 24th, but they were at once
bombarded, much to the discomfort of the German officers who had taken
up their quarters in the big hotels on the sea front. By the end of the
month the shore batteries ceased to fire, but before that time the
Germans had been forced to give up their attempt to reach Calais by a
march along the shore.

During this land and sea warfare the Belgians and French struggled
desperately to hold the line of the river Yser. Over and over again they
beat back massed attacks of the enemy. There were frenzied hand-to-hand
combats and thousands of men wrestled and died on the bridges, or were
drowned in the waters beneath. On Friday, 23rd October, a body of
Germans succeeded in crossing the river close to Nieuport, and in
forcing their way to the railway line near Ramscappelle. The Belgians,
however, drove them back to their old position on the eastern bank, and
the carnage was terrible. Next day some five thousand Germans managed to
push across the river at the point where the road from Bruges to Pervyse
is carried over the stream. On Sunday, the 25th, more Germans crossed,
and the line of the Yser seemed to have been won. But as they tried to
deploy from their bridgeheads the French and Belgians, entrenched in the
miry fields, which are crossed and recrossed by water courses, met them
with such stubborn courage that they could make but little headway.
Every yard was fiercely contested, and the German loss was terribly
heavy. By the 28th the Allies had been beaten back almost to the railway
embankment. Then, under the eye of the Emperor himself, the
Würtembergers launched a terrific attack.

[Illustration]

From the higher ground near Nieuport the Germans advanced in dense
masses, singing patriotic songs. The defenders fell back, and at three
in the afternoon, when the Kaiser saw victory almost within his grasp,
they played their last card. Under cover of British naval guns, the
Belgians at high tide had been hard at work near Nieuport damming the
lower reaches of the canal. The brimming waters of the Yser, swollen by
the recent heavy rains, now almost overtopped its banks. At the critical
moment some of the sluices were opened, and the Belgian guns broke down
the banks at several places. Slowly the water spread over the flat
meadows on the left bank of the canal in great shallow lagoons. The
culverts and bridges beneath the railway embankment had been dammed up
so as to prevent the flood from extending westwards.

Soon the Germans between the embankment and the canal found themselves a
foot deep in water; their guns sank in the mud, and whole battalions
were bogged. Only on a few patches of higher ground could they maintain
a dry foothold. Nevertheless they pushed on through the rising waters,
in the hope of capturing Ramscappelle and seizing the railway embankment
before the waters could stay them. The Emperor himself called for
volunteers, and two Würtemberg brigades, composed of some of the best
fighting men in the German Empire, were chosen to carry the village and
win undying glory.

[Illustration: The Würtembergers' Attack on Ramscappelle.

_By permission of The Sphere._]

On the 30th the great attempt was made. The Würtembergers, carrying
roughly-hewn platforms, floundered through the water, and flung the
"table tops" across the wider channels, thus forming bridges. While so
doing, they were shot down by hundreds, but still they pressed on.
Numbers told; Ramscappelle was partly occupied, and the railway line was
seized. Next day French, Senegalese, and Belgians fell upon them
furiously. The dismounted Bengal Lancers, who had been sent to the help
of the Belgians, now exhausted by fourteen hours' continuous fighting,
charged with their lances and took house after house, smashing in doors
and windows to get at the German marines, who had been called up from
Hamburg to take part in the struggle. In vain did the German officers,
with threats and blows and pistol shots, try to prevent their men from
retreating and surrendering. It is said that some twelve guns and over a
thousand prisoners were taken in this furious counter-attack. Before
long the Allies were over the railway embankment, and the German host
was hurled back into the lagoons. The "seventy-fives" came up at a
gallop, rifles and machine guns cracked incessantly, and soon the waters
were dotted with fallen Germans.

The flood through which the Würtembergers had waded was but the advance
guard of a mighty deluge that was now about to overwhelm the whole
district. Every sluice in this region of stream and canal was opened,
and the brown flood spread over the land like the "bore" in a narrow
estuary. Men and horses were swept from their feet and swallowed up in
the seething waters; others sank to rise no more in the deep mud; field
guns disappeared in the ooze, and all the while the pitiless guns of the
Allies poured shot and shell on the drowning invaders. Thousands fell,
but some escaped, while others struggled to dry ground, only to be taken
prisoners. The attack had hopelessly failed, and the Emperor, who had
been watching the struggle through his field glasses, shut them up and
turned away. Once more he had been foiled at the very moment when
victory seemed to be beckoning him.

On 7th November a frenzied attack was begun on Dixmude, which, as you
know, was held by Ronarc'h's Bretons. From the 16th of October to the
10th of November they were fiercely but unsuccessfully assailed by three
corps of the Duke of Würtemberg's army. "You have to sacrifice
yourselves," said Ronarc'h to his men, "to save our left wing. Try to
hold out four days." They held out for a fortnight.

On the night of the 23rd and in the early morning of the 24th no fewer
than fourteen separate attacks were made upon them, but every one
failed. For most of the time the marines fought in trenches up to their
waists in water, and, as General Joffre told them, they were in their
own element. One night the Germans, driving some captured marines before
them, crept silently towards the French lines. One of the prisoners
shouted a warning, but immediately paid for his loyalty with his life.
The wearied defenders, hearing the shout, sprang to arms and beat off
the attack.

On 10th November the Germans succeeded in capturing the broken walls and
torn streets of what had once been the prosperous village of Dixmude.
This success, however, had come too late. Around Ypres, as we shall
learn in later pages, the flower of the German armies had everywhere
been driven back from the Allied lines. All the doors to the coast were
now locked, bolted, and barred. Nevertheless, fierce but futile
struggles continued on the Yser until early in December, when their fury
abated.

[Footnote 55: German rifleman or sharpshooter.]

[Footnote 56: Meadows reclaimed from the sea.]

[Footnote 57: See p. 36.]

[Footnote 58: See map on p. 93.]

[Footnote 59: _Pair-veez´._]

[Footnote 60: _Rams-ka-pel´._]

[Footnote 61: Fought in 1658. Dunkirk was afterwards handed over to the
English, and remained in their possession until 1662, when Charles II.
sold it to France.]

[Illustration: The Flooded Area in Flanders.

_Photo, Daily Mirror._]




  CHAPTER XIII.

  EIGHT DAYS OF STRUGGLE AND ANXIETY.


In Chapter IV. I gave you a brief account of the little city of Ypres,
now about to become the storm-centre of a cyclone of blood and death
such as the world has never seen before. I have told you of its
commercial greatness, and of the glorious old buildings with which the
rich burghers of former days adorned their city. Not only were they
clever manufacturers and keen traders, but gallant soldiers as well. One
of the proudest stories in their history tells how the red-coated
burghers of Ypres in July 1302 joined themselves to the men of Bruges
and Courtrai,[62] and marched against Count Robert of Artois, who was
then overrunning Flanders with 8,000 knights of gentle blood, 10,000
archers, and 30,000 foot-soldiers. Courtrai was threatened, and the
burghers of Ypres, with their fellows from other Flemish towns, arrayed
themselves in front of the city and behind a tangle of dykes and canals.
The chivalry of France made a furious charge, and horses and riders
plunged into the trap which had been laid for them. The slaughter was
terrible. Seven hundred pairs of gilded spurs hung in the abbey church
of Courtrai as the spoils of battle, and the men of Ypres shared with
their comrades of West Flanders the renown of victory.

Until a short time ago Ypres boasted a relic of warfare against the
British. It possessed a flag captured from us in battle. At
Ramillies[63] one of the regiments of the Irish Brigade[64] which fought
for France managed to seize a British standard, which was proudly
preserved in one of the city's convents at the outbreak of the war.

You already know something of the situation and surroundings of Ypres.
It stands twenty-three miles from the dunes at Nieuport, on a canal
which joins the Yser to the south of the large village of Dixmude. To
the south and east of Ypres is a crescent of gentle heights, but for the
rest the country is a dead flat land, and the spires of Ypres are a
landmark for many a mile of Flemish meadow and marsh. Cobbled roads,
skirted by lines of poplars, radiate from the town in all directions.
Towards the east run two main highways--the more northerly leading to
Roulers, the more southerly to Menin, and thence to Lille.

In Chapter VI. you read of the desperate stand made by the 7th Division
between these two highroads, and in Chapter VIII. learned that on 19th
October Sir John French had sent the First Corps to its aid. At this
time Sir John hoped that an advance might be made to the north-east, and
that Bruges and perhaps Ghent might be captured. He thought that Sir
Douglas Haig would probably not be opposed by much more than the 3rd
Reserve Corps, which he knew had suffered considerably in the earlier
fighting, and perhaps by one or two Landwehr divisions. By the 21st he
knew better. That day Sir Douglas Haig with the First Corps advanced
along the road to Bruges, but could not proceed because the French
Territorials on his left had been forced to retire behind the Yser
Canal. At the same time the 7th Division between the two highroads and
Allenby's cavalry beyond the Ypres-Comines canal were being heavily
attacked. Sir John's programme was therefore entirely out of the
question. The Allies found themselves outnumbered by three or four to
one, and Sir John himself, on the evening of the 21st, declared that the
utmost that could be done, owing to the unexpected reinforcements of the
enemy, was to hold the positions round Ypres until General Joffre could
send a relief of French troops, which could not arrive before 24th
October.

[Illustration: Diagram of the Ypres Salient.

The two shadings indicate two stages in the German advance.]

Sir Douglas Haig had therefore to halt and hold a line from Bixschoote,
close to the Ypres Canal, to Zonnebeke,[65] on the Ypres-Roulers road.
The remainder of the line round to Hollebeke was also held by his
infantry, and south of Hollebeke Allenby's cavalry linked them up with
the Third Corps, which was lying along the line of the Lys towards
Armentières. Such was the position of our troops on 21st October. We
were holding, you will observe, a bulge round Ypres. Any troops so
placed are very insecure. They occupy a kind of wedge thrust into the
territory held by the enemy, and this wedge can be attacked on each of
its faces and at the jutting angle at one and the same time. If the line
is broken anywhere the bulge must give way, and the troops holding it
must retire and straighten out their line or suffer destruction.

You may, perhaps, ask why the Germans chose to make a great attack on
Ypres. It is not a great railway centre such as Hazebrouck or Béthune;
only a single line of railway runs westwards from the city. Nor was it a
depôt filled with stores and valuable to the Allies as a base. The
reason why the Germans threw their strength against Ypres is that it
was the heart of the dangerous bulge or salient which I have just
described. If the salient could have been broken through--and the task
did not seem to be very difficult--the whole Allied line of defence
might have been pushed back beyond Ypres and Armentières, in which case
the Allies would not be able to turn the north flank of the Germans.

A frightful series of struggles soon began to rage. Day after day the
gray-coated legions of the Kaiser in ever-increasing numbers swooped
down on all parts of the salient, and only by almost superhuman
endurance were the thin lines of the defence held against them. The line
was nearly broken at Zonnebeke; it was actually pierced for a time in
the centre at Becelaere, while on the extreme right a most determined
assault was made against the cavalry at Kleine Zillebeke. The few
reserves available were hurried to the danger points, and then began
days of the heaviest possible fighting and of the utmost anxiety. One
hundred thousand British, strung out along a line of twenty miles, had
to hold back half a million Germans! Nor was this all: the half-million
was growing in numbers every day.

[Illustration: British Troops advancing for an Attack.

_Photo, Sport and General._]

On Thursday, the 22nd, the defence was just maintained; but late in the
evening the line was broken between Langemarck and Bixschoote, where
part of the Camerons was cut off and shut up in a wayside inn. There was
also a gap between Becelaere and Gheluvelt. The Germans thrust their way
in between the Scots Fusiliers and the Yorkshires, and the latter had to
fight furiously and continuously on two fronts for the better part of
three days in order to keep the enemy from enlarging the gap and getting
through. So bitter and ruthless was the fighting that it seemed
impossible that the defence could be maintained at this point. When the
Bedfords restored the position on the 23rd the Yorkshires were still
fighting; they had not budged. On the 30th they and the Scots Fusiliers,
who had now been merged into one battalion, again saved the line, and
earned the following praise from their general:--

    "You have taken part in probably the fiercest combat that the
    world has ever seen. I have often watched you in the trenches
    with special interest, and on one occasion, at the crossroads at
    Gheluvelt--a very precarious position--I asked who was holding
    that particular line of trenches, which seemed a weak spot. When
    I was told the 2nd Yorkshires, I knew it would be all right. I
    knew it was a regiment I could hang my hat on at any time of
    the day and night. There is not a single regiment in the whole
    of the division for which I have more respect. I do not say it
    to butter you up; I say it because I mean it."

From Gheluvelt onwards towards Hollebeke there was a long line of
trenches which was held by dismounted cavalry. It was one of the weakest
parts of the line, and the Germans pressed it hard, but not hard enough.
Farther south the Third Corps was also having a bad time. At Le Gheir,
two miles south of Messines, some trenches had been lost; but they were
recovered by a gallant counter-attack, in which the Essex Regiment and
the Lancashire Fusiliers greatly distinguished themselves.

On 23rd October, a day of great trial, an attempt was made to win back
the trenches which had been lost by the Camerons on the
Langemarck-Bixschoote road. The Queen's West Surrey Regiment, the
Northamptons, the 1st Loyal North Lancashires, and the King's Royal
Rifles were entrusted with the task. Under Major-General Bulfin they
advanced in short rushes, with great determination, against a range of
buildings strongly held by the Germans. After severe fighting and a
dashing bayonet attack the place was captured, the lost trenches were
recovered, and the imprisoned Camerons were released. Some 600 prisoners
were taken, and the old front was restored. The Loyal North Lancashires
and the "Cobblers"--that is, the Northamptons--showed to great advantage
in the final bayonet charge.

A special order which was issued three days later reads as follows:--

"The Brigadier-General congratulates the 1st Loyal North Lancashire
Regiment, Northamptonshire Regiment, and the 2nd King's Royal Rifle
Corps; but desires especially to commend the fine soldierlike spirit of
the 1st Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, which, advancing steadily under
heavy shell and rifle fire, aided by its machine guns, was enabled to
form up within a short distance of the enemy's trenches. Fixing
bayonets, the battalion then charged, carried the trenches, and occupied
them, and to them must be allotted the majority of the prisoners
captured. The Brigadier-General congratulates himself on having in his
brigade a battalion which, after marching the whole of the previous
night without rest or food was able to maintain its splendid record in
the past by the determination and self-sacrifice displayed in this
action."

On the same day the enemy pushed a corps of their new levies against the
British line near Langemarck. Most of these newcomers had scarcely been
under training for more than two months, yet they hurled themselves on
our trenches with extraordinary courage and doggedness. They were mown
down by our fire, but they came on again and again till the front was
strewn with dead. It is said that three-quarters of the whole corps
were put out of action on that day, and that some 1,500 German corpses
lay round Langemarck that evening. Shortly afterwards French
reinforcements arrived, and brought a welcome relief to the hard-pressed
troops holding the salient.

[Illustration: Hands up! Capture of Germans near Langemarck by the
Cameron Highlanders.

On October 23, 1914, about a hundred Germans had been compelled to take
cover behind a mill and a small house. The house was rushed by a small
force of the Camerons, who compelled the Germans to hold up their hands
until a sufficiently strong guard arrived to take them to the rear.

_From the picture by F. Matania. By permission of The Sphere._]

It was on the 23rd October that Drummer William Kenny won the Victoria
Cross for various deeds of gallantry, which will be related later on.

On the 24th, when the Germans were across the Yser, and the Belgians
were preparing to open the sluices,[66] the enemy struck hard against
the Allied line all the way from Dixmude to La Bassée. At 6 a.m. part of
the 7th Infantry Division, which was holding a position near Gheluvelt,
was very violently attacked. Mr. C. Underwood, an interpreter with this
division, gives us a vivid picture of the terrible straits in which his
brigade found itself, and of the arrival of reinforcements in the very
nick of time.

    "We got a message from headquarters," he writes in _Blackwood's
    Magazine_, "saying that we must hold out at all costs, as
    reinforcements were coming up as quickly as possible to our
    support. A corporal in charge of prisoners said that the
    Wiltshire Regiment had suffered terribly, as also the Scots
    Fusiliers, both having been badly peppered with 'Jack Johnsons,'
    which had buried many of them alive in their trenches.

    "At 7 a.m. next morning (the 24th) Captain Drysdale came up to
    me and asked me to hurry up two battalions which were expected
    every minute from the First Army Corps. The position was most
    critical, _as we had not one man left to support the firing
    line_, which was being very hardly pressed, and might give way
    at any moment. At last, then, the long-expected supports were
    arriving. Our men had behaved like heroes all. This was the
    seventh day since we engaged the Germans, one division extending
    over an unheard-of front of eight miles, and holding up what I
    understood from one of our prisoners yesterday to be a force of
    three army corps--that is, 15,000 to 20,000 British against
    150,000 Germans! The ordeal of the last three days had been
    terrible. These brave fellows actually had no sleep for seven
    days, and had never left the trenches, fighting night and day,
    sticking to them until they were literally blown out of them or
    buried alive. They were now becoming pieces of wood, sleeping
    standing up, and firing almost mechanically, with the slightest
    support from our guns, which were now outclassed....

    "Having got on to the road, I found the Northumberland
    Hussars,[67] who had evidently been brought up with the idea of
    their taking possession of the trenches if the supports were not
    up in time. In ten minutes I sighted the head of a battalion
    swinging up the road, and ran down as directed to hurry them up.
    Found them to be the Highland Light Infantry and King's Own
    Scottish Borderers. I told the commanding officer the position,
    and he doubled them round the wood to the trenches which our
    fellows were holding with their last gasp."

On this day, 24th October, the point of the salient gave way. The
gallant Wiltshires were driven in, and the Germans pushed into a wood
west of Becelaere, where there was much desperate fighting for days to
come. The Warwicks were ordered to make a counter-attack, in the course
of which they lost 105 officers and men, including their colonel. He had
been wounded in the foot three days before, but he nevertheless led his
men in the charge with fiery courage. His horse was shot under him, but
he found another, which was also shot, and this time Colonel Loring rose
no more. In those dread days of struggle no regiment played a more
heroic part than the Warwicks; they emerged from the ordeal a mere ghost
of their former strength.

It was noticeable at this time that the Germans, though they repeatedly
pierced our line, did not follow up the advantage which they had gained.
Perhaps this was due to the rawness of the troops; perhaps to the fact
that they were weary with much fighting; but more probably to bad
leadership, for even the famous Prussian Guard, in later assaults, more
than once came to a standstill after it had broken the British line.
Whatever the reason may have been, the Allies had cause to be thankful
that the enemy failed to "make good."

On the evening of the 25th the 20th Brigade of the 7th Division, which
was then holding a position to the south of Gheluvelt, was forced to
retire. The Germans broke through our lines, and the 2nd Scots Guards,
after repelling the enemy, were pushed back with terrible losses.
Thanks, however, to a splendid charge by the 7th Cavalry Brigade, the
situation was saved. In these operations Lord Innes Ker, who led the
advance guard, won great distinction. Meanwhile the Third Corps, resting
on Armentières had been very hard pressed, and had been forced to fall
back to a position of less risk.

A French line division and some Territorials were brought up on the
night of the 24th-25th, and were concentrated about Zillebeke. Meanwhile
the 2nd Division made good progress to the north-east, and captured
some guns and prisoners. On the 27th Sir John French went to the
headquarters of the 1st Division to inquire into the condition of the
7th Division, which had been marching and fighting for a whole month,
and was becoming very weak. He broke up Sir Henry Rawlinson's command,
and the much-tried 7th Division was absorbed into the First Corps.

[Illustration: The Front at Ypres on October 27, 1914.]

On the 28th there was a lull before the coming storm. The enemy was
preparing for a mighty onslaught upon our whole line. About 5.30 the
next morning a wireless message was intercepted, telling us what the
Germans proposed to do. The Emperor had given orders that the line in
front of Ypres must be broken at all costs, and three German corps were
being massed for the purpose. The critical moment was at hand.

Early on the morning of Thursday, the 29th, a mass assault was delivered
against the crossroads one mile east of Gheluvelt. All morning the tide
of battle ebbed and flowed. The 1st Division was driven from its
trenches, and for a time the German thrust seemed to have succeeded. Mr.
Underwood thus relates an incident which took place when the outlook was
black indeed:--

    "As I was watching the woods on our left front towards the
    Gheluvelt-Menin road, I saw the Yorks retiring and the Gordons
    advancing. I pointed this out to the general, who immediately
    sent to find out by whose orders they were retiring. Presently,
    to our consternation, the Gordons came back farther down the
    road towards Gheluvelt; before we could do anything, the Yorks
    came streaming over the open ploughed land. The general galloped
    down the road to stop the Gordons, and I tried to stop the
    Yorks, who persisted that the order had been given to them to
    retire. We concluded that the order must have been given by a
    German officer, and formed them up along the road under a
    terrible shrapnel fire. They were being bowled over like
    ninepins, as the Germans must have seen them crossing the open.
    We tumbled them into the ditch alongside the road, and it was a
    pitiable sight to see the poor fellows who were still in the
    open and badly hit trying to crawl along towards our
    headquarters to take shelter from the hail of shrapnel
    bullets.... They were by now all lying out under the wall of the
    farm, and the place looked like a shambles. It was a splendid
    sight to see Lieutenant Jardine of the R.A.M.C. running out
    under a hail of bullets and bringing in one wounded man after
    another on his back.... Presently the shell fire died down a
    bit, and the men in the ditches alongside the road, having had
    time to recover, advanced once more to regain the ground which
    they had lost.... One poor chap of the Warwicks whom I spoke to,
    and had been very badly mauled, said, 'Well, sir, England can't
    say we did not stick it to the last.'"

In the counter-attack to which the Gordons were now advancing nearly the
whole of the First Corps was engaged. Some very gallant charges were
made, in one of which Lieutenant J.A.O. Brooke of the 2nd Gordons won
the Victoria Cross and lost his life as you will read later on. About 2
p.m. the enemy began to give way, and by dark most of the line north of
the Menin road had been recovered. The same day the Third Corps was
heavily assailed at Le Gheir, in what our soldiers call "Plugstreet"
Woods,[68] and there was desperate fighting beneath its ragged larches.
Here, again, trenches were lost and won. The Middlesex were driven out;
but the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders nobly came to the rescue, and
against great odds recaptured the trenches and slew almost every German
in them.

The attempt to break through to the south of Ypres was repeated with
even greater vigour on the 30th. In the gray dawn a heavy bombardment
was begun on the trenches held by our cavalry at Zandvoorde, a village
about a mile and a half south of Gheluvelt. So fierce was the fire that
no living thing could remain in the trenches. One troop was buried
alive, and soon the whole division was obliged to withdraw to a ridge
about a mile west of the village. This meant that the troops on the
right were uncovered, and were obliged to fall back to preserve the
line. While this movement was going on, the situation was about as
serious as it could well be. The enemy had been reinforced, and had now
gained possession of Zandvoorde. The Scots Greys and the Hussars were
hurried up, and the ridge was held until evening, when the 4th (Guards)
Brigade arrived and took over the line. They held it in trenches with
water above their knees for twenty-three days.

The salient was sharper than ever now, and therefore even more dangerous
than before. The weakest place lay between Gheluvelt and the corner of
the canal near Hollebeke. Had the Germans reached the canal they would
have cut off the British holding the salient to the north, and nothing
could have saved Ypres. The Emperor was on the field and he had told his
men that if Ypres were captured the war would be over, and the victory
of Germany would be complete. So desperate was the situation that Sir
Douglas Haig determined to hold the line from Gheluvelt to the corner of
the canal at all costs. He moved up reserves to the rear of the line,
and made other preparations to resist the great assault of the morrow.

Farther south there was great peril too. The cavalry had been driven out
of Hollebeke, and had fallen back on the Ypres-Armentières road, where
there was heavy fighting. The line of the Third Corps had been broken,
but the rent had been repaired by the gallantry of the Somerset Light
Infantry. Reserves were called up, and were stationed at Neuve Eglise,
about three miles south-west of Messines. With these reserves came the
first infantry Territorial regiment to take the field--the London
Scottish.

North of Zandevoorde there was also great danger of disaster. A
battalion of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers found the troops on their right
pushed back by sheer weight of numbers, and they themselves exposed to a
most galling fire from machine guns on their flank. Their losses were
terrible, but still they held on, and when the fight was over the
battalion had almost ceased to exist. The Royal Scots Fusiliers suffered
in like manner; but they and the remnant of the Yorkshires, bunched
together into one battalion, held their trenches until dark. The Allied
line was pushed back to the verge of Gheluvelt, and when night fell it
seemed as though the Kaiser had spoken the truth when he declared,
"Ypres will be mine by 1st November."

       *     *     *     *     *

During the fighting around Ypres the Royal Flying Corps did splendid
service. A _Daily News_ correspondent tells of one young flying man who
seemed to make a perfect hobby of his work. The following account of his
doings will give you an excellent idea of how airmen direct the fire of
guns. "From dawn to sunset," says the correspondent, "this young officer
is up and about, doing the most wonderful things with the utmost
coolness. The other morning, up ahead of the lark, he volplaned[69] from
a great height right in the midst of the German lines, as though he
meant to make a brief morning call for breakfast. The Germans were too
astonished for the moment to do anything but gasp and gape at him,
though he was easily within range. He impudently stopped his engine,
dropped half a dozen 'puffs' (as our Tommies call the aeroplane bombs)
into a cavalry cluster, waved his hand, and off and above he went again.

"Hundreds of rifle shots whirred around him as he fled; two of them
struck him; and three minutes later he was down in the British lines
once more, with blood trickling through the rents in his tunic. He was
patched up and bandaged, had a good, hearty lunch, and before teatime he
was up again in one of his mad frolics in the air. 'Surely you've had
enough for one day,' said General ----; 'have a rest at least until
to-morrow. We don't want to lose these matinée performances of yours;
they're too fine for anything.' But the young aviator jammed his
armoured helmet on his head, and said he couldn't resist making a
flight, because it was great fun, and kept him fit. So off he went
again.

"That afternoon he excelled himself. There was a well-screened German
battery which was doing nasty work from behind a slight rise at the back
of the enemy's trenches. This was the airman's quarry. Up and up he went
in quick, climbing spirals, and when he was at a height of 2,000 feet he
poised for a spell to spot the lurking-place of the battery. When he had
discovered it he, flew above it, and signalled to our gunners to drop
their shells immediately below him. They fired; the shells fell some
distance to the right. He next signalled to the range-finders to swing
their guns more to the left. Again they fired, but the shells went too
far. A third time he signalled, and the first of our shells that fell in
the new direction wrecked the limber of the foremost German gun,
smashing up horses and men alike. Good! Instantly the airman indicated
that the range had been found, and then shell after shell burst over and
among the battery which had been flogging us so mercilessly earlier in
the day. In five minutes all that was left of it broke away from the
cunning screen which masked it, and fled across country. The general,
who had been watching the affair through his field glasses, cried,
'Splendid! Magnificent! The best show I've ever witnessed. That man must
have a heart of steel in a body of iron.' When the daring aviator
descended the general warmly congratulated him, and shook him by the
hand. 'You're almost too good to last,' he said. The airman only
laughed."

[Illustration: An Admiral of the Air.

_Photo, Cribb._

Wing-Commander C. R. Samson, R.N. See page 74.]

       *     *     *     *     *

In the account of the fighting round Ypres nothing has been said of our
artillery. Sir John French thus writes concerning it: "I cannot speak
too highly of the valuable services rendered by the Royal Artillery
throughout the battle." He also tells us that, though the enemy brought
up guns of great range and power, our artillery overmastered them.
Splendid work was done by a number of young artillery officers, who in
the most gallant manner pressed forward in the vicinity of the firing
line in order to direct their guns at the right targets, and at the
right moment. Here is a story which illustrates the skill and courage of
these young officers.

"In many instances," says a _Times_ correspondent, "artillery subalterns
have taken up dangerous positions well in advance of the front line of
infantry, and, telephone in hand, have given the range to the gunners
with perfect calmness. I was told of an incident which is typical of the
splendid devotion of these men. A young lieutenant had posted himself in
a tower a few hundred yards from the German trenches. He had telephoned
his orders regularly for half an hour. Then he said, without any trace
of excitement, to the operator on the other side, 'I hear the Germans
coming up the stairs. I have my revolver. Don't believe anything more
you hear.' With these words he dropped the receiver, and he has not been
heard of since."

[Footnote 62: _Koor-tray'_, 27 miles by rail south-west of Ghent, on the
Lys; famous for its linen and lace manufactures. The "Battle of the
Spurs" (1302) was fought outside its walls.]

[Footnote 63: _Rā-mē-yee´_, 29 miles south-east of Brussels; scene of
one of Marlborough's victories (1706).]

[Footnote 64: Formed of Irishmen in the service of France. They fought
gallantly against Marlborough; at Malplaquet the 18th (Royal Irish)
Regiment and the Irish Brigade fought with each other, and the Royal
Irish were the victors.]

[Footnote 65: You will find these and other villages mentioned in this
chapter on the map on p. 103.]

[Footnote 66: See p. 95.]

[Footnote 67: The Northumberland Hussar Yeomanry rejoice in the proud
distinction of being the first of all Territorial regiments to go to the
front in this war. They left England about September 15, 1914.]

[Footnote 68: Ploegsteert, about three miles north of Armentières.]

[Footnote 69: Shut off his engine and glided down in zigzags.]




  CHAPTER XIV.

  TALES OF HEROES.


Before I proceed with the story of the critical day in the great
struggle for Ypres, let me give you a few soldiers' stories of the
fighting which took place during the month of October. Hundreds of
attacks and counter-attacks were made and repelled during that terrible
month, and a thousand deeds of the utmost gallantry were performed. Some
of them won the highest award of valour, as we shall learn at the close
of this chapter; but hundreds of others, equally splendid, went
unrecorded and unrecognized, probably because they were not witnessed by
superior officers. We must always remember, when we read accounts of
gallant deeds done in battle, that they are but few out of many which
deserve to be inscribed on the roll of fame. It has been well said that
during the month of October 1914 the Victoria Cross was won a dozen
times every day.

Here is a story of a boy hero, a private in the D Company of the 2nd
Manchesters, of whose exploits you have already read. His name was
Preston; he was eighteen years of age, and was known as the "baby" of
his regiment. On 20th October the Manchesters were surrounded, and their
trenches were enfiladed by German fire. First the lieutenant was
wounded, then the sergeant, and the company was left without a single
officer in command. While the men were wondering what to do, Private
Preston threw up his cap and shouted, "Fix bayonets, lads!" The company
obeyed his order, and he led them in a wild and successful charge
against the enemy. Six days later this gallant and resourceful boy was
killed in action.

[Illustration: The R.A.M.C. rendering First Aid in the Trenches.

_By permission of The Sphere._]

       *     *     *     *     *

A private of the South Wales Borderers tells how some Germans disguised
as gravediggers attempted to rush a British trench. "We knew that the
Germans had a recognized corps of gravediggers," he says, "but we found
that the supposed gravediggers now advancing were armed not only with
picks and shovels, but with rifles also. When they came within range
they fired. We did likewise, and soon saw their backs. Later we caught
three of them--an officer and two privates. The officer was a tall,
brawny fellow, six feet in his stockings. A little Cockney in our
regiment went up to the German officer, and, not supposing that he would
be understood, said fiercely, 'For two pins I'd knock your blooming head
off.' Imagine his surprise when the German giant, looking down upon him,
replied in perfect English, 'Don't! I can't help this war. Like
yourself, I must fight for my country.'"

       *     *     *     *     *

You have already heard from Mr. C. Underwood of the fine work done by
Lieutenant Jardine of the R.A.M.C. on the Gheluvelt-Menin road during
29th October. An eye-witness says: "There was a man of small stature,
Lieutenant Jardine, of the 21st Field Ambulance, who made frequent
journeys from the shelter of a château at Gheluvelt to the trenches. He
continually faced a hurricane of fire, and to see the little man coming
back with a heavy burden on his shoulders was a sight not to be
forgotten. After he had visited the trenches a number of times he had
the appearance of a butcher straight from the slaughter-house. Many men
owe to him the fact that they are alive to-day." Nor must we forget the
Field Ambulance men, who "time after time came into the open to carry
the more seriously wounded from the trenches."

       *     *     *     *     *

Don't forget that there is plenty of opportunity for the display of
courage, even behind the firing line. The following little story
illustrates the steadfastness and resource of a man in the Army Ordnance
Corps--that is, the branch of the service which conveys ammunition to
the places where it is needed. Five motor lorries conveying ammunition
had been cut off by the Germans. The men in charge of them blew up the
ammunition and made off across country. One, however, refused to leave,
and remained hidden in a wood near the side of the road. The Germans,
finding the ammunition destroyed, passed on, and the hidden soldier came
out of his hiding-place. Finding the wheels of the lorries intact, he
managed to start one of the motors. He then hitched the other four
lorries behind, and slowly brought the convoy safely into the British
camp.

       *     *     *     *     *

Major Viscount Dalrymple, of the Scots Guards, the first member of
Parliament to be taken prisoner, gives the following account of his
adventures:--

"We came out in a great hurry in the dark and pouring rain on the night
of 25th October, having heard that a trench held by Major Willie Holbeck
and a platoon on the right flank had been overwhelmed. It was a beastly
trench, next to the one I was in on the previous day, and by nightfall
the Germans were entrenched only 100 yards in front of it. Willie was
shelled and shot at in it all day, and they rushed him in large numbers
in the dark of the evening. He and Corporal Maclean and a few others
bolted back a hundred yards or so, and then tried to retake it with the
bayonet, but failed. Major Hugh Fraser and I, with the remainder of the
right flank and the left flank under Captain Fox, hurried off to the
village, and when we got there we heard that a lot of Germans--more than
1,000--were marching along the street away from us.

"We were not sure whether to try to clear the village first, or whether
to try to retake the lost trench. Eventually Major Fraser and Major
Holbeck started up the track straight to the lost trench. When Fraser
got fairly near the trench he found it full of Germans. He shouted,
'Have a go at them!' and charged practically by himself. He was shot at
once, as were, I think, most of his men. Major Willie Holbeck had his
right thigh bone broken by a bullet. I did not hear much firing, and had
no idea of what had happened until Holbeck crawled back.

"Meanwhile I had discovered that a house near by us was full of Germans,
so I sent Captain Fox along the road nearly opposite, and advanced on it
myself with a platoon and a few more men. When we got within twenty
yards or so they started firing at us. I shouted to the men to charge,
and rushed over the hedge at the enemy. I was just going to bayonet an
officer, when my men shot him, and he pulled me over by the leg as he
fell. Then the Germans came out of the house, swarms of them. Some gave
themselves up, while others fired at us out of a wood alongside, only
about five yards away; until I got hold of a prisoner, and, pushing him
round in front of me, told him to tell the others to surrender. He did
so, and they surrendered to the number of 188 men and seven officers.
Two of their officers had been killed, and a good many of their men; but
I had two of my best sergeants and I don't know how many men killed and
wounded. It took the whole left flank company to take the prisoners
away, and I was not left with enough to attack the lost trench.

"About 7 a.m. on the 26th the shelling began, and there was a lot of
sniping from the village at my right rear. Presently I saw about sixty
Germans, who had been hiding, bolting across our rear, and I think,
between our fire and the German shelling, they must have been wiped out.
Then the shelling got terrific, absolutely all over us. At one time for
two consecutive minutes I counted over sixty shells a minute bursting
within fifty yards or so of my trench. I was twice hit by pieces, which,
however, did no harm, and none of my little section were touched. Our
trench got pretty uninhabitable--fired at from front and rear and on one
flank, the shells coming thick all the time.

"Then word came from the trench on my left, held by a mixture of
Staffords and Grenadiers and my men, that the Grenadiers on the left had
retired. I shouted back that it was nonsense, and to stick to the
trenches and fire whenever opportunity offered. I did not think there
could be any genuine attack until they stopped shelling us.

"About 3.30 I suddenly heard a bugle sounding 'Cease fire,' or something
or other, on our right, and saw the next trench on the right full of
Germans, and our people surrendering. . . . The Germans were all round
except on the left, and I think our people had gone from there; so I
told our men to lie low in the trenches, in case the Germans did not
come so far, which they unfortunately did." Viscount Dalrymple and his
little force were surrounded and forced to surrender. "I was marched off
with about sixty men, mostly Staffordshires and King's Company
Grenadiers, only about eight of my own, and one Staffordshire subaltern.
At a village some way off I found the rest of our people.

"Eight of us were in a second-class compartment for forty-eight
hours--that is, every seat full--and were not allowed to lie down, stand
up, or look out of the windows. If we opened a window it was generally
shut again. After we had been in this compartment for about thirty hours
we were given a plateful of potato soup with a little meat in it. We had
not had anything to eat or drink for twenty-four hours previous to being
captured, and had been under heavy fire the whole of the time."

       *     *     *     *     *

Private G. Owen of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, who was mentioned in
dispatches for conspicuous bravery on the field, thus describes the
incident which won him the proud distinction:--"You will be surprised to
hear about me getting mentioned in dispatches for helping a wounded
comrade who had been shot in the leg and had had his thigh broken. I
will tell you shortly how it happened. We had been warned to draw
rations from a farmhouse just on the other side of our trenches, which
was being shelled, and had a Maxim playing on it. Well, we had drawn tea
for our comrades, and we had to go back for some eatables. We made a run
for it. I was first, and got through the gate into the field, when I
heard a shout of 'O Jerry, I'm hit!'

"I ran back, and saw my mate lying in the road with his thigh broken by
a bullet from the sniper with the Maxim. I caught hold of him the best
way I could, and got him to safety with the help of the officer in
charge, while the bullets and shells were screaming round for more
victims."

       *     *     *     *     *

A newspaper correspondent tells us of a little Welshman who made a great
reputation as a sniper[70] during the fighting in front of Ypres. "If
there is one thing," he says, "that the German soldier is beginning to
be an adept in it is sniping. He has learnt many tricks, and the British
soldier in the trenches pays him the utmost respect. He climbs trees, he
worms along the ground, sometimes as stealthily as a Gurkha; in a field
of roots he sticks a turnip on the spike of his helmet, and, thus
disguised, sends quick death among an incautious enemy. He shoots
straight, and is not afraid. But this little Welshman is claimed by his
comrades to be king of them all. He spends each night at it, and his
regiment's trenches are now rarely disturbed by even the most
venturesome German sharpshooters. He steals forward as lightly as a cat,
fires, and, slipping aside, awaits the enemy's reply. The flashes of
their rifles give him a mark. He shoots at the nearest, and repeats the
performance as often as the enemy will oblige him by disclosing their
positions.

"A London scoutmaster was sent out one night to ascertain the enemy's
intentions. He found the Welshman ahead, and in whispers explained his
object. The sniper bade him follow, and the scoutmaster quickly found
himself less than twenty yards from the German trenches, undiscovered
and unsuspected. This little Welshman in private life is a revivalist
preacher."

       *     *     *     *     *

An American correspondent who witnessed the British monitors[71]
shelling the German trenches tells us the following story of a gallant
British naval officer who fell while trying to aid the stricken
Belgians. "As we watched the fighting we were joined by a Belgian
captain, who told us the story of an English lieutenant[72] who had
landed that morning. This officer came ashore from the monitor _Severn_
with twenty men and three machine guns. Reaching Nieuport, he saw that
the Belgians by losing a farm that morning had weakened their position.
Accordingly he started with his twenty men across the bullet-swept area
right to the trenches. Men who saw him say he walked as calmly as if on
a tour of inspection, calling orders to his men, and signalling with his
hands. In vain the Belgian officers shouted that their position was
already occupied by Germans. Either he did not hear or he was determined
to accomplish the task at all costs. When fifty yards from the coveted
goal the young officer fell dead, a bullet having struck him between the
eyes. The men retreated, carrying with them the guns and the memory of a
hero worthy in all respects of the high traditions of the British navy."

[Illustration: French Officers examining a German Prisoner.

(_Photo, Central News._)]

       *     *     *     *     *

A lance-corporal of the 2nd South Lancashire Regiment describes how he
and his comrades saved a gun which they were working in the loft of a
cottage. Some 200 Germans having broken through the British lines, tried
to rush the cottage. "I crept on my stomach," says the lance-corporal,
"and made for my gun, which was nicely pointed at them, fetching them
down like sheep, thinking every minute they would get at me, especially
when I heard footsteps on the stairs. Two of my comrades now came to my
assistance. When they saw who it was they patted me on the back, and one
of them said, 'Let's have a go at the gun, Len;' which I was glad of, as
I was nearly done up. My chum did splendid work, fetching the remainder
down. While he was firing Lieutenant Fulcher went downstairs just in
time, as five Germans had got round without being seen. The brave
officer killed the five, and returned to us in the loft. . . . Then,
seeing we were all right, he once more returned to headquarters.

"Half an hour later we were surrounded with shells . . . A piece struck
the sergeant. Without delay we carried him into the house and did our
very best for him. It was a pity that he should come to his end, as only
the day before he received a telegram congratulating him on his splendid
previous work, for which he was mentioned in dispatches.

"We gave the alarm to the men down the cellar. It must have been God who
told me to shout them up. In one more minute there would have been
another seven killed, as no sooner had they got up than a shell burst in
the cellar. I told the men to make for headquarters, which they did
under heavy shell fire. How they got there without being hit I do not
know. Myself and two others stopped, as we had our best friend in the
roof (the gun). Another shell came and took the two men off their feet,
luckily doing no harm; only I got a few splinters after the falling of
the house. I found that I was the last, so I crawled out in the smoke
and the dust, and made for headquarters. I reported to Lieutenant
Fulcher that the sergeant was killed, and had died in my arms, and that
I had been forced to leave the gun. There were tears in his eyes. He
told me to lie down, but I could not, and he asked where I had left the
gun. I told him, and said, 'I expect it is smashed.' He then asked for
volunteers to go and fetch it, and two other lance-corporals at once
offered to go with me. We saved the gun, everything else being smashed,
and got back without being hit. General Haldane congratulated us, and
granted us six days' special leave to England."

       *     *     *     *     *

The following story comes from the German side. There are three
characters in it--a Bavarian lieutenant, Sepp his servant, and Caro his
dog. "Sepp could play the mouth organ[73] beautifully, rendering folk
songs, dances, etc., and we had many a pleasant hour with his music. One
day, when the shells were bursting not far from us, the lieutenant said
to his servant, 'Sepp, if I am ever hit, play my burial song for me, as
you know how, and send my mother a remembrance. Everything else,
including money, you can keep.' The dog Caro was not allowed to go into
action, but had to march all day with the baggage, and at night slept at
his master's door, allowing no one save Sepp to enter. Often he managed
to get loose from the baggage carts, and, in spite of the colonel's
scolding, reached the firing-line, where he shared the danger with his
master.

"One fine day on the Yser a hostile bullet struck our dear young
lieutenant in the forehead, so that he never moved again. On his face
there was a pleasant smile, such as we had never before seen on the
dead. Our grief was great; but a soldier never has much time for
weeping. We dug his grave in a small pleasure garden, and laid the young
hero to rest. We doffed our helmets, while some one said a brief prayer.
On the mound we laid a last rose, and the soldiers made a cross. When
the captain had said the last word Sepp at once began to play, more
beautifully than we had ever heard before. No organ music had ever
pleased me so much. Tears stood in the eyes of us all. Again and again
he played funeral hymns and soldiers' songs, until we had to go.

"We could not get Sepp away from his master's grave. He continued to sit
there, weeping and playing on his mouth organ all the songs his master
had loved best. Just as we were going, up came the dog Caro from
somewhere, as though he knew of his master's death. He whined and
howled, while all about this farewell scene the guns thundered and rifle
bullets whistled. Deeply moved, we went away. The English made an
attack, but still in the twilight Sepp continued to play, until he had
to be removed forcibly to prevent him from falling into the enemy's
hands. Only Caro remained; he would not budge.

"When, two days later, we had beaten the English and came back past the
same spot, there lay the faithful Caro, dead on his master's grave. We
knew not whether he had perished of hunger and grief, or whether a
fragment of shell had struck him, but we found no wound on his body. We
buried the faithful animal at his master's feet. Since that day Sepp has
never played another tune."

       *     *     *     *     *

I will conclude this chapter by giving you a brief account of the heroes
who were awarded the Victoria Cross between October 1 and 30, 1914. They
are as follows:--

Private Henry May, 1st Battalion the Cameronians (Scottish Rifles). On
October 22, 1914, at a village about four miles south-west of
Armentières, he went out of his own free will, and under a heavy
cannonade tried to rescue a wounded man who was, unhappily, killed
before he could save him. Later, on the same day, he carried a wounded
officer a distance of 300 yards into safety, while exposed to very
severe fire.

Drummer William Kenny, 2nd Gordon Highlanders. On 23rd October, near
Ypres, Drummer Kenny, an Irishman, whose parents live at Drogheda,
showed wonderful bravery in rescuing wounded men on five different
occasions. Each time he carried his life in his hand, and showed the
most fearless courage. Twice previously he had saved machine guns by
carrying them out of action, and frequently he had conveyed urgent
messages over fire-swept ground. Like all true heroes, Drummer Kenny
showed himself the most modest of men. Here is his own account of his
repeated acts of bravery: "There were men lying about wounded, and I
simply brought them in. The Maxims had to be fetched, and I did
it--that's all."

Lieutenant Arthur Martin-Leake, R.A.M.C. This gallant officer was the
first man in the British army to be awarded the Victoria Cross for
conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty in two separate campaigns.
During the South African War he went out into the firing-line to dress a
wounded man while forty Boers, who were only 100 yards off, rained
bullets on the position. When he had done all he could for the stricken
soldier he went over to a badly wounded officer, and while trying to
place him in a more comfortable position was shot three times. He only
gave up his merciful work when thoroughly exhausted, and even then he
refused water until other wounded men had been served. For this splendid
self-sacrifice and steadfast bravery he was rightly awarded the Victoria
Cross. During the Balkan War he served with a British Red Cross
contingent, and throughout the present war, and especially at Zonnebeke
between October 29 and November 8, 1914, he repeatedly went out under
heavy fire to bring in wounded men, some of whom were lying close to the
enemy's trenches. Again the coveted distinction was awarded to him, and
a clasp was added to the Cross which he had won in South Africa.

Lieutenant James Leach and Sergeant John Hogan, 2nd Battalion the
Manchester Regiment. Lieutenant Leach had only received his commission a
few days before he won the Victoria Cross on October 29. "When I joined
the Manchesters," he said in an interview, "there were only six officers
and forty-five men, whereas the proper strength of the battalion was 30
officers and 1,100 men. The regiment had been badly cut up at Le Cateau
and La Bassée. On joining the regiment I was immediately put in command
of a company which was in an advanced trench near Festubert.[74] The
trench was large enough to hold thirty-five men; it was about 150 yards
from the main trench, and 120 yards from the German trenches.

"At seven o'clock on the morning of 29th October I had just started to
have my breakfast, when a man to the right of me shouted, 'Look out,
sir, look out; they're coming,' and began firing as fast as he could. I
looked over the parapet, and saw about 250 of the enemy with fixed
bayonets approaching the trench at the double, firing as they came on,
and making a peculiar wailing noise. Before the Germans reached the
trench we shot down something like 150 of them. With only such a short
distance to cross from their trenches to ours, about 100 of the enemy
managed to reach our trench and jump into it. By sheer weight of numbers
they carried the trench, and killed about twelve of my men.

[Illustration: How Lieutenant Leach and Sergeant Hogan recaptured a
Trench from the Germans.

(_From the picture by F. Matania. By permission of The Sphere._)]

"At nine o'clock I called up the communication trench, and asked how far
the enemy had got, and found they were occupying three of the four
traverses.[75] When I went up again by myself two hours later, I found
the Germans were occupying all the four traverses. Well, I thought, if
we leave it much longer they will be down the communication trenches
into the main trench.

"The same evening we heard we were to be relieved by the Gurkhas, and I
felt it would be rather bad on my part to leave the recovery of the
trench to them. I therefore determined about two o'clock to regain the
trench before dark. Calling for volunteers, Sergeant Hogan and ten
others came forward, and we began to crawl up the communication trench.
I fired anywhere with my revolver, only exposing my hand, with the
intention of pushing back the enemy along the trench as far as we could.
The idea was to force them to run back to their own trenches, so that we
could shoot them down as they went.

"All along the trench we crawled over dead and wounded Germans, so you
see my revolver had been doing some execution. When we got to the left
traverse I was surprised to hear an English voice round the corner
shout, 'Don't shoot, sir.' I chanced this being a bit of treachery, and
was surprised to see one of my own men coming round the corner. He had
been captured in the morning rush, and he said a wounded German officer
round the corner had asked him to tell me that they wanted to surrender.

"I went round the corner, and found sixteen Germans on their knees with
their hands up, shouting, 'Mercy.' I told the officer that he and his
men had got to go into the main trench. This they did after they had
taken off their equipment, holding up their hands as they went. About
twenty wounded Germans crawled in with them. . . . Was I surprised when
I heard I had been awarded the Victoria Cross? Yes, I was. I was
mentioned in dispatches, and there I thought the matter had ended."

Sergeant Hogan, when interviewed, showed the same pleasing modesty as
Drummer Kenny. "I only did," he said, "what others would have done, and
what others have done."

A few further details as to this remarkable feat may be added. The
following account is taken from the _Manchester Guardian_:--"Lieutenant
Leach and Sergeant Hogan left the main trench with ten men, and,
crawling along the communicating trench, they established themselves at
a point where the trench, which had been captured by the Germans that
same morning, turned sharply at right angles. Leach and Hogan then
advanced. The aim of the two men was to drive the Germans back along the
narrow trench to the opposite end, from which there was no exit. Leach
and Hogan commenced from their corner. Leach, being armed with a
revolver, could reach his hand round the corner and shoot along the
sections without exposing his body; whilst the German soldiers, armed
only with rifles, could not fire without exposing part of their bodies.

"While Leach was shooting along the section Hogan watched the parapet to
ward off attacks from above, as the Germans might crawl over from the
section attacked and shoot them down from above or take them in the
rear. Leach had now to fire with his left hand. When the section had
been cleared by the two men, they took their stand at the next corner,
and repeated the manoeuvre. As they advanced, section by section, Hogan
put his hat on the end of his rifle and raised it above the parapet, to
indicate to his platoon how far progress had been made, so that his
comrades would not fire at that part of the trench that had been
retaken." This went on, corner after corner being captured, until the
two men heard one of their comrades who had been made prisoner that
morning cry out, as described above by Lieutenant Leach.

Lieutenant James Anson Otho Brooke, 2nd Gordon Highlanders. This officer
received the Victoria Cross for conspicuous bravery and great ability
near Gheluvelt on 29th October, when he led two attacks on the German
trenches under heavy rifle and machine-gun fire, and regained a lost
trench at a very critical moment. By his marked coolness and alertness
he prevented the enemy from breaking through our line[76] at a time
when a general counter-attack could not have been made. Lieutenant
Brooke made the supreme sacrifice that day: he gave his life to save his
fellows.

[Illustration: Diagram to illustrate Trench Warfare.]

[Footnote 70: Sharpshooter, who hides himself outside the trenches and
fires on the enemy when occasion offers.]

[Footnote 71: See p. 92.]

[Footnote 72: Lieutenant Wise.]

[Footnote 73: British soldiers are also fond of performing on the mouth
organ.]

[Footnote 74: See map, p. 59.]

[Footnote 75: A study of the diagram on p. 128 will explain the meaning
of "communication trench" and "traverse." Lieutenant Leach's company
was holding a trench such as that marked A on the diagram.]

[Footnote 76: See p. 108.]




  CHAPTER XV.

  THE CRISIS OF THE FIRST BATTLE OF YPRES.


On Saturday, 31st October, came the crisis of the fierce and
long-continued struggle. Day by day the enemy's attacks had been growing
stronger and stronger. Across the lines the British could hear the
Germans singing patriotic songs, as though they were working themselves
up to a berserk rage.[77] An order taken from a prisoner showed that the
Kaiser had ordered the British line to be smashed at all costs. "Before
the sun was high on that morning," writes an American correspondent, "a
British aviator volplaned down to his own lines with a wing damaged by
shrapnel. He dropped from his seat pale and shaken. 'A close call?' they
asked. 'It isn't that,' he replied; 'it's what I have seen--three corps,
I tell you, against our First!' So he jerked out his story. He had seen
the roads and ridges like ant-hills and ant-runs with men; he had seen
new batteries going into position; he had seen, far away, the crawling
gray serpents, which were still more German regiments going to their
slaughter. 'And we're so thin from up there,' he said, 'and they're so
many.'"[78]

[Illustration: The French and British Commanders in the Field--General
Joffre and General Sir John French.

(_By permission of The Sphere._)]

The little map on page 131 will show you the British position against
which the Germans were now about to hurl themselves in vast strength.
You see that the 1st Division held the village of Gheluvelt, and lay to
the right and left of the main road from Ypres to Menin. On the left of
the 1st Division lay the 2nd Division, extending the line as far north
as Zonnebeke. The South Wales Borderers, who were on the extreme left of
the 1st Division, were posted in the sunken part of the road between
Gheluvelt and Reutel. The 2nd Worcesters, who belonged to the 2nd
Division, were stationed in the wood which you will see to the
south-west of Zonnebeke. On the right of the 1st Division, continuing
the line up to the canal from Ypres to the Lys, lay the 7th Division.

[Illustration]

At daybreak on the 31st, von Beimling, with at least 100,000 Bavarians,
attacked the centre of the British line. A heavy fire was directed
against Gheluvelt, and when the way was thus prepared, the infantry
dashed upon the place, but were repulsed. Again and again the Bavarians
advanced, but nowhere could they make headway. The big guns reduced
Gheluvelt to a heap of blazing ruins; but the British could not be
shifted from them. The trenches of the Welsh were searched from end to
end by German shells; but still they stuck to them. Every spot in front,
and even the wood in the rear where the Worcesters were posted, was
raked by the murderous German fire. But every time the enemy pushed
forward they were beaten back.

Having thus failed to pierce the British line at Gheluvelt, the
Bavarians were ordered to fling themselves against the British to the
south of the Menin-Ypres road--that is, against the 1st Queen's (Surrey)
and the 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers, the latter unit being the flank
regiment of the 7th Division. Advancing in force, they got between the
village of Gheluvelt and the Surreys on their left flank, and then, with
their great numbers, were able to get round to the right flank of that
regiment, which was almost surrounded and cut off. Only some seventy of
the Surreys fought their way back into the woods in their rear. The
British line was broken at last.

What the Germans had now to do was to enlarge the breach. The retreat of
the Surreys had laid open the flank of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, and
the Bavarians tried to deal with them as they had dealt with the
Surreys. Again they were successful, and the Scots were surrounded and
cut off from their division. They would neither surrender nor give way,
and only a remnant fought their way out, and followed the Surreys
towards Ypres. Their brigadier, in describing the fighting, said, "I
think it was perfectly splendid. Mind you, it was not a case of 'hands
up,' or any nonsense of that sort; it was a fight to a finish. Why, even
a German general came up to the colonel afterwards and congratulated
him, and said he could not understand how his men had held out so long."
The Royal Scots Fusiliers had suffered terribly. They had landed in
Flanders over a thousand strong; they now numbered seventy men,
commanded by a junior lieutenant.

Thus the British line was successfully broken. The 1st Division could
not maintain its ground, and as it retired the 1st Coldstreams were
almost wiped out. Against the exposed flank of the 7th Division a strong
infantry attack was now launched. It seemed as if nothing could stay the
German advance, and that the British were bound to be overwhelmed with
disaster. Enemy aeroplanes discovered Sir Douglas Haig's headquarters,
and a shell burst in the house. Haig himself was at Hooge, on the
Menin-Ypres road, at the time, and so escaped; but the general of the
1st Division was wounded, and six of the staff officers were killed.

A day's march away from Ypres is the ford where, two thousand years ago,
Cæsar was in dire peril of being overwhelmed by the Nervii.[79] In that
battle he snatched a shield from a soldier, and, plunging into the fray,
rallied the Roman army, and turned defeat into victory. It was now Sir
John French's part to play the part of Cæsar. He jumped into his motor
car and sped towards the 1st Division. He found Sir Douglas Haig riding
up and down trying to learn what had happened, and to settle what was to
be done. As commander-in-chief and general greeted each other,
orderlies, one after the other, rode up with the news that the British
line was broken, that regiments were in retreat, that Gheluvelt had at
last been taken, and that the Germans were advancing in overwhelming
force. It was the most critical moment of the great battle.

The 7th Division was now ordered to retreat, and this exposed the left
flank of the French division on their right. It was under the command of
General Moussy, who was struggling hard to keep his line intact. He had
come to the assistance of the British at the very moment when all seemed
lost, just as the French had come to the aid of the British at
Inkerman[80] sixty years before. He was now terribly assailed, and again
and again it seemed that his line must be staved in. At one point the
Germans nearly broke through, and without reinforcements they could not
be held back. Immediately the general sent off a corporal of his escort
to scour the country, and to bring up every man that he could lay hold
of. The corporal dismounted the sixty-five men of the general's escort,
and called on lorry drivers, motor men, servants, cooks, anybody and
everybody he saw to join him. With this motley array, many of them
unarmed, he hurried to the trenches, and in a few minutes his scratch
force was making a bayonet charge, practically without bayonets. The
Germans thought that reinforcements had arrived, and therefore retired.

This incident will remind you of the turning-point in the Battle of
Bannockburn,[81] six hundred years before. While the English were
struggling to break the Scottish line, they thought they saw a new army
approaching. What they really saw was a band of camp followers and
servants who had made banners of sheets and blankets tied to sticks and
tent poles. They had formed themselves into ranks, and were now marching
down a hill towards the battle. At this sight the English broke and
fled. When General Moussy's corporal came up with his scratch regiment
of 250 men the old incident of Bannockburn was repeated.

The Germans were now not only pressing hard from the north of Gheluvelt
to the canal, but were making headway against Allenby's cavalry, who
were holding the whole line from Klein Zillebeke to the south of
Messines.[82] Allenby's sole reinforcement consisted of exhausted
Indians who had been sent up from the Second Corps. You will learn later
how at this juncture Sepoy Khudadad,[83] of the 129th Baluchis,[84] won
the Victoria Cross for his magnificent steadfastness in working his gun
till every man of his detachment had been killed.[85]

So terrible was the pressure round Hollebeke that Kavanagh's cavalry,
who had been on the Menin road behind the 1st Division, were now hurried
south to hold the line at this point. Even with this assistance
Allenby's men were almost at their last gasp. Two nearly fresh German
corps were attacking them, and hours must elapse before other
reinforcements could arrive.

[Illustration: The Scratch Force that saved de Moussy's Line.

_Photo, Daily Mirror._]

Now came the most critical hour of this most critical battle. Between
two and three o'clock on the 31st the whole issue of the campaign in the
West trembled in the balance. Just when the outlook seemed darkest, and
all hope of saving the day seemed to have vanished, an orderly galloped
up to Sir John French with the startling news that the German advance
had stopped. Then came another piece of good news: the 1st Division was
re-forming its line, and Gheluvelt had been retaken! What had happened?
I will compile my account from a narrative issued by the Worcestershire
County Council:--

"Although the line of the 1st Division had been broken, the whole of it
had not fallen back. The Surreys and the Scots had been practically
wiped out, but the dauntless Welsh still stood firm. Posted in the
hollow road to the east of Gheluvelt, where they were slightly sheltered
from the German fire, the Welsh still held their ground, thus forming a
pivot upon which, if reinforcements were forthcoming, the line could be
re-formed and the position linked up.

"Holding back by their fire the mass of Germans with whom they were
still engaged, the Welsh were covering the flank of the 2nd Division and
checking the German advance. If they could hold on and keep the flank
covered until help arrived, the 1st Division could re-form and the gap
could be filled up. The position was critical, and a very severe trial
for the Welsh; but they belonged to a regiment which bore on its colours
the word "Talavera,"[86] and where, as here, the British line had been
broken, but the steadiness of a single regiment had saved the day. The
Welsh had been told to hold the post to the last. They had done so.

"When von Beimling advanced in the morning, hurling on them attack after
attack, the Welsh held the road against him. When the Germans surrounded
the Surreys and drove off the Scots, still the Welsh held on, firing,
steadily firing, keeping back the Bavarians. When the Germans carried
Gheluvelt and the British line gave way, the Welsh remained firing and
held their ground against all comers, so delaying the German advance.
Now at last, when orders had been given to begin the retreat, the Welsh
still remained where they had been originally stationed, just as if the
line were still intact, and no retreat had been ordered. Could help be
sent to them so as to enable them to reap the reward of their heroic
constancy?

"Stationed in a corner of a wood about a mile from Gheluvelt, towards
Ypres, near the Menin-Ypres road, was a body of some 600 men, four
companies of the 2nd battalion of a regiment that the Duke of Wellington
once described in a letter as 'the best regiment in his army' (the
Worcesters, whose famous and well-deserved motto is 'Firm'). To them
now, more than a century later, was given the opportunity for Sir John
French to say whether he concurred or not in Wellington's high opinion.
They were ordered 'to advance without delay, and to deliver a
counter-attack with the utmost vigour.'

"No one who knew the regiment doubted for an instant that they would do
it. Every one was doubtful whether they could do it with success. They
were only four companies; the Germans were legion. But whether they were
to be successful or unsuccessful, their plain duty was to attack the
Germans, however many, with their handful of men, however few. The Welsh
had to be supported; the Germans had to be repulsed. Everything depended
on their advance.

"On receipt of his orders Major Hankey, who was in command of the
battalion, sent Lieutenant Haskett Smith with six scouts to reconnoitre
the ground, and cut any wire entanglements that would delay the advance.
The A company, under Captain Wainman, was sent forward to occupy and
hold a trench between the wood and the village. Not the least of the
exploits of the Worcesters on that day was the advance of A company to
occupy and hold this trench. It was in effect asking an English company
to advance, and, as it proved, to advance successfully, against the
whole German force at that point. The trench was occupied, and not
merely occupied, but held.

"Some 600 yards in front of the battalion was a small wood forming some
sort of cover. Here B, C, and D companies deployed for the attack, in
two lines. The Worcesters set out on their terrible task. For about half
a mile they had to advance under a very heavy fire of shrapnel. Over
part of the ground they could rush from one bit of cover to another, but
at one place for about 200 yards there was no cover at all. Here they
had not only the shrapnel on their front, but on their right flank the
Bavarians pouring in a hail of bullets from rifles and machine guns. It
looked as if no one could pass through that fire unhurt. The Germans
were constantly bringing up reinforcements with fresh ammunition.

"It appeared that the Worcesters were going to certain death. The
appearance was not deceptive, for in crossing the 200 yards without
cover the three companies had no fewer than 100 casualties. Even this
did not cause the Worcesters to flinch. They pressed onward, reached the
road, and formed up on the left of the Welsh. In front of them, at a
distance of some 300 yards, was a small wood filled with Bavarians. On
these the Worcesters opened fire with such success that the enemy
gradually retreated.

"But although the Worcesters had gained the road, supported the Welsh,
and thus had enabled the 1st Division to re-form its line, their
position was far from safe. Their right flank was open to the enemy,
who, from the cover of the ruins of the village, was able, without much
loss to himself, to pour in a continuous rifle fire. From time to time
parties of Germans from the village got round the Worcesters' right
flank. They became so troublesome that the Worcesters stormed the house
nearest to their trench, and made it into a bastion for their defence,
so that the German flank attacks ceased. The effect of this charge was
to change the entire position. The Worcesters were now able to threaten
the right flank of the Germans, who, on perceiving this, at once
desisted from any further advance. Their offensive died away."

The narrative then goes on to tell how those units of the 1st Division,
which had retreated were brought back to the original line, how the
cavalry cleared the Germans out of the woods, surprising and killing a
good many of them, and how as it grew dark the Germans fell back. At
last by 10 p.m. the British line as held on the morning of 31st October
was re-formed. Thus a terrible disaster was averted by the cool courage
and the devotion of the Welsh and the Worcesters. The crisis had passed;
the fighting was not yet over, but the battle had been won.

The Worcesters had lost heavily, but they had covered themselves with
glory, and the whole army united to do them honour. A month later Sir
John French paraded all that was left of the battalion that retook
Gheluvelt, and told them that though they bore on their colours the
names of many famous victories, they had added lustre to their former
reputation by their splendid bravery that day.

       *     *     *     *     *

Next day (1st November) French reinforcements were hurried up, but
before they could arrive the Germans had made two attacks--the one
against Klein Zillebeke, the other against Allenby's cavalry around
Messines. The first attack was driven back, but the second was
successful, and Hollebeke and Messines were both seized by the enemy.
The Germans swarmed across the low ridges, and their artillery found gun
positions from which Ypres and Messines could be shelled. The village
was speedily levelled with the ground, and all attempts to retake the
ruins failed. Allenby had in reserve four battalions from the Second
Corps to the west of Messines, and he now called them into the firing
line. Amongst them were the London Scottish, the first of all infantry
Territorial regiments to go to the front. They were now about to undergo
their baptism of fire.

The London Scottish in civil life are clerks, young lawyers, doctors,
architects, engineers, and literary men. They are a kilted regiment,
clad in sober gray with blue facings, and in times of peace are
remarkable for their smart uniform and their excellent drill. They were
now to prove that citizen soldiers in the hour of their country's need
can fight as valiantly and bear themselves as heroically as their
comrades of the regular army.

The accounts of the fighting in which the London Scottish were engaged
differ widely, but I think you will get a good idea of what actually
happened from the following description by a dispatch rider:--

    "I was talking to some London Scottish; they had had a terrible
    time. They were only supposed to be in support, and had no
    machine guns with them, when news came of a highly critical
    situation, and they were led up to the trenches under shell and
    rifle fire over open ground--a thing very seldom undertaken even
    by Regulars. They made a perfect advance as if they were on
    parade, and then later on came an awful attack. The Germans came
    on in masses, with bands playing, and, as I heard later, the
    Kaiser in person looking on (from a safe distance); and the
    Scots mowed them down and down till their ammunition gave out,
    when they leaped out of the trenches and went for the enemy with
    the bayonet. They were driven back into the trenches by force of
    numbers, and a desperate fight took place. Their medical officer
    was actually bayoneted in front of their eyes while bending down
    attending to two wounded men. It was bright moonlight, and he
    had a white badge and red cross on his arm, and even a blue
    tunic on, and was, of course, without arms of any sort. The
    Germans behaved like inhuman fiends; every wounded man they
    bayoneted at once, and when the Scots saw this foul work they
    gave the order, 'No prisoners.' They drove the Germans back
    eventually, giving no quarter, and getting none."[87]

While the London Scots were proving their mettle, the Germans broke
through the line of the 1st Cavalry Division, and captured a village
about 1½ miles north of Messines, on the Ypres-Armentières road. Next
day, however, this village was retaken, though Messines still remained
in German hands. There was also heavy fighting that day at Le Gheir,
south of Messines, and in the course of it Drummer Bent of the East
Lancashires won the Victoria Cross,[88] as you shall hear later.

[Illustration: The Charge of the London Scottish at Messines, November
1, 1914.

(_From the picture by Dudley Tennant._)]

For five days afterwards the battle resolved itself into an artillery
duel, and our weary men had a breathing space. Reserves were brought up
from the Second Corps, and two Territorial battalions and two Yeomanry
regiments were put into the firing line. On 6th November the Germans
made a sudden attack on the Klein Zillebeke position, and drove in the
French, who were holding the right towards the canal. This left the 4th
Cavalry Brigade unsupported; but the Household Brigade,[89] under
General Kavanagh, came to the rescue, and the French were able to
recapture their trenches. Once more, however, the French were driven
back, and to stem the rush Kavanagh doubled a couple of dismounted
squadrons across the road. There was a moment of wild confusion, in
which British, French, and Germans were mingled together in the village
street. When the confusion was at its height Major Dawnay of the 2nd
Life Guards led his men to the charge, and the village was cleared with
great loss to the enemy. Unhappily, Major Dawnay was killed by a
shrapnel shell, but not until the British position was saved.

You are accustomed to think of the 2nd Life Guards in all the glory of
their peace uniform, in their steel helmets with horse-hair plumes,
their gleaming breastplates, their white buckskin breeches and gloves,
and their long knee-boots. Very different was the picture which they
presented in the village street on that fierce day, their drab khaki
uniforms splashed with mud and blood, their horses far in the rear, and
they, on foot, lunging fiercely at the oncoming Germans with the
bayonet. There is no pomp or glamour of gold lace, nodding plumes, and
burnished steel on the modern battlefield.

Kavanagh's Brigade stemmed the torrent and held its trenches far into
the night, until the 4th Brigade had strengthened its position. Next
morning (7th November) our men made a counter-attack; but though German
trenches were brilliantly captured, they could not be retained. It was
during this attack that Captain J. F. Vallentin of the South Staffords
won the Victoria Cross.[90]

Once more there was a lull. Nothing worthy of mention happened on the
8th, 9th, and 10th, but on the 11th the storm broke out again in all
its fury.

You will remember that at Waterloo, when the cannon of the advancing
Prussians were heard in the distance, and Napoleon saw defeat staring
him in the face, he staked all on a charge of his Old Guard--the Guard
that "dies but never surrenders." Six thousand of these men, the very
flower and pride of his army, were hurled at the long-tried British. As
they rushed up the slope, the British Guards, who had been lying down
behind the top of the ridge, sprang to their feet and poured a volley
into the enemy. The advancing columns wavered, and our men, charging
with the bayonet, thrust them down the hill in utter confusion.

The Kaiser was now about to follow the example of Napoleon and make one
mighty effort to snatch victory out of defeat by launching his famous
Prussian Guards against the stubborn foe. The Prussian Guards are the
very apple of the Kaiser's eye; they are all picked men, over six feet
in height, of wonderful discipline and unquenchable courage, and they
count it the highest honour that life holds to be selected from the
ordinary regiments for service as the bodyguard of the Emperor. If
living men could "hack their way through," these were the men to do it.

True, the Guards had not yet covered themselves with glory. They had
suffered heavily at Charleroi[91] and Guise;[92] they had been badly
beaten in the marshes of the Gond,[93] and had lost many of their
numbers at Rheims;[94] but now, under the eye of the Kaiser himself,
they were to sweep all before them and succeed where their comrades of
the line had failed. Thirteen battalions of them were brought up from
the Arras district with great speed and secrecy, and on Wednesday, 11th
November, they were thrust against the point of the salient to the north
and south of the Ypres-Menin road. The day opened with the most furious
artillery attack known up to that time. The British trenches were
continuously assailed with lyddite[95] and shrapnel; but our gallant men
hung on, wondering how long they could exist in that tornado of spouting
earth and flying shard.

For eight hours the terrific cannonade continued. About seven in the
evening, when the sky was dark and rain was falling, British aeroplanes
appeared overhead and began to sweep the plain with their searchlights.
In their glare our men saw to their amazement the Prussian Guards
advancing towards their trenches with the high, prancing step of a
Potsdam parade--the officers with their swords at the "Carry," and the
lines of men as steady as a rock. On they marched, with flags flying and
drums beating, but never a rifle snapped from the British trenches.
Already the Guards felt the thrill of approaching victory; to them it
seemed that the Allied line had been destroyed by the terrible
cannonade. In a few short hours they would be in Ypres; a few days more
and they would gaze across the narrow seas to the white cliffs of that
hated land which they had sworn to subdue.

They were eighty yards from the British trenches now, and their pace
quickened. Suddenly they were caught in a whirlwind of fire; shrapnel
hissed among them, machine guns clacked viciously, and French and
British rifles spat death at them from front and flank. They went down
in hundreds, but the gaps were filled up, and the line moved on
unbroken. Battalions melted into companies, companies into platoons, and
platoons into files, but still they were unchecked. Again and again they
re-formed, only to see their ranks shattered once more; nevertheless
their advance was not stayed.

So fixed was their resolution and so strong was the force of their
assault that the Allied line was broken in three places. Our first-line
trenches were swamped with the gray flood, some of which poured into the
tangle of woods behind, where a wild, desperate battle raged amidst the
trees for two days. Furiously counter-attacked, and enfiladed by
machine-gun fire, the Guards were finally driven back to the two short
sections of trench which they had won. Even here they were not secure.
The "Fighting Fifth"[96] held a salient between them, and took merciless
toll of them while fresh attacks were being prepared.

On the hundredth day of the war the Prussian Guard came, it saw, it was
conquered. At nightfall the larger part of it lay dead in the wood--in
some places eight ranks deep. The mighty effort of the Kaiser had
failed; the flower of his army had been flung away, yet Ypres was as far
off as ever.

On the 12th and the following days there were further assaults, during
one of which Lieutenant Dimmer of the King's Royal Rifles won the
Victoria Cross for heroic fighting, which will be detailed later.[97]
All the German efforts were fruitless, and on the 17th, when French
reinforcements gave the sorely-tried British a respite, the enemy began
to vent his baffled rage on the famous old Cloth Hall of Ypres. So far
it had been spared in order that from its ancient walls the Kaiser might
announce to the world that Belgium was his. Now that the Guard had
failed, and Ypres still defied him, he spitefully ordered his artillery
to batter down the historic building which seemed to mock at his
discomfiture.

The story of one other German failure must be told to round off this
account of the First Battle of Ypres. While the Prussian Guard was
making its vain effort, the left wing of the Würtemberg army was
attacking the extreme left of the salient between Zonnebeke and
Bixschoote. This portion of the line was held by Zouaves, French
Territorials, and cavalry. Against them was flung an overwhelming force
of Germans, including the left wing of the Würtemberg army. Around
Bixschoote the fight raged with such fierceness that the place was
choked with dead. Had it been captured the enemy would have carried
Ypres from the north. The Zouaves, always famous as dashing fighters,
excelled themselves in the defence of Bixschoote, and at no point of the
Allied front did the enemy lose more heavily. For nearly a month the
Zouaves held the pass until the weather broke and the high winds and
snow blizzards of winter set in. So the storm of battle died away in a
tempest of nature's making.

[Footnote 77: In olden days Norse warriors, or _berserks_, worked
themselves up before a battle into a fierce madness, known as the
"berserk rage."]

[Footnote 78: Quoted from Mr. Will Irwin's account of the battle in the
_Daily Mail_.]

[Footnote 79: In Shakespeare's _Julius Cæsar_, Act iii., Scene 2, Mark
Antony, in the course of his speech over the dead body of Cæsar, says,
"That day he overcame the Nervii." They were a tribe of Belgic Gauls
holding territory from the Sambre to the North Sea. Cæsar overcame them
B.C. 57.]

[Footnote 80: Fought during the Crimean War on November 5, 1854.]

[Footnote 81: Fought 1½ miles south of Stirling on June 24, 1314. The
bore-stone in which it is said Bruce's banner was fixed still exists on
Brock's Brae.]

[Footnote 82: _Mes-seen´_, between four and five miles south of Ypres.]

[Footnote 83: The name is equivalent to our Theodore, "gift of God."]

[Footnote 84: So called because recruited from Baluchistan, a British
territory between Afghanistan and the Arabian Sea.]

[Footnote 85: See page 165.]

[Footnote 86: Forty miles west by north of Toledo, Spain; scene of the
famous battle (July 28, 1809) in which Wellington defeated Joseph
Bonaparte.]

[Footnote 87: See also the account given on pp. 161-3.]

[Footnote 88: See p. 165.]

[Footnote 89: So called because they form the sovereign's escort. The
Household Cavalry consist of three regiments--1st and 2nd Life Guards,
and the Royal Horse Guards (The Blues).]

[Footnote 90: See p. 167.]

[Footnote 91: See Vol. II., pp. 23-25.]

[Footnote 92: See Vol. II., pp. 117, 118, 139.]

[Footnote 93: See Vol. II., pp. 213, 214.]

[Footnote 94: See Vol. II., pp. 282 ff.]

[Footnote 95: A high explosive, consisting of picric acid, used as a
bursting charge for shells.]

[Footnote 96: Northumberland Fusiliers.]

[Footnote 97: See p. 167.]




  CHAPTER XVI.

  THE PRICE OF VICTORY AND THE PASSING OF A HERO.


In the old days a battle lasted a day or two at most; victory frequently
came within a few hours, and couriers were speeding away with the news
of victory or defeat before night had shrouded the stark bodies of the
slain. But in this war battles have continued for weeks; one contest has
merged into another, so that it is hard to say where one ends and
another begins. The great series of fights which we call the Battle of
Ypres began on 19th October, and did not end until 17th November; it
lasted for thirty days!

The First Battle of Ypres was not only remarkable for its long duration,
but also for the mighty armies that were arrayed against each other.
Never before in the history of the world have such huge forces struggled
for victory. During the battles of the Seven Years' War the combatants
on both sides did not exceed 120,000, and in the Napoleonic wars the
opposing armies at no time reached a total of 450,000. At Waterloo there
were but 170,000 engaged, and at Inkerman, in the Crimean War, there
were not 90,000. Some 320,000 men fought at Gravelotte[98] during the
Franco-German War of 1870-71, and at Mukden, in the Russo-Japanese War
of 1904-5, the forces engaged totalled about 510,000. These numbers sink
into insignificance compared with the multitudes who fought in Artois
and West Flanders during the thirty days of the Ypres battle. Germany
alone had not less than a million men.

       *     *     *     *     *

Great was the price of victory. Britain lost at least 40,000 men, the
French and Belgians 70,000, and the Germans probably 250,000--that is,
360,000 in all--a number far exceeding the total of the whole armies
engaged in any single battle of modern history down to the close of the
nineteenth century. Whole battalions of the British army
disappeared--the 1st Coldstreams, the 2nd Royal Scots Fusiliers, the 2nd
Wiltshires, and the 1st Camerons were practically wiped out. One
regiment went into the campaign 1,100 strong, and came out with only 73.
Another took 1,350 to Flanders, and had but 300 when the Battle of Ypres
was won.

[Illustration: The Defeat of the Prussian Guard near Ypres on November
11, 1914. (See page 143.)]

(_By permission of The Sphere._)]

You have already heard how the 7th Division was reduced to a shadow of
its former strength. Sir Henry Rawlinson tells us that when the division
was withdrawn to England to refit it was found that out of 400 officers
who set out from England there were only 44 left, and out of 12,000 men
only 2,336. One general, two brigadiers, nearly a dozen staff officers
had fallen, and eighteen regiments and battalions had lost their
colonels. Junior lieutenants frequently found themselves in command of a
battalion, while a brigadier was left with one or two companies. History
records no such tale of slaughter. More men fell in the Battle of Ypres
than the North lost in the whole of the American Civil War.[99]

Two striking features of this long series of contests must detain us for
a moment. The first is the extraordinary valour of the boys and elderly
men who formed a large part of the German levies. They charged in mass
again and again, and went to death in droves. The second is the even
more extraordinary defence which the British--never more than 150,000 in
number--made against overwhelming odds. There have been instances of
armies holding forces which outnumbered them four or five times for a
single day; but the British resisted for weeks against forces five times
as great. Around Ypres during the worst part of the fighting we had but
three divisions and some cavalry to meet five army corps, three of them
belonging to Germany's first line. For the best part of two days the 7th
Division of 12,000 men held a front of eight miles against 120,000! In
all the long fighting annals of Britain no such feat had ever been
performed before.

The Allies merely held their lines, yet really they won a great victory,
because they had achieved their object. They had defeated a turning
movement and a piercing movement, and had blocked the German advance to
the sea. Thereafter in the west the enemy was not free to move, save at
the will of the Allies; he was besieged from the Vosges to the North
Sea.

The British played the lion's part in the great struggle; but without
the splendid support of the French and the Belgians they could have
achieved nothing. The regular regiments of the line proved themselves to
be composed of the finest fighting material in the world; the cavalry,
playing the part of infantry, on foot and in the trenches, were no less
wonderful; and the gunners, though outmatched in numbers and weight of
artillery, showed marvellous skill and tenacity; while the citizen
soldiers, called from their peaceful pursuits to the unfamiliar work of
war, displayed the spirit of veteran troops. The great struggle round
Ypres was a soldiers' victory. There was little room for generalship;
nevertheless Sir John French, by his coolness and doggedness, by the
confidence with which he animated his men, and by the cheery good will
with which he encouraged them, must be regarded as the real inspirer of
victory.

       *     *     *     *     *

In the centre of Calcutta is the famous Maidan,[100] or Esplanade, a
great space of turf and trees and gardens, which is the special glory of
the city. Here you will find monuments to the great soldiers and
statesmen who have won and kept for us "the brightest jewel in the
British crown." Perhaps the noblest of all these monuments is that which
commemorates the martial fame of Lord Roberts of Kandahar.[101]
Frederick Sleigh Roberts was born at Cawnpore[102] five years before
Queen Victoria came to the throne. He was educated in England, but when
his school days were over he returned to the land of his birth, and
became an officer in the Indian army.

Hardly had he returned when that terrible uprising of the native
soldiers which we call the Indian Mutiny began, and the first warfare
which young Roberts knew was against the well-armed and well-trained
sepoys[103] who had broken their oath of loyalty to the Queen, and were
striving to drive the British out of the peninsula.

Some years ago, when I visited India, I went, as in duty bound, to
Delhi,[104] the present capital, and the great storm centre of fighting
during the Mutiny. Memorials of that terrible time abound in Delhi.
About a mile to the north of the city is the "Ridge," a low, narrow hill
on which a band of Britons, the mere skeleton of an army, hungry,
fever-stricken, "stormed at with shot and shell," held its own against
an army of sepoys during the awful heat of an Indian summer.

From the Flagstaff Tower in which the women and children took refuge
during that dread time a road runs directly to the city, and on the
right of it is a little garden in which stands a bronze statue to John
Nicholson,[105] the hero of the siege. Close by the Nicholson statue is
the Kashmir Gate, preserved in its ruinous condition to recall the
marvellous daring of the six Britons who blew it up, and thus opened a
way for the British troops to enter the city. Roberts, as a young
subaltern of twenty-five, saw Nicholson lying wounded and dying by the
side of the road not far from this gate. Nicholson was the most
distinguished of that group of young men who by almost superhuman
devotion saved India for the Empire during the Mutiny. It was under the
influence of such men as Nicholson--men of lofty ideals of duty, of iron
resolution and unfaltering courage--and amidst scenes of the most
glorious heroism, that Roberts began his military career. Nicholson was
his type and model. When the Mutiny was at an end Roberts was a veteran
of ability and experience, and he wore the Victoria Cross on his breast.

For forty-one years he served India, taking part in all the important
campaigns, and gradually rising in the service until, in 1885, he
became Commander-in-Chief. He won great fame in the Afghanistan
campaigns, and became the idol of the Indian army, to whom he was known
as "Bobs." No Indian commander-in-chief has ever been so admired and
loved by the troops under his command. He never strove for popularity,
but he could not escape it. His men assayed him, and found him pure gold
throughout.

[Illustration: Earl Roberts of Kandahar.]

By no means was his life-work done when he left India. When disaster
succeeded disaster during the early months of the Boer War, the nation
looked to him as the one man who could pluck victory out of defeat. With
his appearance on the veldt came the turn of the tide, and after his
great march to Pretoria[106] the issue of the contest was no longer in
doubt. Full of years and honours, he might have retired from public
life, conscious that he had served his country greatly, and that his
fame was secure. But he ever "scorned delights and lived laborious
days," and when he had long passed the allotted span he devoted himself
to the task of trying to bring home to the British people the danger of
allowing their young men to grow up unprepared for that great European
war which he was convinced would come within a few short years. Alas! we
did not heed him, and when the day of battle arrived it found us
unprepared, and forced to improvise armies while strife was raging and
the fate of the Empire was hanging in the balance.

Soon after the beginning of the great war which he had foreseen, Lord
Roberts addressed the following message to the children of the Empire:--

    "CHILDREN OF THE EMPIRE:

    "You have all heard of the war; you have all heard of the
    fighting forces sent from every part of the Empire to help the
    Mother Country. Why are we fighting? Because the British Empire
    does not break its promises, nor will it allow small nations to
    be bullied.

    "Now, the British Government promised, with all the Great Powers
    of Europe, including Germany, that no army should set foot on
    the territory of the little nation of Belgium without her leave;
    in other words, she 'guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium.'

    "Germany, however, was bent on war, and on dominating other
    nations. Britain did her best to keep the peace, but Germany
    (breaking her word) marched her armies into Belgium to try and
    conquer France.

    "Children of the Empire, this is why we are at war--to hold our
    promise, to help our friends, and to keep the Flag of Liberty
    flying, not only over our own Empire, but over the whole world.

    "God save our King and Empire."

When Indian soldiers were summoned to help the Mother Country in her
hour of need, Lord Roberts felt a great desire to go over to France in
order to meet them face to face once more, to greet them in their own
languages, and to inspire them with some of his own dauntless courage.
"I must go and see the Indian soldiers," he said. "It is the most useful
thing I can do at this moment." He arrived in France on Wednesday, 11th
November, and next day he saw the men to whom he was bound by such
strong ties. Everywhere they greeted him with admiration and affection.
On Friday evening he was found to be suffering from chill; disease of
the lungs set in, and the old warrior, now in his eighty-second year,
had no strength to resist the attack. He gradually sank, and at 8 p.m.
on Saturday, 14th November 1914, within sound of the guns thundering
around Ypres, he died.

Lord Roberts was a man of war from his youth up, and it was fitting that
he should pass away on a battlefield, amidst the soldiers who adored
him. Officers from every corps in the British and Indian armies, and
representatives of the French army, escorted the coffin to the hall at
St. Omer where the body was laid in state, and a simple but affecting
funeral service was held. The Prince of Wales[107] was there, as well
as Prince Alexander of Teck, and all the chiefs of the army who could be
spared from their duties. By the head of the coffin stood Prince Pertab
Singh,[108] taking a last farewell of the warrior who was his old friend
and ideal.[109] The hymns, "Now the labourer's task is o'er," and "O
God, our help," were sung, and it seemed quite natural that Christian,
Hindu, and Mohammedan should all join in the service.

[Illustration: Funeral of Field-Marshal Lord Roberts: the Procession in
the Rain, on the way to St. Paul's Cathedral, London.

(_By permission of The Sphere._)]

"It was a gloomy day," says one who was present, "with frequent cold
showers; but as they took the coffin out the sun shone forth
brilliantly, drawing across a dark bank of cloud opposite a vivid and
most perfect rainbow. An aeroplane was flying out of the cloud into the
sunshine, and the trumpets of the French cavalry rang out triumphantly.
Then the minute guns started booming; the coffin, draped in the Union
Jack, was placed in a Red Cross car; and so the gallant little hero went
home from the war.

"I thought during the service of Lord Roberts, almost a boy, attending
John Nicholson's funeral at Delhi, and of all the span of life between,
and the link of simple courage and devotion to duty binding all the
varied incidents of it together, and was glad of the privilege of having
known him."

Last scene of all to end this strange, eventful history. Beneath the
dome of St. Paul's, the resting-place of Nelson and Wellington, amidst a
vast throng of the great and good of our nation, and with a sorrowing
people outside, the last words of prayer and hope were said; and when
all was over, thousands of citizens passed reverently by his grave.

"It is the most useful thing I can do at this moment:" this was the
keynote of Lord Roberts's life--to be of use to his country. There is a
lesson in these simple words for you and me. Lord Roberts was happy in
his life; he would be happier still in his death were all his
fellow-countrymen to ask with heart and voice, "What is the most useful
thing I can do for my country now and hereafter?"

[Footnote 98: See Vol. 1., pp. 102, 104, 105, 107.]

[Footnote 99: Fought between the Northern and Southern States of what is
now the United States of America, mainly on the question of slavery in
the Southern States, during 1861-65.]

[Footnote 100: _My´dan._]

[Footnote 101: Important city of South Afghanistan. In 1880 British
troops in Kandahar were besieged, but Roberts made a great march from
Kabul and relieved them.]

[Footnote 102: City of North India, on the Ganges; the scene of two
tragedies during the Indian Mutiny of 1857.]

[Footnote 103: Native infantry soldiers of the Indian army. The native
cavalry soldier is a "sowar."]

[Footnote 104: On the right bank of the Jumna. It was created capital of
India in place of Calcutta in 1911.]

[Footnote 105: British general, of great physical strength and lofty,
winning character. Born 1821, killed at Delhi 1857.]

[Footnote 106: Capital of the Transvaal. Entered by Roberts on June 5,
1900.]

[Footnote 107: The Prince of Wales went to the front as a member of Sir
John French's Staff in the middle of November 1914.]

[Footnote 108: Ruler of Jodhpur, the largest state of Rajputana, India.
He was born in 1844.]

[Footnote 109: In his book _Forty-one Years in India_, Lord Roberts
gives us a story showing the valour of this most famous of Indian
soldiers. Roberts had wounded a boar, which attacked Pertab Singh, whose
horse had fallen with him. The prince held the boar with his bare hands
until Lord Roberts was able to come up and dispatch it. The boar's head
was presented by the prince to Lord Roberts, and became one of his
cherished possessions at his country house of Englemere, Ascot.]




  CHAPTER XVII.

  TALES FROM THE TRENCHES.


The long struggle round Ypres was a series of combats in which
everything depended on the courage and endurance of the rank and file
and their regimental officers. Incidents abounded, and almost every man
in the firing line had experiences worth relating. Before I give you
some of these experiences, let me refer again to the extraordinary
courage of the Germans in pressing on against our line to what, in many
cases, must have been certain death. No doubt this was largely due to
patriotism and to the iron discipline of the German army, but we have
evidence that frequently the men were driven forward by the revolvers of
their officers. "Eye-witness" gives us the following statement of a
wounded German prisoner:--

"On the 28th October my section received orders to go forward to the
attack, and the officers warned us that if we gave way fire would be
opened upon us from behind. This threat was carried into effect when the
losses which we suffered compelled us to retire. Indeed, it was by a
German bullet that I was wounded. Having fallen on the ground, I
remained between the lines without food or care for two days, at the end
of which time I dragged myself to a ruined house. During the whole of
this time the German shells, which were short, were falling about my
shelter. . . . Officers told us if we fell into the hands of the French
we should be sent to the Foreign Legion,[110] and certainly massacred by
Moroccans."

       *     *     *     *     *

In the diary of a German soldier we find a very severe condemnation of
his officers for their bad leadership. "Before noon," runs the diary,
"we were sent out in a regular storm of bullets by order of the major.
These gentlemen, the officers, send their men forward in the most
ridiculous way. They themselves remain far behind safely under cover.
Our leadership is really scandalous. Enormous losses on our side, partly
from the fire of our own people, for our leaders neither know where the
enemy lies nor where our own troops are, so that we are often fired on
by our own men. It is a marvel to me that we have got on as far as we
have done. Our captain fell, also all our section leaders and a large
number of our men.

"Moreover, no purpose was served by this advance, for we remained the
rest of the day under cover, and could go neither forward nor back, nor
even shoot. A trench which we had taken was not occupied by us, and the
British naturally took it back at night. That was the sole result. Then
when the enemy had again entrenched themselves, another attack was made,
costing us many lives and fifty prisoners.

"It is simply ridiculous this leadership. If only I had known before! My
opinion of German officers has changed. An adjutant shouted to us from a
trench far to the rear to cut down a hedge which was in front of us.
Bullets were whistling round from in front and from behind. The
gentleman himself, of course, remained behind. The 4th Company has now
no leaders but a couple of non-commissioned officers. When will my turn
come? I hope to goodness I shall get home again!

"Still in the trenches. Shell and shrapnel burst without ceasing. In the
evening a cup of rice and one-third of an apple per man. Let us hope
peace will come soon. Such a war is really too awful. The English shoot
like mad."

       *     *     *     *     *

Now that I have shown you the Germans in an unfavourable light, let me
tell you of an incident in which they appeared to advantage. Corporal J.
Reardon of the 1st Grenadiers wrote home to his mother as follows: "The
night our battalion got cut up the Germans shouted, 'Guards, fetch your
wounded.' We did so, and they did not fire a shot. I think they were a
crack regiment; anyhow they were jolly decent."

       *     *     *     *     *

You have already heard something of the courage and devotion of our
young artillery officers, who frequently went far in advance of the guns
to direct the fire of their batteries. Here is another story[111] of
similar heroism:--

"Early in the day our gunners had found it impossible to locate certain
German guns which were fast rendering our trenches untenable. The
country was so flat that there was no possible point of vantage from
which the gunners could 'observe,' except the steeple of a church. But
the Germans knew that as well as we did, so the church was being
vigorously shelled, and already no less than twelve lyddite shells had
been pitched into it.

"It was the duty of Lieutenant Davidson to 'observe,' so he calmly went
to the church, climbed the already tottering tower, and, seated on the
top, proceeded to telephone his information to the battery. In
consequence, German battery after German battery was silenced; the
infantry, which at one time was in danger of extermination, was saved;
and the position, in spite of an attack in overwhelming force by the
enemy, was successfully held. The church was reduced to a scrap-heap,
but still Davidson sat tight on the remnants of his tower. For seven
solid hours, expecting death every moment, he calmly scanned the country
and telephoned his reports.

"At dark his task was done, and he came down to rejoin his battery. As
he left the ruins a fall of timber in one of the burning houses lit up
everything with a sudden glare. There was the crack of a rifle--the
German trenches were only a few hundred yards away--and a bullet passed
through the back of his neck and out through the mouth. But without
hurrying his pace he walked to his battery, gave them his final
information, and then said, 'I think I'd better go and find the field
ambulance, for the beggars have drilled a hole in me that needs
plugging.' And he walked half a mile to the nearest 'collecting point.'

"In the infantry of the 14th Brigade men can talk of nobody else but
'Davidson of the Gunners.' They themselves face death every hour of the
day and night; they themselves do unrecorded deeds of heroism worthy of
the 'V.C.'; but with one voice they declare, 'Davidson is the real
thing. If he doesn't get the V.C.--well, nobody deserves it.'"

       *     *     *     *     *

In telling you stories from the battlefield I always try to include one
or more which show you the zeal, skill, and devotion of those whose duty
it is not to take but to save life. Here is the story of a French doctor
who tended the wounded during the bombardment of Ypres.

For four days, with the help of volunteer assistants, he cared for
fifty-four German wounded, and the hospital had been frequently struck
by shells, one of them intended to set it on fire. The supply of bread
was failing, but the doctor and the nurses shared their portion with
their patients. The doctor was urged to quit this dangerous post, but he
said, "The mission of France is to elevate the Germans to our own level.
So I shall remain here and continue to look after wounded Germans,
showing them that a French doctor laughs at their shells, and only knows
his duty." Unhappily this heroic man was killed by a shell on 13th or
14th November. The surviving wounded, in the sole charge of two nuns,
were then removed to a safer place.

       *     *     *     *     *

Soldiers' letters to their friends at home are full of accounts of the
fierce fighting about Ypres. Corporal G. Stuart of the Camerons, one of
the regiments which was nearly wiped out, thus describes how he was made
a prisoner by the Prussian Guard, and how he escaped:--

"My regiment, or what was once a regiment, was holding a part of the
trenches outside Ypres, and about half-past five in the morning the
enemy's guns opened an awful fire on our trenches, and continued till
about nine o'clock.

"To make matters worse, there was a very heavy mist on, and we could
hardly see a yard in front. About this time the mist cleared up, and
there, about 200 yards in front, were the Germans--the famous Prussian
Guards--advancing on us, a solid mass of men.

[Illustration: How the Breton Marines held Dixmude. (See page 96.)]

(_From the picture by Paul Thiriat. By permission of The Sphere._)]

"We immediately opened fire on them; but, rapid as it was, it was
impossible to stop them. They managed to get right through on our right.
Then the next thing I saw was that I was properly surrounded, with no
earthly chance of escape, so I was made a prisoner. Well, what do you
think the Huns did? There would be about a dozen of us, I think, made
to advance in front of them, to get shot at by our own people, who had
retired to take up another position. Any man who made the least sign of
resenting was immediately shot, and not yet being tired of life, I went,
thinking I might have a possible chance of escape.

"We advanced a few hundred yards, when they halted, and this time they
made us put on their packs. Anyhow we had to advance again. This time we
came under our own artillery fire, and I don't know yet how I was not
blown to pieces. Really it makes my blood creep every time I think of
it.

"Well, we had to lie down, and I just turned to speak to a chum, when I
got one right through the neck. I rolled up in a heap, but came to
myself a few minutes after, and managed to make my way to a farmhouse,
where I found the Germans were dressing their wounded.

"I asked one of them to put my bandage on; but instead they made me go
and look for 'Vater, vater.' I looked around for the 'vater,' but
finding none, I went round to the other side of the house, and from here
could see our guns just about 300 yards off. Now comes my chance. I had
a good look round to see if everything was clear, so I dropped the jug I
was to carry the 'vater' in, and 'hopped' it. Well, if the time was
taken for that run, I bet a champion sprint winner would not have a
look-in."

       *     *     *     *     *

"I shall never forget the first night attack," writes Bombardier N.
Tully of the R.F.A. "We had many guns in position--apparently more than
the Kaiser's hordes bargained for. They came on out of their trenches
shouting, 'Hoch! hoch! hoch!' but a few minutes afterwards they were
screaming and cursing. Our shrapnel was mowing them down wholesale. . . .
We gave them a bit of old England that night; the din of the guns and
rifles was indescribable. We had a few spasmodic attacks the next few
nights, but they gave me the impression that they were half-hearted and
discouraged. I think it is the enemy who is fighting an uphill battle
now. Our fellows are full of confidence in the final result.

"I am awfully glad I am British. It does one good to see how cheerful
our boys are, no matter how bad the weather; but, like me, I am sure
they will long for the slaughter to cease, and to return to the best bit
of land under the sun."

       *     *     *     *     *

"It is the shell fire," wrote a correspondent, "which has made the
Battle of Ypres a test of endurance such as no army has experienced
before. Officers and men say that it has been ten times worse than on
the Aisne. It has been persistent, and it has been deadly. Day and night
there has been a succession of 'Oompahs,' 'Oompees,' 'Bowlers,' and
'Pipsqueaks'--'Oompahs' being the big shells, 'Oompees' the smaller
ones, 'Bowlers' the projectiles thrown by trench mortars,[112] and
'Pipsqueaks' shrapnel. Atkins has a name for them all. The soil around
Ypres is not a holding soil, but shifty and difficult to trench--unlike
that on the Aisne--and constantly the trenches were being blown in by
shells."

       *     *     *     *     *

A private in the Honourable Artillery Corps tells an amusing story. "The
first time we manned the front trenches," he says, "we had just got
in--it was, of course, pitch dark--and we were peering cautiously about
to see where we were. There were a few weird noises and strange lights,
and I moved towards our corporal to ask him something, when suddenly a
wild, unearthly wail went up apparently at my very feet. My blood ran
cold, and I grasped him by the hand. 'What was that?' I cried. 'You're
standing on a cat, I think,' he replied. And, indeed, I was! What it was
doing there I don't know, but it remained with us off and on all day.

"Later, when it was dark, there was a German attack on our left. We were
ordered to man our trench, and then suddenly the order came along,
'Sights at zero,[113] and fire low.' We waited, quivering with
excitement, when all at once I saw something feeling its way cautiously
over the trench in front of me. I sprang up to bayonet whatever came. It
was not only a cat, but the same old cat! Twice it had pulled my leg in
twenty-four hours."

[Footnote 110: See Vol. II., p. 7.]

[Footnote 111: From _With French in France and Flanders_, by an Army
Chaplain.]

[Footnote 112: The _Minenwerfer_, or trench-mortar used by the Germans,
has a range of some 500 or 600 yards, and throws a bomb loaded with high
explosives, weighing up to 200 lbs. It is fired at extreme elevation
from the bottom of a pit in the trench.]

[Footnote 113: No elevation.]




  CHAPTER XVIII.

  MORE TALES FROM THE TRENCHES.


A private of the London Scottish thus describes his experiences during
the fighting at Messines on Halloween[114] and the following day:--

"We roused out at 4 a.m., and spent the morning wandering about from
wood to wood, being followed by aeroplanes--beastly things. Finally, we
entered a village, and a spy in a windmill gave them the range, and we
had our first shells--horrible 'coal boxes,' and then shrapnel. We lost
five men wounded there; then we went on, and finally extended to open
order, and the battalion attacked up a valley, and we had to lie in a
gutter about two feet deep along a road with poplars. There we stuck for
two and a half hours, getting shelled all the time. It was dreadful. The
big 'coal boxes' kept shaking the ground and covering us with dirt. I
got a bit of shrapnel through my pack, and had my things spoilt, but
wasn't touched.

"Then we had to advance across a field about a quarter-mile under fire,
and get into a deserted trench. There we stopped till dark, still being
shelled, and hearing the regiment snapping away in the distance. At dusk
we made another trench, and seven of us went into it. There we had a
fine time--moonlight, and Germans only 200 yards off. We could spot them
through the glasses, and made very good practice; some of them crept
down a hedge to twenty yards, but we did them in. You could hear them
all talking; and twice they came on in force, but we beat them off, and
they left any amount on the ground.

"Finally, at 12.45, they came on five or six deep, singing their
national anthem, and walking quite slowly. Not liking German music, we
gave them rapid fire; but they were too many. At last the cavalry had to
hop it on both sides of us, and we ran like hares for our main trench;
there we were thirty-two, and had the Germans in front, left, and rear
five or six deep. There were thousands of them, all creeping up, and
bullets everywhere. We all thought it was U P. I even took off my
overcoat so as to be freer for the bayonet.

"Then they lit a farm, and the black smoke from the wet thatch blew
across our front. They were only fifty yards away, still creeping; so we
dashed out to the right, and all got through except six. Then we got
separated, and nine of us, including our lieutenant, had to wander
round, with one shot through the back, looking for the regiment or
British troops. We kept running into shell fire and rifle fire, but
finally got to a village, and found some officers at 4.45, very tired;
there we reported, and went to join a cavalry regiment about two miles
off. We had only had one biscuit and jam since the previous breakfast,
except some lozenges. Well, for breakfast we had to attack the same
village we had been driven out of the day before. It was most
exciting--shells and bullets everywhere.

"Then we got mixed up with the Germans, and got the order to clear the
houses with the bayonet. That was great sport; no shells, and only
scrapping in a decent sort of way. We took four prisoners and scuppered
the rest of them, about 200; then we were just examining the slain for
pistols and other handy little souvenirs, when the shrapnel started
again all among us. It was very hot, and we had to hop the twig behind a
big bank; we were all laughing and joking. . . . One bullet turned my
bonnet round on my head, and I sat down in the mud, and I got one
through my kilt.

"Finally, they came behind one of our trenches in kilts, and said,
'Schotlant for effer and London Schottish;' but a volley put an end to
that. At last the French arrived in force, and we had a stand easy, and
were sent back for a rest. I am longing for another dig at them; it is
the finest excitement going. One thing we have done--no more sneering at
'Terriers' out here by the Tommies; they are all very proud of us now,
and somehow we feel different now that we have been through the hoop."

[Illustration: A Pleasant Scene in the Grand Place at Arras.

(_From the picture by D. Macpherson. By permission of The Sphere._)

A correspondent says: "In the early afternoon I saw in the huge Grand
Place at Arras (one of the relics of the long occupation by the Spanish)
the prettiest of scenes. A squadron of French dragoons had halted there,
and the men had dismounted. The long row of horses had each a new
master, for the dragoons had put children into the saddle, and each
child had on its head a dragoon's casque."]

       *     *     *     *     *

The following extract is from the diary of a subaltern in the London
Scottish: "I have succeeded in getting hold of a motor 'bus to go for
supplies. It is a London 'General.' There are dozens of them here, and
it seems difficult to realize that we are so far away when we see the
usual advertisements around us....

"It is a funny thing, but a fact, that our fellows bear pain much better
than the Germans. To-day I had a small bugler of a British battalion
with a shocking shoulder wound, who sat there simply hanging on to
himself, and not uttering a sound; while a tremendous German near by,
with a bullet wound in his hand, sat nursing himself, weeping at
frequent intervals, and making no end of a row."

       *     *     *     *     *

In the defeat of the Prussian Guard on 11th November the Black Watch
played a splendid part, and pursued the enemy for over a mile. A _Daily
Chronicle_ correspondent says: "It was only when a batch of wounded and
prisoners of the Prussian Guard arrived at ---- that our fellows
actually realized the kind of men they have been fighting during the
last few days. Huge fellows they are, all over six feet in height, one
of them nearing seven--an exceptional giant, of course, but still not
looking so very big among his fellows. When one realizes that this
magnificent regiment has now been severely handled by our troops for the
third time, and that they are looked upon as the flower of the German
army, then one also realizes just what a magnificent performance our own
men must have put up.

"After submitting for over eight hours to a terrible shell fire of both
lyddite and shrapnel, our men, as may well be imagined, were getting
very tired, and it was next to impossible to send relief to our advanced
trenches until after dusk. The Germans, anticipating the condition of
things, and realizing that it was now or never, massed in force their
Prussian Guards and some other forces, and drove our troops back through
sheer weight of numbers.

"Back they went, contesting stubbornly every trench as they vacated it.
When within about sixty yards of where our artillery was hidden, our own
men, acting under orders, suddenly split their line and dispersed on
either side, leaving a huge gap--the break in the British line which
the enemy had been trying to make for weeks. Into this break came the
Prussian Guard, wildly shouting and cheering--into the jaws of death
came the finest of the Kaiser's troops. They had advanced within fifty
yards of the muzzles of our field guns when they belched forth fire at
point-blank range, while our Maxims fired into the 'brown' from either
side. Imagine those shells tearing their whistling and shrieking way
through masses of men who a moment before were shouting in gleeful
confidence of victory already won.

"Not even the Prussian Guard could stand up to a terror like this. They
broke and wavered and fled! But they had penetrated to within a few
yards of our artillery. They turned back in headlong flight--a flight
which was aided by a savage charge made by the Black Watch. The whole
thing was beautifully timed by both artillery and infantry alike. Not
only were the Germans driven back over the trenches, which but a short
time ago they had taken from our men, but they were pursued by the
Highlanders for over a mile beyond. The net result was that the enemy
lost over 1,000 men killed and some 3,000 men wounded, as well as their
own advanced trenches."

       *     *     *     *     *

The following soldiers were awarded the Victoria Cross for deeds of
valour done during the period from 31st October to 30th November 1914:--

Sepoy Khudadad, 129th Duke of Connaught's Own Baluchis. Sepoy Khudadad
had the signal honour of being the first Indian to win and wear the
Victoria Cross, which, prior to this war, was only conferred on
British-born soldiers. On 31st October, at Hollebeke, Sepoy Khudadad
showed extraordinary courage and steadfastness. Though the white officer
in charge of his detachment had been shot down and the other Maxim in
the trench had been put out of action, Khudadad remained working his gun
until all his five comrades had been killed, and he himself was badly
wounded. The King in person pinned the decoration on the gallant Sepoy's
breast during his visit to the front on December 3, 1914.

[Illustration: How Drummer Bent saved a Wounded Comrade.

(_From the picture by S. Begg. By permission of The Illustrated London
News._)]

Drummer Spencer John Bent, 1st Battalion, East Lancashire Regiment. On
the night of the 1st-2nd November, near Le Gheir,[115] the officer,
sergeant, and section commander of this hero's platoon were struck down,
and the unit was without a leader. Drummer Bent at once took command,
and with great presence of mind and coolness succeeded in holding the
position. He had previously distinguished himself on the 22nd, and again
on the 24th October, by bringing up ammunition under a heavy shell and
rifle fire. Again, on the 3rd November, he went out and brought into
cover several wounded men who were lying exposed in the open. He rescued
one of his comrades by hooking his feet under the wounded man's arms and
by dragging him in this manner for twenty-five yards to the shelter of a
trench.

Captain John Franks Vallentin, 1st South Staffordshire Regiment. On 7th
November, at Zillebeke, Captain Vallentin very gallantly led an attack
against the Germans, but while doing so was struck down. He struggled to
his feet, and tried to press on, but was immediately killed. His men
carried the trenches, and this was due in great measure to the
confidence with which their captain's repeated acts of bravery and
ability had inspired them.

Lieutenant Walter Lorrain Brodie, 2nd Battalion, the Highland Light
Infantry. On the night of 11th November Lieutenant Brodie, who was in
charge of a machine-gun section, moved up to the trenches near
Becelaere[116] to relieve a unit of another regiment. When darkness
fell, and the men on guard had been posted, the remainder prepared to
take what rest they could. Lieutenant Brodie and several men were
occupying a section of the trench which formed an angle with the other
sections. All was quiet, when the alarm was given, and the enemy swooped
down on the trench and managed to capture a part of it. They then made a
rush towards the section in which Lieutenant Brodie was stationed, in
the hope of capturing his machine gun. At once the lieutenant led his
men against the Germans, and there was a furious fight in the trench,
during which he bayoneted several of the enemy. So gallantly did his men
second his efforts that eighty Germans were killed and fifty-one taken
prisoners. There is no doubt that Lieutenant Brodie, by his prompt and
inspiring courage, relieved a very dangerous situation. Subsequently he
was promoted captain.

Lieutenant John Henry Stephen Dimmer, 2nd Battalion, the King's Royal
Rifle Corps. As a boy Lieutenant Dimmer won a London County Council
Scholarship, and was transferred to Rutlish School. Always fond of
soldiering, he started a Boys' Brigade at Wimbledon, and brought it to a
high state of efficiency. At fifteen he left school, and entered the
office of a civil engineer; but the drums called him, and he offered
himself as a recruit for the regular army. His inches were, however,
against him; so he joined the 7th Battalion of the King's Royal Rifles
(Militia). In his first year he was promoted sergeant, and soon after
was transferred as a private to the regular battalion, which saw service
in South Africa. In 1903 he was promoted corporal, and his military
sketching received high praise from General Lyttelton and General Ian
Hamilton.[117] In 1905 he received another step for his services as
scout and signaller in the Mounted Infantry, and in the following year
was sent to Belgium and Germany to study army methods. Later on he was
employed abroad as an intelligence officer, and in 1908 received a
commission as second lieutenant.

[Illustration: Major J. H. S. Dimmer, V.C.]

In a letter to his mother Lieutenant Dimmer wrote a brief account of how
he won the V.C. on November 12, 1914, at Klein Zillebeke. He says: "Here
is how it all happened. On Thursday last, at about one o'clock, we were
suddenly attacked by the Prussian Guards. They shelled us unmercifully,
and poured in a perfect hail of bullets at a range of about 100 yards. I
got my Maxims going, but they smashed one up almost immediately, and
then turned all their attention to the gun I was with, and succeeded in
smashing that too; but before they completed the job I had been twice
wounded, and was finally knocked out with the gun. My face is spattered
with pieces of my gun and pieces of shell, and I have a bullet in my
face and four small holes in my right shoulder. It made rather a nasty
mess of me at first, but now that I am washed and my wounds dressed I
look quite right."

Lieutenant Dimmer's commanding officer declared that by holding on to
his gun after he had been shot five times, he saved the whole battalion,
if not the whole line, on at least three occasions.

I have told you Lieutenant Dimmer's story thus fully because it shows
very clearly how a man of grit and ability and devotion can win his way
by sheer merit in the British army. In the German army, as you know,
only men of a certain social class are appointed as officers. Major
Dimmer (to which rank he was subsequently promoted) is only one of
thousands who have risen from the ranks to distinction in the service of
Britain. The story of his career and of how he won the highest award of
valour sets a fine example to all young soldiers.

Bandsman Thomas Edward Rendle, 1st Battalion, the Duke of Cornwall's
Light Infantry. In time of war bandsmen serve as stretcher-bearers, and
their duty is to convey the wounded from the field of battle to the
dressing stations and ambulances. How Bandsman Rendle won the Victoria
Cross on 20th November, at a village about a mile and a half west of
Messines, is best told in the words of an officer of the Cornwalls:--

"Two shells pitched into the trench only about thirty yards from me, and
blew ten men to pieces. They also blew down the front part of the
trench, and the earth filled up the dug-out part. This was very
annoying, as it divided our trench into two parts, and made it
impossible to get from one half to the other without running across this
open piece of ground, about five or six yards wide. Of course, the
Germans realized this at once, and put up a machine gun to cover this
space, so that any one who crossed it carried his life very much in his
hands.

"Lieutenant Colebrook was shot that afternoon, in that part of the
trench which had no communications. He asked for me, so I went along to
him. This meant that I had to cross the gap, but luckily they failed to
hit me. We decided it was quite impossible to move him until dark, as
there was no way of getting him across the gap; so I sat down to chat
with him, when suddenly the Germans started again with their shells.

"The first two went over the trench, but the next one pitched just in
front and buried me with mud. This I thought was a bit too much, so I
said that Colebrook must be got away. I was called away to the other end
of the trench for a few minutes. In the meantime Bandsman Rendle, one of
the stretcher-bearers, lay on his stomach in the gap under fire, and
tried to clear the earth out of the original trench to get a safe path
for Lieutenant Colebrook to pass. But another shell came that decided
him to risk it. So he took Colebrooke on his back, and wormed his way
across the open space on his stomach, getting him to the right half of
the trench, where it was all plain sailing, and from which Colebrook was
sent back to battalion headquarters."

Naik[118] Darwan Sing Negí, 1st Battalion, 39th Garhwal Rifles. Less
than a month after Sepoy Khudadad won the Victoria Cross, another Indian
soldier proved himself so supremely brave that the highest award of
valour was given to him. On the night of the 23rd-24th November, near
Festubert, the Garhwal Rifles were engaged in retaking trenches and
clearing the enemy out of them. Naik Darwan Sing Negí greatly
distinguished himself in this work. He was one of the first to push
round each successive traverse, and though wounded in two places in the
head and also in the arm, he fought on in spite of severe fire from
bombs and rifles at the closest range. Great was the naik's delight when
his Majesty himself pinned the cross to his breast.

Lieutenant Frank Alexander de Pass, 34th Prince Albert Victor's Own
Poona Horse. Near Festubert, on 24th November, Lieutenant de Pass
entered a German sap[119] and destroyed a traverse in the face of the
enemy's bombs. Subsequently he rescued under heavy fire a wounded man
who was lying exposed in the open. Unhappily this gallant officer lost
his life on the same day in a second attempt to capture the sap, which
had been reoccupied by the enemy.

[Footnote 114: The eve before All Saints' Day (1st November).]

[Footnote 115: About two miles south of Messines.]

[Footnote 116: About a mile north-east of Gheluvelt.]

[Footnote 117: Appointed commander of the British forces in Gallipoli in
March 1915.]

[Footnote 118: Corporal in the Indian army.]

[Footnote 119: A narrow ditch or trench burrowed out towards the enemy's
lines.]

[Illustration: The German Colonies are marked in solid black.]




  CHAPTER XIX.

  GERMANY'S COLONIAL EMPIRE.


About the year 1880 the rulers of Germany began to think of founding a
colonial empire. There were many reasons why it seemed to them advisable
that they should extend their dominion overseas. Germany had become a
great manufacturing nation, and she needed new markets in which to sell
her surplus goods, and tropical lands which would give her large and
cheap supplies of the raw material for making them. Further, many of her
people, anxious to better themselves, were emigrating to America,[120]
where they were lost to Germany. It was thought that, had she possessed
colonies, Germans would have settled in them instead of going to
America, and thus would not have reduced the strength of the Fatherland.
Many patriotic Germans wished to see their country a great naval power,
and they knew that colonies could neither be obtained nor maintained
without a big navy. They, therefore, were in favour of colonial
expansion, because it would force Germany to become powerful on the
seas.

About this time the attention of the world was specially directed to
Africa. The travels of Livingstone[121] and Stanley[122] and other
explorers, British, French, German, and Italian, were revealing the
"Dark Continent" as a new sphere for the expansion of the European
Powers. Almost immediately they began to "peg out their claims." A
number of clever writers in Germany began to point out to their
fellow-countrymen that unless they set up a colonial empire they would
be left behind in the race. Before long they had persuaded the people
that overseas trade, ships of war, and colonies were the three things
that Germany must provide herself with, or be content to continue as a
second-rate Power. Most of the writers thought that colonies could be
obtained in a lawful way, but a historian[123] who had great influence
on the ruling classes taught openly that the best method of winning a
colonial empire was to defeat and despoil Britain. This teaching suited
the German mind exactly, and gradually it gained such ground that it
became almost a national policy.

In 1886 what is known as the "great scramble for Africa" began, and
Germany played her part in it. In Eastern Africa her explorers had made
many important discoveries, and as far back as 1860 one of them said, "I
am persuaded that in a short time a colony established in East Africa
would be most successful, and after two or three years would become
self-supporting." Not, however, until 1884 was an attempt made to set up
a German colony in this part of the world. In that year three German
political agents, in the disguise of needy travellers, crossed over from
Zanzibar to the mainland, and began making treaties by which the local
chiefs signed away their country.

Some of these treaties were not worth the paper they were written on,
for the chiefs were vassals of the Sultan of Zanzibar, who was under
British protection. Nevertheless, a German fleet was sent to Zanzibar,
and the Sultan was forced, at a price of £200,000, to yield up his
territory on the mainland from Cape Delgado to a line drawn from the
mouth of the Umbe River to the Victoria Nyanza. The British afterwards
proclaimed a protectorate over the remainder of the Sultan's African
dominions.

At the beginning of the present war German East Africa covered an area
of 364,000 square miles--that is, it was almost double the size of
Germany, and had an estimated population of over 7½ millions, the whites
numbering a little over 5,000. From the low-lying coast lands it rises
to lofty and irregular mountains, which form the outer buttress of a
plateau some 3,000 or 4,000 feet in height. From the middle of this
plateau streams are thrown off north to the Victoria Nyanza,[124] west
to Lake Tanganyika,[125] and east to the Indian Ocean. Parts of this
plateau are mere desert, waterless and scrub-covered, with loose
shingle, dried-up water-courses, and bare, fantastic rocks. Other parts
are well watered and fertile, and in these favourable regions the
Germans have developed agriculture greatly. Prior to the war, rubber,
copal, bark, fibre, teak, mahogany, coffee, tobacco, sugar cane, cotton,
etc., were largely grown and exported; gold, coal, graphite, iron, salt,
and precious stones were mined; and ivory was obtained from the
elephants, which still roam the forests in large numbers. When the war
began, German East Africa was making good and steady progress.

The Germans did not win the colony without considerable fighting with
the natives, and one of the risings which took place in 1904 cost East
Africa the lives of about 120,000 men, women, and children. The Germans
have no genius for dealing with natives; their brutal, blustering
methods are certain to provoke strife wherever they obtain a foothold.
They have, however, a genius for organizing, and this is seen in the
towns which they have built, and the eight fairly good harbours which
they have constructed on the coast. The name of the capital,
Dar-es-Salaam, means "the harbour of peace;" it is a good port and a
delightful place. German East Africa suffered a great shock when the
Uganda railway was built by the British and the trade of the lake region
was thus captured. The Germans replied by building two lines which gave
the quickest access to British Central Africa and to the Southern Congo.

[Illustration: British Native Troops preparing to embark at Freetown,
Sierra Leone, for the Kamerun.

(_Photo Central News._)]

The most valuable colonies of Germany, however, were established in West
Africa. Third in order of size, but first in commercial value, is the
colony of Kamerun,[126] which forms a rough wedge between British
Nigeria and French Congo, with its point at Lake Chad. The colony of
Kamerun has an area of 190,000 square miles, and an estimated population
of 3½ millions, whites numbering less than 2,000.

The country was going a-begging when the Germans in 1884 sent an
expedition which took it over. When the British agent arrived five days
later he found the chiefs bound to the German Empire. He, however,
declined to agree to this arrangement, and came to terms with the tribes
on the British frontier; but the Home Government would not support him,
and thus the Germans were allowed to become masters of Kamerun. Many of
the natives refused to be taken under the wing of the German eagle, and
were only persuaded to acknowledge their new masters by means of rifles
and big guns. After thirty years the proud Fula[127] tribes in the
hinterland still remained unreconciled to German rule.

Kamerun is a rich and largely unexplored territory, very similar in
character to the southern part of our colony of Nigeria. The Germans
have spent much time and money in developing the country, and have built
excellent towns, good roads, and some railways. Along the coast and in
the deep, long valleys between the mountains the oil palm abounds; and
in the forests, which are full of elephants, there is a wealth of ebony
and other valuable timber. There are great mineral resources, too, but
they have not so far been largely worked. Kamerun was very rapidly
advancing when the war broke out, because the traders were backed from
the Fatherland, and the officials were ready and eager to do everything
that would advance its interests. It must be confessed that in the work
of colonial development the Germans showed an energy and resource which
put Britain in the shade.

In 1883 the only unclaimed strip of West African territory between the
Gambia and Nigeria was Togoland, which lies between British Ashanti and
French Dahomey, and is in all respects similar in character to these
countries. The coast line is but thirty-three miles in length, and the
Germans having secured it, laid claim to a huge expanse of
hinterland--an area of 33,000 square miles. Britain and France, after
much discussion, allowed the claim, and thus Germany became possessed of
Togoland, her smallest but by no means her least valuable colony. She
has spent much money on roads and railways, and in building the fine
town of Lomé, one of the best in all West Africa. For the last twenty
years Togoland has been self-supporting. When the war began Togoland
possessed one of the greatest of all German wireless stations at
Kamina.[128] It could communicate direct with Berlin, and was one of an
important chain which linked up the Fatherland not only with Togoland
but with Kamerun, East Africa, and South-West Africa.

[Footnote 120: In the nineteenth century more than 3½ million Germans
emigrated to America and became citizens of the United States.]

[Footnote 121: The great missionary explorer, discoverer of the Zambesi,
the upper course of the Congo, Lake Nyassa and other Central African
lakes; also founder of Nyassaland. Born 1813; died 1873, at a village
south of Lake Bangweolo. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.]

[Footnote 122: Sir Henry Morton Stanley, who did for the Congo what
Livingstone did for the Zambesi, and further verified and added to the
great discoveries already made. He made what has been called "the
greatest journey in African exploration." He laid the foundations of the
Congo Free State. Born 1841, died 1904.]

[Footnote 123: Treitschke (_trysh´ke_), German historian and bitter
enemy of Britain. Born 1834, died 1896.]

[Footnote 124: Great lake of equatorial Africa, 26,000 square miles in
area, discovered by Captain Speke in 1858, and circumnavigated by
Stanley in 1875 and 1889.]

[Footnote 125: Lake lying south-west of Victoria Nyanza, 13,000 square
miles in area. Its only outlet is to the Congo.]

[Footnote 126: Spelt in many British maps, Cameroons.]

[Footnote 127: Fulas or Fulahs, the ruling native race in Nigeria,
French Sudan, Kamerun, etc.]

[Footnote 128: Near Atakpame, at the head of the railway which runs
north from Lomé for a hundred miles.]




  CHAPTER XX.

  GERMANY'S VANISHING COLONIES.


We now turn to German South-West Africa, which has an area of 322,450
square miles and a native population of about 80,000. The whites number
nearly 15,000, of whom 12,000 are Germans. In 1884 Great Britain seized
Walfish Bay, the only good harbour, and also some of the guano islands
off the coast. Further, Cecil John Rhodes,[129] who had constantly urged
the British Government to take over the territory, had obtained mining
rights from the local chiefs.

Less than fifty years ago German missionaries, in the territory then
known as Damaraland, appealed to the British Government to annex the
country. The appeal was rejected. In 1883 a Bremen merchant, F. A. E.
Lüderitz, whose name has been given to the settlement at Lüderitz Bay,
set up a trading station under the sanction and approval of Bismarck. On
the strength of Lüderitz's trifling commercial claims Germany annexed
the country. It is said that when Rhodes heard the news he threw the
papers signed by the local chiefs into a safe and slammed the iron door,
with the remark, "Let them lie there until the country is British." The
extent of Germany's trading interest in her new possession may be
gathered from the fact that the little steamer employed by Lüderitz was
known as "The Bottle Mail," because she imported full bottles of beer
for the German trader, and carried back the "empties" as exports!

Germany rejoiced in her new possession, but she had hard work to occupy
it. For five or six years the Hottentots fought hard for their
independence, and until they were put down there was scarcely any
attempt at settlement. In October 1904 the brutal methods of the
officials led to a great rising of the Hereros, the bravest of the
native peoples. During this revolt the Germans did many of those deeds
of shame and horror which afterwards covered their name with infamy in
Belgium. It took 19,000 Germans to put down the Hereros, and they were
not completely subdued until 1908.

[Illustration: German Camel Corps in German South-West Africa.

_Photo, Underwood & Underwood._]

German South-West Africa is not an inviting land. Much of it is
waterless desert, but there are large areas of splendid grass land very
suitable for grazing, and upon them the Herero raise huge herds of
cattle. Sheep thrive well, and so do goats. Many Boers from Cape Colony
have settled in the country, and their flocks and herds have prospered
greatly. It was these Boers from Cape Colony who "made" German
South-West Africa.

The Germans have done much to foster agriculture, and have opened up the
country by good roads, and by railways which in 1913 had a total length
of 1,304 miles. They have also bored largely for water. Despite all
their efforts, however, the colony did not pay its way until 1912, when
diamonds were discovered in the Lüderitz Bay district. Copper was also
found and mined, and before the war some 27,500 tons of this metal were
exported annually.

When the great struggle began in Europe, the German Empire overseas
covered an estimated area of over 1,000,000 square miles, of which
nearly 90 per cent. was in Africa, and by far the bulk of the remainder
in certain islands of the Pacific Ocean. Of the fourteen islands
comprising the Samoan group, which lies 1,600 miles to the north of New
Zealand, Germany held eight of the best, and America the remainder. To
most people the mention of Samoa recalls Robert Louis Stevenson,[130]
the sweet singer and stirring romancer who spent the last years of his
life at Vailima, in a deep cleft of the mountains near Apia, in the
fertile island of Upolu, the largest island of the Samoan group. Here he
wrote several of his books, and worked hard at clearing the rank
tropical jungle and at making roads. He died in his island home Dec. 3,
1894, and was buried on the summit of a mountain. Thanks to his
descriptions,[131] the Samoans and their beautiful sunny islands are
familiar to the readers of English books all the world over.

Apia, near to which Stevenson lived, was the capital of the German
islands; it has an excellent harbour. On March 19, 1889, when the
harbour was full of shipping, including German and American men-of-war
and H.M.S. _Calliope_, one of the disastrous hurricanes which
occasionally sweep over the islands of the Southern Seas began to blow.
The only possible way in which these ships could escape wreck was to put
to sea and there ride out the storm. All the ships tried to leave the
harbour, but the only one that was able to make headway against the
fearful wind and sea was the _Calliope_. All the other ships were
wrecked, and many lives were lost. When King George V., then Prince of
Wales, visited Wellington, the seat of the New Zealand Government, he
passed under an arch of coal with this inscription: "The coal that saved
the _Calliope_."

The German Samoan islands were acquired in 1899. The two largest of them
have a united area of 1,000 square miles; the total population of the
islands is about 35,000, and the annual trade was reckoned at £120,000.
Amongst other Pacific possessions of Germany when the war began were the
southern islands of the Solomon group, an archipelago of high wooded
mountains, lying to the east of New Guinea. The Bismarck Archipelago, to
the west of them, the coral reefs of the Carolines, Pelew, and Marianne
(or Ladrone) Islands,[132] and the Marshall Islands still farther north,
were also in German hands. On Neu-Pommern, one of the Bismarck group,
there was a powerful wireless station.

By far the largest island possession of Germany was a portion of New
Guinea. This huge, lizard-shaped island--the second largest island in
the world--lies about eighty miles north of Australia, and stands like a
stepping-stone between that continent and Asia. The Dutch held the
western half, and the remainder was divided between Germany and Britain,
the south-east part being ours and the remainder German. The German
portion was known as Kaiser Wilhelm Land, and had an area of 70,000
square miles. Most of it is unexplored, but there is no doubt that it is
exceedingly rich in wild tropical products, and that it possesses great
mineral wealth. The Germans have not made much headway in Kaiser Wilhelm
Land or in the "Spice Islands," already mentioned; but they spent much
money in developing the country and in fostering trade.

The Australians have long feared that the possession of part of New
Guinea by an unfriendly Power would be a danger to them, as it would
afford an enemy a base for operations against the island-continent. The
Queensland Government tried to get a footing in New Guinea about thirty
years ago, but the British Government would not then lend its support. A
few years later the home authorities were brought to see the necessity
of occupying that part of New Guinea which faced Australia, and in 1887
it was added to the British Empire. It is now governed by the Australian
Commonwealth.

Germany had only one other possession besides those which I have
mentioned. This was Kiao-chau, on the east coast of the Chinese province
of Shan-tung. Germany obtained it by force and fraud, as you shall hear.
In the autumn of 1895 Japan emerged as victor from a war with China, and
by the treaty of peace she was to hold certain parts of the Liao-tung
peninsula. The Kaiser professed to fear the growing power of Japan, and
he had a picture[133] painted to point a moral to the Powers of Europe.
It showed the European nations confronted with what is called the
"Yellow Peril," and called upon them to defend their holiest
possessions.

The German view of the Japanese has been put as follows: "It is for
Europe to look continually eastward. There is a yellow cloud rising
there which betokens a coming storm. Who are these Japanese who desire
to control the teeming millions of China? The Japanese are
highly-educated barbarians. They have fresh minds, and they are the most
imitative beings on earth if one excepts the smaller species of monkeys;
they are not a civilized people. You may put a clever savage into a
European dress or into a European-built battleship, but he remains a
savage. Races do not become civilized in twenty years. Europe cannot
allow the Japanese to control the Chinese millions, for the Japanese
are without a soul." Well might the Japanese retort that if the Germans
represent civilization with a soul, it would be to the benefit of the
world if mankind remained savage.

[Illustration: Landing of British Forces on Tsing-tau Peninsula,
September 23, 1914.

_Photo, The Sphere._]

Professing to stand forth as the champion of soulful civilization, the
Kaiser persuaded France and Russia to join with him in robbing the
Japanese of the fruits of their victory. He only needed an excuse to
interfere, and an excuse is easily found if you set yourself to look for
it. In the autumn of 1897 two persons, said to be German missionaries,
were murdered somewhere in the heart of China. At once the Kaiser was
filled with righteous indignation; he shook his "mailed fist," and
sending his brother, Prince Henry, to China with a couple of old ships
which broke down on the voyage, bade him "declare the gospel of your
Majesty's hallowed person." With these ancient craft the Kaiser seized a
piece of Chinese territory for himself, and demanded that it should be
leased to him with sovereign rights for ninety-nine years. In this way
he obtained Kiao-chau, his Asiatic "place in the sun."

The protectorate of Kiao-chau has an area of about 200 square miles; it
contains thirty-three townships and a native population of about
192,000. The whites number about 4,500, the greater part of them being
Germans. Before the war, Tsing-tau, the port, was a powerful fortress, a
first-class naval station, and a great entrenched camp, strong both by
land and sea, equipped with the latest type of forts, and defended by a
strong garrison. Twenty millions of money had been spent on the harbour,
fortress, and naval station. The colony was very dear to the heart of
the Kaiser, and he spoke of it as "a model of German culture." From
Kiao-chau German influence was to radiate throughout the Far East, until
the yellow peoples stood in awe of the Kaiser's name.

       *     *     *     *     *

The great struggle which I am describing in these pages has been well
called "the World-wide War." Immediately the Kaiser flung down the gage
of battle in Europe the Allies began to attack his colonial possessions
in Africa, Asia, and the Southern Seas. The German fleet was bottled up
in its ports; no German transport dared cross the ocean; no help could
come to them from the Fatherland. The German forces in each possession
had to fight their own battle with such resources as they then
possessed. It was clear to everybody that without sea power Germany
could not hope to hold any of her colonies very long; they were bound to
fall, and fall rapidly.

The Australian navy, assisted by our China squadron, put to sea
immediately, and scoured the Pacific for German cruisers. A force of New
Zealanders set sail from Wellington on 15th August, and, under the
escort of H.M.S. _Australia_, H.M.S. _Melbourne_, and the French cruiser
_Montcalm_, crossed the sixteen hundred miles of sea between them and
Samoa. They reached Apia on the 28th, and the islands surrendered
without a blow being struck. Before the war was a month old Robert Louis
Stevenson's body was lying in British soil.

The next attack was on Neu-Pommern, the chief island of the Bismarck
Archipelago, where, you will remember, there was an important wireless
station. On 11th September a British force arrived at Herbertshohe, the
port at the northern end of the island. A party of sailors landed at
dawn and pushed through the bush towards the wireless station. The roads
had been mined, rifle pits had been dug, and snipers were hidden in the
trees. The British fought their way for six miles, losing ten officers
and four men; but when they reached the wireless station the whole enemy
force surrendered. The German flag was hauled down, the Union Jack flew
triumphantly in its stead, and thus the Bismarck Archipelago was lost to
the Kaiser.

Two days later our troops sailed for the Solomon Islands, which were
captured without difficulty and without bloodshed. A force was then sent
against Kaiser Wilhelm Land, where it was thought that the Germans would
show fight. Again there was a bloodless victory, and the British flag
was hoisted above the chief port, which was left in the possession of
British troops. Early in November the Japanese occupied the Marshall
Islands and some of the other northern groups.

By this time the Pacific possessions of Germany had vanished, save for a
few small and unimportant islands, and her wireless stations had been
destroyed. These rapid successes were largely due to the Australian
navy, which had worked with the highest speed and efficiency. H.M.S.
_Melbourne_, for example, covered no less than 11,000 miles of sea in
the first six weeks of the war.

       *     *     *     *     *

Togoland was the first of Germany's African colonies to fall. Its
geographical position made it easy of attack and very difficult to hold.
You will remember that it had British and French territory on its
flanks, and that its sea coast was open to bombardment by British ships.
So situated, and held by military forces which did not number more than
250 whites and 3,000 natives in all, it was certain to fall quickly and
easily.

Soon after the outbreak of war the cables connecting Togoland with
Germany were cut by the British, so that only by means of wireless
telegraphy could the colony communicate with the Fatherland. Native
troops were rushed down from Kumasi[134] to the Gold Coast, and all
Britons in Accra[135] were sworn in as volunteers. On 6th August a
British advance guard pushed across the western frontier, and a few days
later was followed by the main column, under Colonel Bryant. Meanwhile
the French made a similar movement from Dahomey, on the eastern
frontier. When the British advance guard reached Lomé, it found the town
deserted, and the Germans retiring northwards along the railway line. On
the arrival of the main column arrangements were made for an advance on
Kamina, where the great wireless station had been established. There
were two or three skirmishes on the way, but no engagement of any
particular importance. On the river, south of Nuatja, the enemy was
found to be strongly entrenched, and fighting continued from early
morning until after dusk. During the night the enemy abandoned Nuatja,
and at daybreak the British marched in. Our losses in this engagement,
including those of the French troops from Dahomey, were very high.

Two days later the advance was continued towards Kamina, near the
Government station of Atakpame, at the railhead. Here the enemy had dug
trenches, built blockhouses, laid in provisions, and made other
preparations to stand a siege. During the advance our men spent two or
three nights in the mud huts of filthy native villages. Several rivers,
swollen into rushing torrents by the heavy rain, impeded the advance,
for the Germans had blown up the road and railway bridges. Meanwhile the
advance guard pushed forward, and as they did so the enemy sent two men
with a flag of truce to Colonel Bryant, offering to surrender on certain
terms and with the usual honours of war. Colonel Bryant told them that
they were not in a position to ask for terms, and that they must
surrender unconditionally. Next day (10th August) the enemy agreed to
do so.

A telegraphist with the Togoland Field Force thus describes the
surrender: "I rode in with the Headquarters Staff, and, arriving at
Kamina, found the Germans, all white men (their native troops having
deserted), drawn up in front of the acting Governor's residence, with
himself, a smart-looking man, at their head, and all their rifles,
machine guns, ammunition, and other weapons of war piled in front of
them.

"We formed up on the other side in the shape of a triangle--the British
troops on the right, French on the left, guns at the apex, and
Headquarters Staff in the centre. Our adjutant, with the Union Jack in
one hand and the French flag in the other, accompanied by a native
soldier of each nation, planted the two flags in front of the massed
troops, who all presented arms. We saluted, and in that brief
half-minute, while we were at the 'present,' Togoland, which had been a
German colony for over thirty years, passed into the hands of Britain
and France. It was most impressive, and something I am not likely to
forget. We took at this place alone 206 white German prisoners, three
machine guns, hundreds of rifles, and thousands of rounds of ammunition.

"The Germans had destroyed their powerful wireless station--a tremendous
place, three miles long, with nine masts 250 to 410 feet high--two days
before we arrived; otherwise I might have been able to get into
communication with Whitehall direct, instead of sending the news of the
surrender to the Secretary of State on a little field buzzer set, tapped
in on the telegraph wire by the side of the road.

"This town, Atakpame, is in the half of Togoland allotted to the French,
so the British troops have left the place. It is now occupied by
Senegalese (French native troops, and fine fighting men). . . . This is
a magnificent country, and Atakpame is beautifully situated up in the
hills. . . . This letter leaves by the last English mail out of
Atakpame, which has been under three different flags in less than three
weeks--German, British, and French.

"Quick work, eh?"

       *     *     *     *     *

By this time Kamerun, German South-West Africa, and German East Africa
had been attacked. I will tell you how they resisted later on, when we
come to the period at which they were finally conquered.

[Footnote 129: Cecil John Rhodes (1853-1902), for nearly a quarter of a
century the most powerful man in South Africa. Rhodesia was named after
him.]

[Footnote 130: Born 1850, died 1894. Scottish novelist and poet. All
boys and girls should read his _Treasure Island_, _The Black Arrow_,
_Kidnapped_, and _Catriona_. Many of his verses are in the earlier books
of the _Highroads of Literature_.]

[Footnote 131: See Stevenson's _A Footnote to History_.]

[Footnote 132: With the exception of Guam, the largest, which belongs to
the United States.]

[Footnote 133: Reproduced in Vol. I., p. 142.]

[Footnote 134: Capital of Ashanti.]

[Footnote 135: Capital of the Gold Coast.]




  CHAPTER XXI.

  THE STORY OF THE "EMDEN."


When the war broke out there was a German squadron of ships of war in
Eastern waters, its base being Tsing-tau. Admiral von Spee, who
commanded it, did not attempt to go to the rescue of the Pacific islands
when the British attacked them, but departed with most of his ships for
the west coast of South America. Two of his smaller cruisers--the
_Königsberg_ and the _Emden_--were, however, detached to prey on British
commerce in the East. You have read[136] how the _Königsberg_ caught
H.M.S. _Pegasus_ unawares, in Zanzibar harbour, and disabled her. I
shall tell you later how this vessel was finally destroyed. In this
chapter we will learn something of the career of the _Emden_.

A ship of war can do as much mischief amongst peaceful merchantmen as a
cat among pigeons. Ordinary trading ships are entirely at the mercy of a
fast cruiser armed with big guns. They have no means of resisting, and
must surrender when called upon to do so. During the American Civil War
a ship, afterwards known as the _Alabama_, was built at Birkenhead for
the Southern States. By some mistake she was allowed to leave the Mersey
and proceed to the Azores, where she was fully equipped as a vessel of
war. In August 1862 she began to prey on the merchantmen of the Northern
States, and by June 1864 she had captured and destroyed about
sixty-eight of their ships. By hoisting the British flag she decoyed
them within reach of her guns, and then they were obliged to yield. In
the end the _Alabama_ was chased by a Northern ship of war to the
English Channel, and a fight took place off the French shore near
Cherbourg. In an hour the _Alabama_ was shattered, and her career was
ended for ever.[137] Up to the time when the _Emden_ left Kiao-chau, in
August 1914, the _Alabama_ was the most successful commerce-raider of
history. The Emden, however, soon deposed her from that pride of place.
In two short months she did more damage than the _Alabama_ did in two
years.

The _Emden_ was a light cruiser of 3,544 tons displacement, and she
dated from 1908. She had a speed of 25 knots, and her armament consisted
of ten 4.1-inch guns, four 2.1-inch guns, and four machine guns, as well
as two torpedo tubes. Her captain, was Commander Karl von Müller, who
has thus been described: "Picture a young man of about thirty, tall,
clean-shaven, with closely-cropped hair and keen eyes, a
neatly-proportioned figure, a man with the manners of a drawing-room,
possessed of a keen sense of humour and an extensive knowledge of the
sea and its affairs." As the story proceeds you will learn that
Commander Müller was a man of quick, ready, and inventive mind, and that
for two months he played a successful game of hide-and-seek with the
many Allied ships of war that were bent on his destruction.

The _Emden's_ adventures began almost before she was out of sight of
Kiao-chau. She knew that Japanese men-of-war were near at hand, and that
she was more than likely to fall in with one of them. Sure enough, a
Japanese vessel was sighted; but it was not the three-funnelled _Emden_,
under the black, white, and red flag of Germany that passed the enemy
warship, but a vessel of four funnels flying the British white ensign.
The Japanese were completely deceived, especially when the _Emden's_
crew lined the rails and greeted them with three hearty British cheers.
By means of this clever trick the _Emden_ gained the open sea
unmolested.

What she did up to 10th September we do not know. Just when the first
Indian contingent was leaving for Marseilles she appeared in the Bay of
Bengal and began her career of destruction. Inside four days she had
seized and sunk five ships, and before seven weeks were over had
destroyed seventeen vessels of 70,000 tons burden, and worth more than
£2,000,000. Captain von Müller fell in with some of these ships; others
it is said that he decoyed by sending out the S.O.S. signal[138] in
defiance of the rules of war which Germany had signed at the Hague. His
practice was to close in upon his victim very quickly, destroy its
wireless apparatus before the alarm could be given, put the crew on
board one of his prizes, take what coal and provisions he required, and
then with a mine or a few shots send the captured vessel to the bottom.
It is said that when he overhauled the _Kabinga_ he discovered that the
captain's wife was on board, and released the ship. The captain's wife,
on taking leave of him, hoped that he would soon be caught, but that his
life would be spared. Commander Müller was generous to his prisoners,
and in no case were they treated harshly.

[Illustration: Captain von Müller.

(_Photo, Record Press._)]

On 22nd September the _Emden_ was off Madras, that great straggling
seaport which fronts a strand on which the sea foams in unceasing
billows. One of the _Emden's_ crew had worked in Madras, and he pointed
out to the captain the position of the oil tanks at the entrance to the
harbour. At 9.30 that night the _Emden_ crept in, turned her
searchlights on the tanks, and fired two broadsides to find the range.
Then the searchlights were turned off, and salvos were fired which set
the tanks on fire. While great flames were shooting skyward and making
the night as bright as day, the _Emden_ retired full speed northward.
The shore batteries opened fire, but their shells fell short.

[Illustration: The Emden, the famous German Commerce-raider.

_Photo, Central News._]

Next day the _Emden_ turned her nose north-east, to give the impression
that she was sailing for Calcutta, but when out of sight of land turned
southwards. Off Pondicherry[139] she paused, but perceiving that the
town was defenceless, refrained from firing a gun. She then ran past the
east coast of Ceylon to the island of Diego Garcia, in the Chagos
Archipelago, a group of low coral islands between Mauritius and Ceylon.
Diego Garcia was reached on 10th October. The few European families on
the island had not yet heard of the war, as they are only visited by a
steamer once in three months. The _Emden_ coaled at Diego Garcia, and
took on board supplies of cocoa-nuts and fish.

About the middle of October she lost her attendant collier, and with it
her reserve of ammunition, coal, and food. By this time it was clear
that her course was practically run, and that she had better do what
mischief she could to the warships and war material of the enemy before
meeting her doom.

Early on the morning of 28th October the _Emden_ was ten miles outside
Penang, in the Straits Settlements,[140] and the carpenters were set to
work rigging up a dummy funnel, to make her look like a British cruiser.
She then hoisted British colours and entered the harbour, in which
several ships could be seen, with an unknown cruiser well in front of
them. When the _Emden_ entered the harbour she discovered that this
cruiser was the Russian ship _Jemtchug_. Mistaking the _Emden_ for a
British man-of-war, the _Jemtchug_ did not attempt to prevent the German
cruiser from getting between her and the land. The _Emden_ then let fly
two torpedoes, the first of which struck the Russian cruiser just under
the after funnel. The other torpedo, fired at closer range, struck her
below the bridge, and caused a terrible explosion. Meanwhile the _Emden_
was firing salvo after salvo at the _Jemtchug_, which made but a feeble
reply; all of her shots missed, but some of them hit ships in the
harbour behind.

As the _Jemtchug_ sank the _Emden_ turned and left the harbour at full
speed. Thirty miles out she fell in with the British steamer
_Glenturret_, which had signalled to the shore for a pilot, who had just
reached her in his launch. The _Emden_ had swung out her boats to take
possession of the prize when a warship appeared on the horizon. The
_Emden_ immediately recalled her boats and made off, as the warship
appeared to be a large one. This, however, was only the effect of the
early morning _mirage_.[141] At about 6,000 yards distance the newcomer
was found to be the French destroyer _Mousquet_.

The _Emden_ opened fire, and the _Mousquet_ replied, though, of course,
the destroyer was quite outclassed by the cruiser. The first few shots
from the _Emden_ hit the _Mousquet's_ engine-room, and apparently
wrecked her. "Cease fire" was then ordered, to enable the French
destroyer to surrender; but instead of doing so she showed fight once
more. A few more shots from the _Emden_ were sufficient to sink her,
bows first. About thirty-six of the crew were rescued. While this
merciful work was going on, another destroyer was seen approaching from
Penang; whereupon the _Emden_ steamed off at full speed for the Indian
Ocean. The destroyer chased her for three hours; but a heavy rainstorm
came on, and the _Emden_ escaped.

There was a good deal of discontent in England when news arrived that
the _Emden_ had sunk ship after ship, and had not been brought to
account. The Admiralty explained that searching for the _Emden_ over
vast expanses of ocean was no easy task, and that the many thousand
islands of the East Indies afforded her plenty of hiding-places, and the
straits between them numberless avenues of escape. To catch the raider
was a matter of time, patience, and good luck. The Germans were highly
delighted that their ship had proved such a will o' the wisp, and one of
their papers contained a caricature showing the _Emden_ as a
Jack-in-the-box that continually popped up to the annoyance of John
Bull. It was inscribed, "_Emden_ über Alles," and underneath was the
following rhyme:--

  "When you think you have him tightly,
   He springs forth again so lightly."

We are soon to hear how, by a stroke of good luck the _Emden_ was caught
tightly and destroyed.

[Footnote 136: Vol. II., p. 170.]

[Footnote 137: She left, however, a legacy of trouble. The United States
said, with justice, that the British Government was responsible, for the
ship ought never to have been built by a neutral Power nor permitted to
leave a neutral harbour. In the end, Britain had to pay the United
States three millions of money as damages.]

[Footnote 138: The wireless signal sent out by ships in distress,
calling for immediate help.]

[Footnote 139: Chief French settlement in India, 90 miles
south-south-west of Madras.]

[Footnote 140: British Crown colony in and off the Malay Peninsula, in
south-east Asia. In the Straits Settlements are included Singapore,
Malacca, the Dindings, Penang, and Wellesley Province.]

[Footnote 141: Caused by the rays of light being bent in their passage
through layers of air of differing density, and therefore giving a
delusive appearance to objects.]




  CHAPTER XXII.

  THE LAST OF THE "EMDEN," AND THE SEA FIGHT OFF CORONEL.


If you look at a map of the Indian Ocean, you will see, some 700 miles
south of Sumatra and 1,200 miles south-west of Singapore, a group of
about twenty atolls,[142] known as the Cocos-Keeling Islands. They are
covered with palm groves, and they export cocoa-nuts and copra. The
"king" of the islands is Mr. Sydney Ross, a descendant of the Captain J.
C. Ross who settled on them in 1825. It was to these remote islands that
Captain von Müller brought the _Emden_ in the early days of November.
His object was to destroy the important British wireless station
established on Direction Island.

On the morning of 9th November the operators in charge of the station
saw a cruiser in the offing. At first they believed the vessel to be a
British warship, but they were soon undeceived. Before a boat could be
lowered and a landing-party sent ashore, the operators at the wireless
station, with true British coolness, sent off distress signals, and
warned the adjacent stations, by means of the three submarine cables
which come ashore on the island, that the Germans were about to land.
One launch and two cutters, containing three officers and forty men,
arrived about 7.30; the wireless mast was blown up; the instruments were
smashed, the storerooms and workshops were completely wrecked, and a
dummy cable and one real cable were cut and a third damaged. The
remaining cable was left uninjured, probably because the Germans did
not know that it existed. In less than two hours the work of destruction
was completed. Then suddenly loud and repeated siren calls were heard
from the _Emden_. Before the boats could return she was off at top
speed.

She had been trapped at last. In the wireless room of H.M.S. _Sydney_,
then engaged in escorting Australian transports, a message had been
received: "Strange warship off entrance." In a moment Captain Glossop
guessed that it was the raider that had so long eluded him. Immediately
he worked up to twenty knots an hour, and with the "white bone" in his
ship's teeth sped towards the island. At 9.15 the feathery tops of the
cocoa-nut trees were sighted, and a few minutes later the _Emden_ was
seen bearing down on the _Sydney_ at a great rate. Captain von Müller
knew that the _Sydney's_ 6-inch guns could destroy his ship at a
distance too great for his 4.7-inch guns to do much mischief. He
therefore tried to close in with the _Sydney_, which endeavoured to keep
sufficiently far off to obtain the advantage afforded by her bigger
guns.

Then began a running fight which lasted for an hour and forty minutes.
At first the _Emden_'s fire was very rapid and accurate, but as the
_Sydney's_ shells began to burst on her decks it slackened quickly. The
foremost funnel of the _Emden_ was shot away, then the foremast, then
the second funnel, and lastly the third funnel. She was now burning
furiously, and her deck was strewn with dead and dying. A few minutes
later and she was seen to be making for the beach on North Keeling
Island, where she grounded at 11.20 a.m. Captain Glossop gave her two
more broadsides, and then left her to pursue a merchant ship which had
come up during the action.

The merchantman was overhauled, and found to be a captured British
collier in a sinking condition. As she was past repair she was sent to
the bottom, and the _Sydney_, with the crew of the collier on board,
returned to the _Emden_, now a dismal wreck amidst the surf foaming on
the reef. Her colours, however, were still flying at the masthead. When
called upon to haul them down her captain replied that he would never
surrender. Very reluctantly, Captain Glossop again fired at the _Emden_.
Five minutes later white flags fluttered aloft, and her ensign was
hauled down.

[Illustration: German Landing Party on the Cocos-Keeling Islands.

_Photo, The Sphere_

The yacht shown in the photograph is the _Ayesha_, in which the landing
party escaped from the island.]

About six o'clock that night the _Emden's_ landing-party seized and
provisioned Mr. Ross's 70-ton schooner, the _Ayesha_, and made off. For
months they were unheard of, though all sorts of rumours were current as
to their fate. On March 1, 1915, it was reported that they had reached
Damascus, and were on their way to Constantinople.

Captain von Müller was captured unwounded, and amongst his officers was
Franz Josef of Hohenzollern, a nephew of the Kaiser. As a tribute to the
gallantry and humanity which Captain von Müller had exhibited, he was
permitted to retain his sword. While the German soldiers were making
their name a byword of loathing in Belgium, Captain von Müller had been
behaving as a sailor and a gentleman; consequently he was regarded in
Britain as something of a hero. He had fought staunchly, and although he
had perhaps violated the laws of war on several occasions, his sins were
forgiven him because he had been merciful to the defenceless and the
captive.

The _Emden_ lost some 250 killed and wounded, while the _Sydney_ had
four killed and twelve wounded. Only about ten hits seem to have been
made on the British vessel, and the damage done was surprisingly small.
Australians were overjoyed to hear that a ship of their own navy had rid
the seas of the famous raider. Their satisfaction was all the greater
when they remembered that the victorious crew consisted largely of young
and untried sailors.

Let me tell you of a pleasing little incident that happened when the
_Sydney_, with prisoners on board, returned to the transports which she
and the _Melbourne_ were convoying. Captain Glossop had given orders
that there was to be no cheering, as he had German wounded on board, and
some of them might be dying. The _Sydney_ steamed past forty transports,
whose decks and rigging were crowded with patriotic men; but not a cheer
was raised, though all were deeply stirred by the good news. Two German
officers asked Captain Glossop the reason of the silence. When he
explained, they were much affected. One of them shook him by the hand
and said, "You have been kind, but this crowns all. We cannot speak to
thank you for it."

       *     *     *     *     *

The news was received with great delight by our soldiers in Artois and
West Flanders. At one place where the opposing trenches were close
together the men cheered, and passed on the information with appropriate
comments to the enemy, who replied with a vindictive volley. At
Lloyd's[143] the old _Lutine_ bell[144] was rung, and when, amidst tense
silence, the crier announced that the _Emden's_ career of destruction
had ended, underwriters,[145] brokers, and clerks burst forth into
excited cheering, which was repeated again and again. During the past
two months the insurance companies had been heavily hit; freight for the
East had been difficult to obtain, Indian tea had gone up twopence per
pound, the jute trade had been paralysed, and tin and rubber had largely
increased in price. All this was now over, and shipping in Eastern
waters resumed its normal course.

       *     *     *     *     *

Almost equally good news arrived the same day. The _Königsberg_, after
her attack on the _Pegasus_ in Zanzibar harbour, had gone into hiding
somewhere along the German East African coast. A diligent search was
made for her by H.M.S. _Chatham_, and on 30th October she was discovered
in shoal water about six miles up a river opposite Mafia island. The
_Chatham_, owing to her greater draught, could not ascend the river; but
she sank colliers in the only navigable channel, so that the German
cruiser could not come out. She lay amidst dense palm groves, and was
aground, except at high tide. Part of her crew had been landed and
entrenched on the banks of the river. Both the entrenchments and the
_Königsberg_ were shelled, but owing to the thick foliage shrouding the
ship it was not possible to estimate what damage had been done.

From the end of October 1914 until the beginning of July 1915 the
_Königsberg_ lay in this position. She was most difficult to attack, as
only shallow-draught ships could get sufficiently close to engage her.
In May 1915 the Admiralty decided to send to German East Africa two of
the monitors--the _Severn_ and the _Mersey_--which had done so much to
foil the coast dash towards Calais. Aircraft accompanied the vessels,
and discovered the exact whereabouts of the _Königsberg_. On 4th July
the monitors entered the river and opened fire. The _Königsberg_
replied, and fired salvos of five guns with great accuracy, twice
hitting the _Mersey_, and causing some casualties.

The aeroplanes found great difficulty in "spotting" the effects of the
monitors' fire, because of the dense jungle. For six hours the monitors
continued firing, and the _Königsberg_ was hit five times, though her
masts were still standing. Then a salvo struck her, and she burst into
flames. For a time she continued to fire with one gun, but during the
last part of the engagement she made no reply, either because her
ammunition had run out or because her guns were disabled. On 11th July
another attack was made, and the _Königsberg_ was battered into
shapeless ruin.

       *     *     *     *     *

During November 19 a British squadron approached the harbour of
Dar-es-Salaam,[146] in which three German vessels had taken refuge. The
entrance had been blocked by a floating dock, and only vessels of light
draught could pass the obstruction. On November 28 a British flotilla
supported by a cruiser entered the harbour, and after a parley the
governor of the town hoisted the white flag. Commander Henry Peel
Ritchie, R.N., who was in charge of the operations, now boarded the
German ships, but soon discovered that the surrender of the town was a
trick to destroy him and his men. A heavy fire was opened on the boats
from trenches on shore, and Commander Peel Ritchie had the greatest
difficulty in getting them safely out of harbour. He himself was one of
the first to be hit, but he continued at his post until his eighth
wound, received twenty-five minutes later, rendered him unconscious. The
cockswain of his pinnace, though hit twice, gallantly stuck to the wheel
until the boat was out of gunfire. For his splendid courage, and for the
inspiring example which he set to his men, Commander Ritchie was awarded
the Victoria Cross. The cockswain, Leading Seaman Thomas Arthur
Gallagher, received the Conspicuous Gallantry Medal.

       *     *     *     *     *

We will now follow the fortunes of the German squadron under Admiral von
Spee. You will remember that it left Kiao-chau early in August for the
South American coast. Von Spee's squadron, which consisted of modern
ships, comprised two armoured cruisers, the _Gneisenau_ and the
_Scharnhorst_; and three light cruisers, the _Dresden_, _Leipzig_, and
_Nürnberg_. The first two vessels had a speed of at least 23 knots, and
were armed with eight 8.2-inch guns, six of 5.9-inch, and eighteen
21-pounders. The _Dresden_ was a sister ship to the _Emden_, the
_Nürnberg_ was slightly smaller, and the _Leipzig_ smaller still. The
object of this squadron was to prey on British commerce in the Pacific.
The _Emden_, as you know, was detailed for similar work in the Indian
Ocean, and the _Karlsruhe_ in the South Atlantic.

I have told at length of the short and merry life of the _Emden_. The
_Karlsruhe_ was not so successful, but she destroyed no fewer than
thirteen steamers in the course of a week or two. She was remarkable for
the number of attendant vessels which accompanied her, some of them her
own captures. These she employed as scouts to warn her of danger, and to
give notice of vessels which might be seized. It is said that she had
many hairbreadth escapes from British cruisers. Towards the end of
November she disappeared, and though many rumours were afloat, nothing
was certainly known of her whereabouts. In March 1915 it was reported
that she had gone down off the West Indian island of Grenada.

[Illustration: Destruction of the German Raider Emden by H.M.S. Sydney
of the Australian Navy, November 9, 1914.]

You can easily understand that without a regular supply of coal and
provisions the German commerce-raiders could not long keep the seas.
When a fighting ship in time of war puts into a neutral port, she may
not receive more coal and provisions than will carry her to the nearest
harbour of her own land, and she may not obtain any further supplies at
that port for three months. Some of the South American states, however,
were very slack in observing the rules of naval warfare, and two of
them--Ecuador and Colombia--actually permitted German coaling and
provisioning bases to be set up on their coasts, and allowed their
wireless stations to be used for the purpose of ascertaining the
movements of the British cruisers which were trying to catch the
raiders. When Admiral von Spee sailed for the western coast of South
America, he was going into waters where there were many harbours in
which he could coal, and many friends who would see that he was well
supplied. German merchants abound in Chile.

On 14th September von Spee's squadron touched at Apia, and on the 22nd
two of his cruisers arrived off Papeete, in Tahiti, one of the loveliest
of the Pacific Islands. A small French gunboat was sunk, and the town
was bombarded. Then his squadron of five warships with attendant
colliers concentrated near Valparaiso, and he was ready, like a
twentieth-century Drake, to prey ruthlessly upon the merchantmen that
came round the Horn.

Von Spee did not expect that he would go unmolested. He knew that
Britain had a squadron which was even then cruising northwards along the
coast of Chile, under the command of a renowned seaman, Sir Christopher
Cradock. But this squadron was all too weak to meet him in fair fight.
It consisted of two armoured cruisers, the _Good Hope_ and the
_Monmouth_, the light cruiser _Glasgow_, and an armed liner, the
_Otranto_, the latter being incapable of engaging a ship of war. None of
the vessels was speedy, and none was heavily armed. The _Canopus_, a
seventeen-year-old battleship, was on its way to meet him, but had not
yet arrived. Von Spee could count on sixteen 8.2-inch guns, and to
oppose them Cradock had but two 9.2-inch guns. When the _Canopus_ joined
him his big-gun armament would be increased by four 12-inch guns, but
even then the British squadron would be inferior in weight of broadside
to the German squadron. Nor had the British any advantage of speed. The
_Glasgow_ could do 26 knots an hour, but the _Monmouth_ could only do
23. In big guns, speed, and armour the Germans were greatly superior.
Cradock was hourly expecting reinforcements, but for some reason they
were not forthcoming. One of his officers wrote as follows on 12th
October: "We think the Admiralty have forgotten their trade-route
squadron 10,000 miles from London town. Five German cruisers against us.
Pray that we may prevent them concentrating."

They had concentrated, as we know, and Cradock had now to decide whether
he would give battle with his three cruisers or wait for the arrival of
the _Canopus_. He was a dashing, fearless officer, and he took the risk.
He sent off a wireless message to the _Canopus_: "I am going to attack
the enemy now," and ordered speed to be increased to 17 knots. It is
doubtful whether the _Canopus_ ever received the message, for the enemy
was "jamming the wireless"--that is, was sending out bogus messages to
interfere with the messages of the British flagship. At any rate, the
_Canopus_ did not join Cradock, and he steamed without her towards the
foe.

The _Glasgow_ swept northward, and about four o'clock in the afternoon
of 1st November sighted the enemy. She sent off wireless signals to the
flagship, _Good Hope_, but they were jammed. The _Monmouth_ and
_Otranto_ joined the _Glasgow_ soon after, and at five o'clock the _Good
Hope_ came up. Both squadrons were now moving southwards, the Germans
having the inshore course. At the head of the British line was the _Good
Hope_, with the _Monmouth_, _Glasgow_, and _Otranto_ following, one
behind the other. The German line was headed by the _Scharnhorst_, with
the _Gneisenau_, _Dresden_, and _Nürnberg_ following.

Try to imagine the scene. The sea was running high; there was a stiff
wind blowing, and away in the west the sun was sinking in a flaming sky
of crimson and gold. Against the bright sunset the British ships stood
out sharp and clear, while the German vessels were shrouded by the
gathering gloom and the dark background of the land. Behind them were
the long ridges and lofty peaks of the Andes, their eternal snows
glowing red in the light of the setting sun. Amidst the roar of sea and
wind the two squadrons raced south in the teeth of the gale. The day was
speeding fast to its close, and the German admiral, owing to the
superior speed of his ships, was able to choose the range at which the
battle was to be fought.

The sun sank into the sea, and eight minutes later, at a range of about
12,000 yards--roughly, seven miles--the leading German cruiser opened
fire with her biggest guns. Shells shrieked over and short of the _Good
Hope_ within a hundred yards of her, and the _Otranto_ began to edge
away to the south-west. The _Good Hope_ and the _Monmouth_ replied as
best they could to the _Scharnhorst_ and _Gneisenau_, but their fire was
ineffective; the two 9.2-inch guns of the _Good Hope_ could not be
brought into action, because they were mounted so near to the water's
edge that the waves washed over them. Meanwhile the _Glasgow_ was
exchanging shots with the light cruisers _Leipzig_ and _Dresden_. The
shooting of the enemy was deadly, and in a few minutes all was over--the
British ships were pounded to pieces by guns which quite outranged those
which they carried. "It was as though a man standing at Charing Cross
were attacked with deadly accuracy by a foe on Ealing Common, without
any possibility of replying." Think of the horror and hopelessness of it
all!

Broadside after broadside of powerful guns crashed on the British
cruisers. The third salvo set the _Good Hope_ and the _Monmouth_ on
fire. The range had now narrowed down to 5,000 yards, and darkness was
coming on apace. Many of the shells falling into the sea threw up huge
geysers of white spray, which gleamed ghost-like in the twilight. The
British could fire only at the flashes of the enemy's guns, and often
even these slight indications were hidden from the gun-layers by the
heavy head seas.

The _Monmouth_ had been heavily hit, and was rapidly becoming
unmanageable; the fore turret of the _Good Hope_ was burning fiercely,
and she began to fall away out of line towards the enemy. Suddenly, at
about a quarter to eight, there was a roar louder than that of the
booming guns; the flames had reached the magazine of the _Good Hope_,
and a terrific explosion took place. A column of fire shot up 200 feet,
and the sea was strewn with _débris_. The _Good Hope_ never fired her
guns again. Down she went headlong into the stormy deep, with gallant
Sir Christopher Cradock and his crew of nearly 900 officers and men.

[Illustration: The Good Hope going down with her last Guns firing.

(_From the picture by Norman Wilkinson. By permission of the Illustrated
London News._)]

The _Monmouth_, too, was in dire distress. She was so badly damaged by
the terrific cannonade that she could no longer fire. She was down by
the head, and was obliged to turn away to get her stern to the sea. The
little unarmoured _Glasgow_ was now left alone, and on her the
_Scharnhorst_ and _Gneisenau_ concentrated their fire. Again and again
she was hit, but fortunately not dangerously. The sea was now running
higher than ever; rain and mist came on, though the moon was rising. The
_Glasgow_ could render no aid to the _Monmouth_; she could not rescue
her crew in the raging sea, and she could not contend with the
heavily-armoured vessels of the enemy. There was nothing for it but to
abandon the _Monmouth_ and seek safety in flight. If she stayed to the
end she would be needlessly sacrificing herself and her crew; and the
_Canopus_, now coming up from the south, could not be warned of the
destruction that awaited her.

So with a heavy heart Captain Luce swung his vessel to the north-west,
and steamed off at full speed. As he did so the doomed men on the
_Monmouth_ gave her a pealing cheer. Before the sinking vessel was lost
to sight another and another cheer was heard. At twenty minutes past
nine o'clock Captain Luce counted seventy-five flashes of fire stabbing
the darkness. The _Nürnberg_ had come up, and was dealing the _Monmouth_
its death-blows. It is said that the British ship in her final throes
made a gallant attempt to ram the enemy. For a few seconds the watching
men on the _Glasgow_ saw the play of her searchlight. It disappeared,
and all was over; the _Monmouth_ had gone down with her flag flying.

  "Toll for the brave--the brave that are no more."

The sole survivor, the _Glasgow_, sped away at 24 knots an hour, and as
she gained on her pursuers she bore round gradually to the south. Her
wireless was working in the hope of picking up the _Canopus_; but the
enemy again jammed her messages, and only after several hours did she
get in touch with her sister ship. At length they fell in with each
other, and steamed in company southward, threaded the wild,
glacier-fringed Strait of Magellan, and in due time reached Stanley
Harbour, in the wind-swept Falkland Isles.

       *     *     *     *     *

This disastrous sea fight will go down to history as the Battle of
Coronel, for the little Chilian port of Coronel was the nearest place to
the stretch of wild waters in which the _Good Hope_ and the _Monmouth_
went down. We shall never learn the full details of the action, for
those who played the leading part in it on the British side are no more.
The Germans have called their victory "the fairest sea fight of the
war." No more misleading description can be imagined--even in Germany.
The enemy had swifter, better armed, and more heavily armoured ships
than we had, and his victory was due to superior speed and greater gun
power.

Captain Luce tells us that "nothing could have been more admirable than
the conduct of the officers and men throughout. Though it was most
trying to receive a great volume of fire without the chance of returning
it adequately, all kept perfectly cool. There was no wild firing, and
discipline was the same as at battle practice. . . . The serious reverse
sustained has entirely failed to impair the spirit of officers and
ship's company, and it is our unanimous wish to meet the enemy again as
soon as possible." We need no assurance that on that dread November day
our tars fought and died as Britons are wont to do.

       *     *     *     *     *

The Falkland Islands lie some three hundred miles to the east of the
Strait of Magellan. They were discovered by John Davis, the Arctic
explorer, as far back as 1592, but were first settled by the French in
1764. Seven years later they became British. The group consists of two
large islands and of about one hundred islets, rocks, and sandbanks. The
two large islands are East Falkland and West Falkland, and the only town
of importance is Stanley, in the north-east of the former island.
Berkeley Sound and Port William are the two most important sounds in
East Falkland. Stanley Harbour, on which the capital stands, is a large,
safe, and easily entered inlet of Port William.

If New Zealand may be said to be the most English of all British
possessions, the Falkland Islands are certainly the most Scottish. In
appearance they resemble the Outer Hebrides, and a large part of the
population is of Scottish descent. The winters are cold and misty, but
not very severe. So violent are the winds that tennis and croquet can
only be played on sheltered grounds, and unless walls are erected the
cabbages in the gardens are blown clean out of the soil. There is only
one real tree on the islands, and that stands in the governor's garden.
Penguins are so numerous on the smaller islands and in the lagoons, that
the governor is sometimes nicknamed King of the Penguin Islands. The
total population is about 2,300, and the people are mainly occupied in
sheep-farming and seafaring. The colony is prosperous, and Stanley,
which has a wireless installation, is a refitting and coaling station
for ships rounding Cape Horn.

       *     *     *     *     *

When the _Canopus_ and the _Glasgow_ reached Port Stanley, and the
defeat off Coronel became known, great was the alarm of the colonists.
They felt sure that the victorious German squadron was about to swoop
down on the islands. Their alarm was increased when the two British
battleships were ordered by wireless to proceed to Rio de Janeiro,[147]
where they were to be repaired.

One morning the church and dockyard bells pealed out an alarm; the
lookout on the hill above the town had sighted a cruiser, cleared for
action, and making straight for the wireless station. The volunteers
paraded; non-combatants streamed out of the place, and all waited for
the firing to begin. Signals were exchanged between the vessel and the
shore, and the colonists breathed freely once more. It was a false
alarm. The newcomer was not a German cruiser, but the _Canopus_.

Obeying orders, she and the _Glasgow_ had made for Rio de Janeiro, but
when two days from that port she had been instructed to return to
Stanley, for a reason which we shall learn later. She came about at
once, and tried to get into touch with the wireless station. As she
could not do so, she concluded that the Germans had raided the island
and destroyed the wireless station. Decks were immediately cleared for
action; the guns were loaded and trained; and with every man at his
post, ready to fight the whole of von Spee's squadron if necessary, the
_Canopus_ steered into Stanley Harbour. You can easily imagine the
relief of the colonists when they discovered that the newcomer was a
friend and not a foe.

       *     *     *     *     *

Von Spee was a victor, but even while celebrating his victory he knew
that his hours were numbered. He was well aware that the British would
take good care to send an overpowering squadron against him, and that
there would be only one end to the battle which could not be long
delayed. It is said that when the German colony at Valparaiso gave a
banquet to the admiral in honour of his victory, the steps near the door
of the hall were strewn with flowers. Von Spee noticed them, and said,
"I think you had better keep these for my grave; they may be wanted." He
spoke the simple truth: they were wanted--in less than forty days.

[Footnote 142: Coral islands, consisting of a more or less oval belt of
coral rock, within which there is a lagoon.]

[Footnote 143: At the Royal Exchange, London. The chief business of
Lloyd's is connected with the insurance of ships.]

[Footnote 144: _La Lutine_, a 32-gun frigate launched in 1785. It
originally belonged to the French navy, but was captured by Admiral
Duncan.

It sailed from Yarmouth Roads on the morning of October 9, 1799, for
Hamburg, and was wrecked the same night off the island of Vlieland, one
of the Frisian Islands. All on board were lost, except one man.

The frigate had on board a large amount of specie--gold and silver--the
destination of which appears to be somewhat of a mystery. If the specie
was merely sent by London Merchants to Hamburg on purely commercial
transactions--as is alleged--how was it that a frigate ship was
employed, and how did it come to be so near the Zuider Zee? To explain
this some say that the specie was intended for the pay of British troops
then in the Netherlands.

Up to the present, treasure to the value of £100,000 has been recovered;
but it is estimated that gold and silver worth a million pounds still
lie buried in the shifting sands north of the Zuider Zee.

Various attempts have been made to recover the specie. On July 17, 1858,
divers brought to daylight the bell of the frigate. It was well
preserved, and weighed 80 lbs. It now stands at the footboard of the
table in the library at Lloyd's, where other relics of the _Lutine_ are
also to be found.]

[Footnote 145: Men who undertake the insurance of ships.]

[Footnote 146: See p. 173.]

[Footnote 147: Capital of Brazil, on the beautiful bay of Rio.]




  CHAPTER XXIII.

  THE FALL OF KIAO-CHAU.


We must now hark back to Kiao-chau, and learn what was taking place in
that "model of German culture." I have already told you how Germany
played the chief part in ejecting the Japanese from the Liao-tung
peninsula, and how, while professing to be China's friend, she stole
from her 200 square miles of territory, on which she established the
fortress and naval base of Tsing-tau. A few years later, when a mixed
force of British, American, German, French, Russian, and Japanese troops
invaded China during the "Boxer" rising,[148] the Kaiser's soldiers
treated the Japanese with the utmost contempt. Japan had therefore old
scores to pay off. She was Britain's ally, and, as such, was Germany's
foe. Friendship for Britain and hatred of Germany made her eager to take
a hand in the great struggle, though it is said that many high-placed
Japanese believed that Germany would win. Nevertheless Japan did not
hesitate for a moment to throw in her lot with the British. She was
staunchly loyal to her plighted word; while the Germans, who scorned
her, were tearing up their bond in Belgium.

The war was not three weeks old when Japan declared war, and undertook
to make a clean sweep of German sea power in the Far East. She proposed
to wrest Kiao-chau from the Germans, and at the end of the war restore
it to China. Japan has a fine navy of six Dreadnoughts, six other
battleships, four first-class battle cruisers, and large classes of
other cruisers, destroyers, and coast-defence ships. A squadron of her
fleet at once co-operated with the British in Eastern waters. Her army,
which had been trained on the German model, numbered 250,000 on a peace
footing, and could be increased to 1,100,000. It was admirably equipped,
especially with heavy guns. Japan was thus formidable, alike by land and
sea.

Before I describe the blockade, siege, and storming of Tsing-tau, let us
have a clear idea of its geographical position. The map on the opposite
page shows you the German protectorate of Kiao-chau and the surrounding
country. Kiao-chau Bay, which has an area of about 200 square miles, is
almost land-locked. At the southerly point of the peninsula on the
eastern side of the bay you see the fortress of Tsing-tau, from which a
railway twenty-two miles long runs north, skirting the shore and
sweeping round the head of the bay to the station at Kiao-chau. The
peninsula itself is flat and low-lying, except along the south coast;
but here and there a number of low hills rise from the plain, and these
the Germans had strongly fortified as the outer defences of Tsing-tau.
You will see several of them on the map; one is marked Bismarck Hill,
another Moltke Hill. Several rivers cross the peninsula, the most
important being the Chang-sun, which enters the sea almost opposite to
Potato Island in Kiao-chau Bay. The ground is marshy in the course of
this river, and also along the coast farther north.

On 27th August an Allied fleet appeared off the south coast of the
peninsula. A small island was seized as a naval base, and the sea was
diligently swept for the mines with which the Germans had strewn it. So
thoroughly was the work done that only one Japanese vessel was blown up
by mines during the whole of the operations. The line of warships now
extended east and west, so that all communication with the fortress by
sea was cut off. Then the bombardment of the forts and harbour began.

[Illustration]

On 2nd September the Japanese were ready to begin their land attack. The
Gulf of Pechili lies directly to the north of Kiao-chau Bay. On the
Shantung coast of this bay you will find Lai-chow. It was near this
place that the first Japanese force landed. You will notice that the
Japanese had to cross a strip of Chinese territory before reaching the
boundary of German territory. When they crossed the boundary they found
themselves held up and brought to a standstill. The autumn rains, always
heavy in Shantung, had been heavier than usual; all the rivers had
overflowed their banks, and had spread out into wide lagoons. Until the
floods subsided it was impossible to reach Tsing-tau by this route.
Nevertheless the Japanese by 13th September had reached the town of
Kiao-chau, and had seized the railway station, twenty-two miles from
Tsing-tau. General Kamio, who commanded the force, sent aeroplanes over
the fortress, and bombs were dropped on the wireless station, the
electric power station, and on the ships in the harbour. Soon the
floods began to fall, and Kamio found himself able to advance. By the
27th he had reached Prince Henry Hill, the chief of the outer defences
of the fortress. Next day he assaulted and captured the hill, from the
crest of which all the forts around Tsing-tau could be bombarded. He was
now in much the same position as the Germans when they had broken
through the outer line of the Antwerp defences and were enabled to shell
the inner forts. Prince Henry Hill was the key to Tsing-tau, and it is
surprising that the Germans did not make a greater effort to retain it.

[Illustration: Landing of the Japanese at Laoshan Bay.

_Photo, Record Press._]

Meanwhile the Japanese had made another landing at Laoshan Bay, on the
south side of the peninsula, where they were within the boundary of
German territory. Japanese engineers erected a solid pier, by means of
which men, guns, and stores were brought ashore, and on 23rd September
transports arrived with a British force consisting of 1,000 of the South
Wales Borderers and 500 Sikhs, under General Barnardiston, who was in
command of our troops in North China. The British force was landed
easily and rapidly, and all was now ready for a march on Tsing-tau
itself. You will notice that the Allied force at Laoshan Bay had only a
short distance to march before joining hands with General Kamio's men.
The floods were no longer a great obstacle, and the advance was not
delayed. On the evening of 28th September, just after the capture of
Prince Henry Hill, the Allied forces were only five miles from
Tsing-tau; and their lines stretched right across the peninsula, so that
the fortress was shut in both by land and sea. German warships in
Kiao-chau Bay attempted to do what British monitors afterwards did on
the Belgian coast--that is, shell the right wing of the enemy. Japanese
aviators, however, showed such skill and daring that the warships were
driven off.

The Kaiser had ordered his troops to defend Tsing-tau as long as breath
remained in their bodies. The feeble defence of Prince Henry Hill did
not seem to show that they were disposed to hold out to the last man.
During the next month General Kamio was inclined to think that their
defence was largely make-believe, for they fired their shells in the
most wanton and reckless fashion, sometimes discharging 1,000 to 1,500
projectiles a day. He therefore determined on a grand assault instead of
a long, slow siege.

From the sea a vigorous bombardment was kept up, and on 15th October the
Japanese general offered a safe-conduct to all non-combatants who cared
to leave the fortress. The American consul, several ladies and children,
and a few Chinese took advantage of the offer. On 31st October, 140
Japanese siege guns were in position, and as it was the Emperor's
birthday a royal salute was fired with live shells. Before, however, the
guns were fired, the Japanese signalled, "Are you now quite ready,
gentlemen?" The reply came in the shape of a whizzing bullet. Then the
shells began to whistle. All the forts were bombarded; fires broke out
near the harbour; the oil tanks were speedily in flames, and black smoke
filled the heavens. The forts were assailed by guns of practically the
same calibre as those with which the Belgian fortresses had been
battered down. A British officer who witnessed the bombardment said, "It
really was a wonderful sight, and the Japanese shooting was magnificent
. . . . Every shell seemed to find the mark. There was hardly a stick left
in the forts and redoubts; concrete platforms, trenches, guns, and
barbed-wire entanglements, all were destroyed. Our small force did their
full share."

The German warships in the harbour replied, but before evening one of
them had disappeared, and a second sank two days later. On 1st November
H.M.S. _Triumph_, in seven shots, silenced the forts on Bismarck Hill;
on 2nd November Fort Iltis was put out of action, and the Allies drove
the Germans off a hill which they were holding. Next day the electric
light station and the wireless station were wrecked; and, under heavy
shell and rifle fire, the besiegers advanced still nearer to the
fortress. By the night of the 6th the Germans were almost ready to
surrender.

Throughout the darkness the guns of the enemy roared at intervals. The
Allies, however, pushed on and occupied central positions on the main
line of defence. By this time they had dug their trenches to within a
score of yards of the redoubts. When the Germans attempted to leave one
of their strongholds they found enemy rifles and machine guns covering
the only exit. Early next morning (7th November) all was ready for the
final assault. Between six and seven o'clock, while the troops, in tense
silence, were awaiting the order to storm, white flags appeared above
the observatory and several of the forts. Then the little Japanese
soldiers broke into loud shouts of "Banzai![149]" Tsing-tau had yielded,
and the Kaiser had no longer an Asiatic "place in the sun."

At 7.50 in the evening terms of surrender were signed. Honours of war
were accorded to the defenders, and it was arranged that they should
march out the next day. At 10 a.m. on 10th November the governor, 201
officers, and 3,841 men laid down their arms as prisoners of war. The
German casualties were heavy; the Japanese lost 236 killed and 1,282
wounded out of a total force of about 23,000; the British 1,500 were
reduced by 12. In addition, the Japanese lost a cruiser, a destroyer, a
torpedo boat, and three mine-sweepers.

       *     *     *     *     *

In Japan the news was received with delighted surprise. There were great
rejoicings in the island kingdom, and when General Barnardiston reached
Tokio he was accorded a welcome such as had never before been given to
any stranger. He was greeted by parades of troops and thousands of
cheering school children. The whole Japanese nation made holiday to
rejoice in its victory, and the capital was gloriously decorated and
illuminated. The National Assembly was called together, and the greatest
enthusiasm prevailed. The German officers had been allowed to retain
their swords, and the people showed them the utmost kindness.

The rapid fall of the fortress was a great blow to German pride. One of
the newspapers wrote as follows:--

    "Tsing-tau has fallen. The history of the German leased
    territory is henceforth at an end. It was short but glorious.
    From a decayed Chinese fishing village had been made a shining
    testimony to German culture. That the most beautiful, the
    cleanest, and the most progressive town in the Far East had
    sprung up in a couple of years from the soil was calculated to
    awake the jealousy of the slit-eyed people of the East. Never
    shall we forget the bold deed of violence of the yellow robbers
    or of England that set them on to do it. We know that we cannot
    yet settle with Japan for years to come. Perhaps she will
    rejoice over her cowardly robbery. Here our mills can grind but
    slowly. Even if years pass, however, we shall certainly not
    often speak of it, but as certainly always think of it. And if
    eventually the time of reckoning arrives, then as unanimously
    as what is now a cry of pain will a great shout of rejoicing
    ring through Germany. 'Woe to Nippon.'"[150]

[Illustration: The city of Warsaw looking north-west across the Vistula,
which here flows under the three bridges connecting the city proper with
its suburb, Praga.

Warsaw is beautifully situated on the left bank of the Vistula, which is
here about as wide as the Thames at Gravesend. Most of the city is built
on a low hill which rises from the broad plain to a terrace 120 feet
above the river-level. Though dating from the Middle Ages, Warsaw is
very modern in appearance. It is a large manufacturing centre, but has
none of the smoke and grime which characterize most industrial towns.
There is no livelier or gayer city in the east of Europe. Its buildings
are fine, and its well-laid-out public gardens are a great attraction.
In Sigismund Square is the former royal castle, round which the life of
the city is centred. Four main thoroughfares radiate from it, and on or
near these are the chief public buildings, churches, and statues. The
Church of the Holy Ghost contains the heart and monument of the great
Polish musician Chopin. The population of Warsaw in 1911 was 872,478,
one-third of the people being Jews. Praga is the junction of six great
trunk lines which converge from Vienna, Berlin, and Danzig on the one
side of the frontier, and from Petrograd, Moscow, and Kiev (South
Russia) on the other.]

[Footnote 148: Europeans gave the name "Boxers" to members of a
widespread society in China which had for its object the ridding of the
country of foreigners. The German Minister at Pekin was murdered in
1900, and several of the legations were besieged. The expedition
referred to above relieved the besieged on August 14, 1900, and exacted
a penalty of sixty-four millions from the Chinese Government.]

[Footnote 149: Literally, ten thousand years; "Japan for ever!"]

[Footnote 150: The Japanese Empire.]




  CHAPTER XXIV.

  THE FIRST ATTACK ON WARSAW.


It is high time that we returned to the Eastern theatre of war. In
Chapter XXXIV. of Volume II. you were told that at the end of September
1914 the Russians, after their crushing defeats of the Austrians, had
advanced through Galicia to within a hundred miles of Cracow. At that
time it seemed to us in the West that the Russian left would be almost
certain to capture the great Galician fortress, and advance into Silesia
and across the Carpathians towards Vienna within the next few weeks.
Meanwhile we believed that the Russian right would be over the German
frontier in full march for Berlin. It was rumoured--falsely, as we now
know--that the Austrians shared our belief, and that their Government
had decided to leave Vienna for Salzburg[151] or Innsbruck.[152] Though
the Allies in the West were held up by the Germans on the Aisne, the
prospects of their rapid and complete success in the East seemed very
bright indeed.

Then suddenly came a great disappointment. We learnt that, instead of
advancing on Cracow, the Russians were retreating from Galicia. By the
middle of October they were back again on the San, with nothing to show
for their victories and their weeks of hard fighting. Why had they
retreated? They were not pushed back by the Austrians; they were
retiring of their own accord in order to meet a new and dangerous
movement which the Germans had begun to make in Russian Poland.

On the frontier of East Prussia there was a deadlock, and von Hindenburg
had come to the conclusion that all the victories that could be won in
that deadly region of lake and swamp would avail him nothing. His
business was to destroy the Russian armies, and that could not be done
by even a dozen successful campaigns in East Prussia. He must strike
hard at the Russian centre--somewhere across the Polish plain, which was
then but lightly held by his enemy.

At what point in the Russian centre should he try to break
through?--that was the question. There was one point that seemed to
beckon him with the promise of full and speedy success. I have already
told you that on the Vistula, half-way between the German fortress of
Thorn and the Galician frontier, stands the great city of Warsaw.[153]
It is not only a great place of manufactures, but a powerful fortress
and the capital of Russian Poland, which contains twelve million
people--Poles, Germans, Russians, and half a score other races. Amongst
these mixed peoples Germany had many friends who would spy for her, and
otherwise help her to win the city. Though the Tsar had promised to set
up the old kingdom of Poland again if all went well with his arms,
nobody yet knew whether the Poles would be loyal to Russia, or whether
they would throw in their lot with the Germans. The Kaiser's agents had
been secretly at work amongst them, striving hard to show that Codlin
was their friend and not Short.[154] They believed that if the Germans
could seize the capital of Poland the Poles would declare for them.

There was another and more important reason why von Hindenburg should
launch his attack against Warsaw. The city is a great railway junction.
Four railways, with cross lines to relieve the pressure on any one line,
meet at Warsaw. One of these lines runs northwards to East Prussia; a
second goes north-east to Petrograd; a third eastwards to Moscow; a
fourth south along the right bank of the Vistula to Novo Alexandra,
where it sweeps eastwards, and links up with the main system of South
Russia. If Warsaw could be seized the Russian communications would be
cut; a wedge would be thrust in between the northern army and the
southern army in Galicia, and, so divided, they would be an easy prey.
Clearly, Warsaw was the place at which the Russian centre must be
broken.

The task was by no means easy. Warsaw itself lies on the west bank of
the Vistula, with strong forts and lines of entrenchments in front of
it; but the main railway stations are on the east bank of the river in
the suburb of Praga, which is connected with the city proper by three
bridges--the fine Alexander Bridge, for foot passengers and ordinary
traffic, in the middle; the new road bridge to the south of it; and the
railway bridge, protected by the guns of the citadel, to the north.
Between the city and the main railway stations flows the river Vistula,
broad, deep, and rapid--the greatest military obstacle in Eastern
Europe. The capture of the city alone would not be sufficient for von
Hindenburg's purpose. If the Russians could hold the eastern bank they
could still bring up reinforcements, and could still maintain
communications with their armies to the north and south. If, however,
the stations in Praga could be seized, the Russians could not use their
railways, and, as you know, a modern army cannot live long without
railways. Further, the Germans would be in an excellent position to
carry the whole line of the Vistula; and, once this was won, the
Russians could be kept at bay by means of comparatively small forces,
and prevented from making war in Poland until they had retaken the line
of the river. The bulk of the German armies would then be able to leave
the Eastern theatre of war and fall in strength upon the Allies in the
West.

Now, it was highly important that von Hindenburg should capture Warsaw
without loss of time. The autumn rains were setting in, and the Polish
roads, never good, would soon be quagmires, through which heavy guns and
wagons could only be hauled with great difficulty. The Russians believe
that General Winter always fights for them; in Poland, General Mud is
their equally good friend.

In the early days of October, by means of the gridiron of railways which
Germany has constructed on her eastern border for the express purpose of
invading Russia, von Hindenburg massed about a million men all along the
frontier from Thorn southwards, and soon they began to move across the
rolling ridges and low boggy valleys towards the Vistula. The left (A)
advanced towards Warsaw along both banks of the Vistula; the centre (B)
pushed eastwards from Kalisz; while the right (C) moved north-eastwards
from Silesia. The right consisted of three columns, the most southerly
of which was composed of Austrians, who were to push along the Upper
Vistula. This Austrian column was to work with the column on its left,
and both were to strike at Josefov, which stands between the confluence
of the Vistula and the San and the fortress of Ivangorod.

A glance at the map below will explain why an attempt was to be made to
force the river at this point. There is no railway on the eastern bank
of the Vistula between Novo Alexandra and the San. The railway strikes
off south-east from Ivangorod, and the nearest point on it to Josefov is
Lublin, thirty-three miles away. All the roads in this region are bad,
and the forces fighting in it are at a great disadvantage, because they
have no railway by which to bring up troops, food, ammunition, and big
guns. The Russians defending Josefov had no railway on the eastern side
of the river within thirty-three miles, while the Germans had a railhead
about ten or twelve miles away on the western side.

[Illustration: Von Hindenburg's First Advance on Warsaw.]

If von Hindenburg could force the river at Josefov, and cut the railway
at Lublin, while his northern columns seized Warsaw, the Russians would
be in a bad way. They would have to retreat from the line of the
Vistula, and for months to come would be unable to take the offensive in
Poland. The German plan was excellent if only it could have been carried
out secretly. The Russian cavalry, however, soon let the Grand Duke
Nicholas know that the German columns were advancing, and he was clever
enough to guess exactly what von Hindenburg was trying to do. He knew
that if his armies remained to the west of the Vistula they would be
badly supplied with food and munitions, because the railways of the
Polish plain are few and far between, and also because his forces might
easily be divided by the German centre, one column of which was pushing
along the north bank of the broad, muddy river Pilitza. He determined to
risk nothing, and leaving a screen of light horse west of the river to
keep in touch with the enemy, ordered the rest of his forces to fall
back behind the San and the Vistula. The march on Cracow had, therefore,
to be abandoned; the grip on Przemysl to be loosened; and the Russian
army in Galicia brought back for fifty miles, as you have already heard.

All Russian Poland west of the Vistula was thus given up to the enemy.
The Russians have always had the courage to retreat when the way of
safety lies to the rear, but they only recoil for a stronger and fiercer
leap forward. They were not greatly disturbed even when the German
centre entered Lodz, the Manchester of Poland. The capture of this great
industrial city was, of course, a great loss to Russia, but an attempt
to hold it would have resulted in disaster. Nor were they dismayed when
the German right centre, pushing through Radom, reached the Vistula
below Ivangorod, and began to cross.

The German advance was slow, but it was very thorough. As the columns
proceeded eastwards they felled whole forests to form corduroy roads by
which their guns could cross the marshes. Even the gauge of the railway
from Kalisz by way of Lodz to Warsaw was altered so that German rolling
stock could be used. They advanced as though they intended to occupy the
country for all time.

They were full of confidence. Captured Poles had told them that the
Grand Duke did not intend to defend Warsaw, and that he meant to give up
the valley of the Vistula. German aviators reported that they had seen
troop trains moving from the capital and from Ivangorod eastwards. Van
Hindenburg was completely misled, and began to dream of a new
Tannenberg.[155]

By 15th October the Germans were attacking the line of the Vistula in
force. An attempt was made to cross the river between Ivangorod and
Warsaw. Raft after raft crossed the stream, and soon two battalions of
infantry were drawn up on the eastern bank waiting for their fellows to
arrive. Suddenly from the woods and coppices the Russians sprang forward
in overwhelming numbers. The two battalions were wiped out, and the
crowded rafts on the river disappeared as the Russian shells crashed
down upon them. A strong assault on the bridgehead at Ivangorod met with
the same terrible fate. A pontoon bridge was thrown across the stream,
but when it was thick with marching men, shrapnel began to burst above
it. The river ran red with blood, and the stream was choked with
corpses.

These two attempts to cross the river were but feints. The real attempt,
as we know, was being made at Josefov, where the river narrows. The
eastern shore seemed to be held lightly; there was no sign of the enemy,
and a large German force with guns crossed the river by means of
pontoons, and pushed on towards the railway from Ivangorod to Lublin,
fully believing that it had turned the Russian left. Then came a rude
awakening. On 21st October General Ruzsky fell upon them at a village in
the midst of swampy flats, eight miles from Novo Alexandra. The Russians
plied the bayonet with deadly effect, and few Germans escaped to tell
the tale. Next day Ruzsky was over the river, driving the Germans before
him.

He counter-attacked both north and south of Ivangorod, and thus was able
to cut off the German centre and left from the German right. The
invaders were now in two groups, the one to the north and the other to
the south of the Pilitza. Advancing with great spirit, the Russians
thrust the enemy out of the open country near the river into the great
spruce woods which extend westwards for ten miles. Countless
hand-to-hand engagements took place in their marshes and forest glades.
The slaughter was terrible. At a village north of the railway between
Radom and Ivangorod, the Russians buried 16,000 dead, their own and the
enemy's. When the tide of war had rolled by, the forest seemed as though
it had been swept by a hurricane. The Germans were forced into the open
country beyond the woods, and as they emerged the Russian guns caught
them and mowed them down in thousands.

The Germans fought desperately, but every attempt to make a stand was
crushed, and the remnants were forced back. By the 25th they were at
Radom, and the Crown Prince, who had been waiting to enter Ivangorod in
triumph, boarded the train which was waiting with steam up, and hurried
westwards into safety. The Russians gave the retreating enemy no rest
day or night. Near Kielce[156] they stood at bay. The strongest position
in their line was a graveyard, with a little white church in the middle.
The Caucasians[157] poured like a torrent over the wall and seized the
gate, which was the only outlet. In the darkness, amidst the graves, men
fought with clubbed muskets and cold steel until the ground was
literally soaked with blood. Ringed round by foes, the Germans and
Austrians strove with the fury of despair, but they were no match for
the Caucasians. The enemy's loss was very heavy, and 12,000 prisoners
and fifty guns were taken. At one o'clock on 4th November the Russians,
horse, foot, and artillery, poured into Kielce. Meanwhile the extreme
left of the Russians had won Sandomir[158] after storming a triple line
of defences, and the routed enemy was flying south-west towards Cracow.

[Footnote 151: Picturesque town on the Eastern Alps, 155 miles west by
south of Vienna.]

[Footnote 152: Capital of the Tyrol; on the Inn, a tributary of the
Danube.]

[Footnote 153: See Vol. II., p. 58.]

[Footnote 154: See Dickens's _Old Curiosity Shop_, chap. xix. Each of
these worthies tried to prove to Little Nell that he was the friend to
be trusted and not the other.]

[Footnote 155: See Vol. II., p. 71-72.]

[Footnote 156: _Kyel´tseh_, on the railway, about eighty miles as the
crow flies south-east of Ivangorod.]

[Footnote 157: Natives of the Caucasus, a Russian territory between the
Black Sea and the Caspian. The Caucasians are very fierce and warlike.]

[Footnote 158: On the left bank of the Vistula, a few miles above its
junction with the San.]




  CHAPTER XXV.

  VON HINDENBURG FOILED.


Meanwhile, what was happening at Warsaw? The coming of the enemy was
heralded by airships and aeroplanes, which hovered over the city,
dropping bombs on the railway stations, and showers of leaflets urging
the Poles to take sides with the Germans. The city was full of spies,
and many of the Jew inhabitants were friendly to the enemy. Spies were
shot and hanged daily. The coming of the aircraft created a panic, but
the terror soon passed away. Then Uhlans appeared eight miles from the
centre of the city, and numbers of well-to-do residents fled into
Russia. Despite these "excursions and alarms," most of the people in
Warsaw went about their business or pleasure quite unmoved.

On Friday, the 16th, the fight for Warsaw began. Von Hindenburg himself
directed the operations of the five army corps which were to make the
grand assault. On Sunday, the 18th, the Germans were on the edge of the
city, and the shells from their field howitzers were bursting in the
suburbs. The windows of Warsaw shook with the roar of guns, and at night
the western sky was bright with the flashes of artillery and the flames
of burning homesteads. Fierce warfare was raging only a few miles away,
but the citizens seemed as gay and light-hearted as ever. They thronged
the pavements, the cafés, and the cinema shows in the old accustomed
way, and save for the cannonading, the streams of wounded, the
occasional appearance of a Taube, and the soldiers in the streets, there
was nothing to indicate that a desperate battle was being fought five
miles away.

Outside the forts to the west of the Vistula the Grand Duke had dug
lines of trenches; but when the fight began they were but thinly held.
It is said that there was a period of seven hours during which the
Germans might have entered the city unopposed. Along one of the main
roads leading directly to Warsaw there were no Russians capable of
holding back the enemy for a single hour. For some unknown reason the
Germans failed to take advantage of this gap in the line of defence.

Just at the critical moment reinforcements arrived, and the people
poured into the streets to welcome them. The first corps to reach the
city consisted of Siberians, who were so eager to meet the enemy that
they leaped down from the cars and formed up without a moment's delay.
In a very brief time they were swinging over the Vistula bridge, through
the main street, and on their way to the trenches. These men had been
brought by rail from Moscow. The people cheered them to the echo, flung
flowers amongst them, and pressed cigarettes and other gifts on them.

[Illustration: German Infantry moving across the Plain towards Warsaw.

_Photo, The Sphere._]

The big stubborn Siberians bore the brunt of the German attack, and made
a most determined defence. They were assisted by their old enemies and
present friends, the Japanese. Several batteries of heavy guns, served
by Japanese gunners who had travelled from the Far East by the Siberian
railway, now came into action. Nevertheless, the situation was still
full of peril.

More reinforcements followed, and soon the Russians were so strongly
entrenched as to defy all von Hindenburg's efforts. Many of the
newcomers had marched from Galicia amidst terrible weather along the
right bank of the Vistula, over roads deep in mud or flooded by swollen
streams. We do not know exactly the strength of the relieving army, but
a Russian writer tells us that in one day "four columns, each 250,000
strong, crossed the Vistula over sixteen pontoon bridges," and deployed
on the left bank ready for an advance.

By the evening of Monday, the 19th, the German attack slackened and died
away, and "on Tuesday there returned to the city thousands of tired-out,
woe-begone Siberian Cossacks and Caucasian cavalrymen--the soldiers who
had turned the scale. All Warsaw turned out in the rain to give them
cakes and cigarettes, handshakes and cheers."

Why had the Germans given up their attempt on Warsaw? The Grand Duke was
not content with merely holding Warsaw. While the German guns were
hurling their shells at the Russian trenches, General Rennenkampf[159]
was making a flank attack on the Germans from the fortress of Novo
Georgievsk, lower down on the Vistula. We do not know exactly what
happened in this part of the battlefield, but one thing is certain--the
German left was attacked with crushing force. It was rolled back from
the Vistula, but was still fighting hard; but when Ruzsky, on the 22nd,
began to carry all before him south of the Pilitza, it was bound to
retreat. Rennenkampf followed it up and retook Lodz, while von
Hindenburg sullenly retreated towards his frontier, fighting innumerable
rearguard actions by the way. Thousands of his men were sacrificed to
prevent stores and guns from falling into the hands of the Russians, and
the whole country over which he passed was turned into a desert. In one
case the lives of 2,000 men of the rearguard were thrown away in order
to save a convoy. The roads which von Hindenburg had made during his
advance were blown up; railway lines, stations, bridges, and towers were
destroyed, and even the rails were twisted into the shape of corkscrews.

When the Germans ran short of explosives they found other means of
destruction. A water-tower, for example, was destroyed by sending a
railway engine full tilt against it. Telegraph wires were cut into
sections, the posts were broken or sawn through, and the insulators were
smashed in pieces. It looked as though the Germans did not intend to
travel that road again. But there was method in von Hindenburg's
madness. He was devastating all Poland _except the northern quarter_.
This he left intact, because he meant to make another advance through it
when the time was ripe. For this reason he retreated, not through the
northern quarter of Poland, but towards the south-west.

What were the Austrians in Galicia doing while disaster was thus
overtaking the German armies? In the first two months of the war they
had been badly led, and had suffered much. But under new leadership they
proved themselves far more successful. They swept through Galicia,
seized Jaroslav, relieved Przemysl, and nearly recaptured Lemberg. The
starving garrison at Przemysl received food and supplies, and was thus
given a new lease of life. When, however, the Germans farther north were
forced to retreat, the Austrians were bound to do so too. They were,
however, in no hurry to retire. They only withdrew to the south of the
Upper Vistula when the Russians were beginning to envelop them.

[Illustration: The Grand Duke Nicholas.]

Thus ended the first attempt to capture Warsaw. The nut was too hard for
von Hindenburg to crack, though he had by no means given up his attempts
to crush it. He had been foiled; but, as we shall learn later, he was to
come on again and again with wonderful perseverance. For the moment,
however, he had failed, and failed badly. While the Allies in the West
were only just holding back the desperate assaults of the enemy from
Arras to the sea, the Russians were rejoicing in victory, and British
newspapers were painting rosy pictures of the Grand Duke leading his
triumphant armies within a few short weeks into the German capital.
Alas! the hope was vain; rivers of blood were to flow before that happy
day was even in sight.

[Illustration: Homeless and Ruined.

_Photo, Daily Mirror._

The Germans have burned down the houses of these Polish peasants, and
have destroyed their little all. The latter are here seen raking over
the ground in the hope of finding something which has escaped
destruction. The bitter Russian winter is rapidly approaching, and they
have no where to lay their heads.]

[Footnote 159: See Vol. II., p. 65.]




  CHAPTER XXVI.

  STORIES FROM THE BATTLEFIELDS.


During the Russian retreat to the Vistula it was necessary to destroy a
bridge over which the Germans must pass. It had to be done at the moment
of their crossing, and no body of men could be spared to remain behind
for the purpose. A simple soldier, well aware that only a miracle could
save him, offered to do the work alone. Breast deep in icy cold water,
he placed the charges of dynamite beneath the bridge, but had no time to
fix wires to the fuses and lead them away to a safe distance. Still in
the water, he waited for the Germans; and when they were tramping across
the bridge above his head, he fired the fuses, and the whole structure
crashed into fragments. Strange to say, he escaped unhurt, and swam
ashore miles down the stream. When he told his tale he simply added, "It
wasn't meant for me to be killed just yet."

       *     *     *     *     *

On another occasion four sappers with their officer were told off to
blow up a bridge immediately the Russians had crossed it, and before the
Germans, who were close on their heels, could reach it. There was no
time to make the usual preparations. The officer handed out charges to
the men, who fixed them to the bridge. Then he gave each of them a
cigarette and took one himself. They lighted their cigarettes and lay
down, each man close to his charge. "Mind, boys," said he, "that the
cigarettes don't go out. Smoke quietly till the enemy reaches the
bridge; then when I say 'One, two, three!' put them to the fuses and run
if you can."

The men smoked quietly as they watched the Germans rushing down the bank
towards the bridge; then, as the officer counted, "One, two, three,"
they placed their cigarettes to the fuses and ran for their lives to the
Russian bank. In a few moments there was a loud explosion, and the
bridge simply disappeared. The baffled Germans opened a furious fire,
but to no purpose. Their path was blocked by a deep, rapid river.

       *     *     *     *     *

Here is another story of heroism at a bridge. When the Russians were
following up the Germans during their retreat from the Vistula, they
reached a bridge across a tributary of the Warta. The fact that it was
standing was clear proof that it was mined, and that sappers had been
left behind to blow it up as soon as the Russians began to cross it. The
rearguard of the Germans had trained guns on the bridge. A Russian
engineer officer thought that it might be cleared of mines and
preserved. He therefore called for volunteers to undertake the delicate
and difficult task. Everyone of his Caucasian sappers volunteered, but
he only chose those who had no parents alive.

It was ten o'clock at night, and quite dark, when the attempt was made.
In the thick gloom the seven chosen men silently wormed their way on to
the bridge. They groped about, and discovered that it was covered with
planks nailed on to it in various directions. At once they guessed that
the charges were laid under these planks. Almost noiselessly they
removed the boards and the charges, and then cleared away every inch of
the fuses round the woodwork under the bridge. To do this they had to
hang down over the water, holding on with one hand and unfastening the
interlacing fuses with the other. In some places they hung by their
feet, head downwards, in order to have both hands free.

Their comrades waited breathlessly on the bank for a full hour, and then
the seven men who had been working on the bridge reappeared and quietly
said, "The way is clear." Thanks to their extraordinary skill and
devotion, the bridge was now safe, and the Russians crossed without
mishap.

       *     *     *     *     *

The Grand Duke Nicholas, the Commander-in-chief of the Russian armies,
is a man of the most fearless courage and the idol of his soldiers. A
correspondent says: "During the terrific fighting to the north of the
Radom-Ivangorod railway, the Grand Duke's motor car, marked by a blue
and white flag, drove slowly down a road on which German shells were
falling. The Siberians, with whom the Commander-in-chief is particularly
popular, raised such a cheer that their comrades in the trenches
imagined that a great victory had been won. The omen was fulfilled, for
next day the Germans were driven along the Pilitza, and were obliged to
abandon four guns. 'Big Nicholas' let down the roof of his motor car and
praised the soldiers as '_Molodsti_' (fine fellows)--the usual
salutation of a general. A chorus of '_Radi staratsa_' ('We are
delighted to do our best') was the reply."

       *     *     *     *     *

You will remember that there were very fierce struggles in the woods
which lie to the west of the Vistula and to the north and south of the
Radom-Ivangorod railway. A correspondent[160] thus describes the
fighting in the woods, and their condition when the Germans had been
driven out of them:--

"Day after day the Russians poured troops in on their side of the wood.
These entered, were seen for a few minutes, then disappeared in the maze
of trees, and were lost. Companies, regiments, battalions, and even
brigades were quite cut off from each other. None knew what was going on
anywhere but a few feet in front. All knew that the only thing required
of them was to keep advancing. This they did, foot by foot and day after
day, fighting each other hand to hand, taking, losing, and retaking
position after position. In all of this ten kilometres[161] of forest I
dare venture to say there is hardly an acre without its trenches, rifle
pits, and graves.

"Here one sees where a dozen men had a little fort of their own, and
fought furiously with the enemy a few feet away in a similar position.
Day after day it went on, and day after day troops were poured into the
Russian side of the wood, and day and night the continuous crack of
rifle fire and the roar of artillery hurling shells into the wood could
be heard for miles. . . . The forest looks as though a hurricane had
swept through. Trees staggering from their shattered trunks, and limbs
hanging everywhere, show where the shrapnel shells have been bursting.
Yard by yard the ranks and lines of the enemy were driven back, but the
nearer their retreat brought them to the open country west of the wood
the hotter the contest became; for each man in his own mind must have
known how they would fare when, once driven from the protecting forest,
they attempted to retreat through the open country without shelter.

"The state of the last two kilometres of the wooded belt is hard to
describe. There seems scarcely an acre that is not sown like the scene
of a paper-chase; only the trail here consists of blood-stained bandages
and bits of uniform. Here also there was small use for the artillery,
and the rifle and the bayonet played the leading part. Men, fighting
hand to hand with clubbed muskets and bayonets, fought from tree to tree
and ditch to ditch. . . .

"But at last the day came when the dirty, grimy, blood-stained soldiers
of the Tsar pushed their antagonists out of the far side of the belt of
woodland. . . . Once out in the open, the hungry guns of the Russians
got their chance. Down every road through the wood came the six-horse
teams, with the guns jumping and jingling behind, with their
accompanying caissons[162] heavy with shrapnel. The moment the enemy
were in the clear, these batteries, eight guns to a unit, were
unlimbered on the fringe of the wood, and were pouring out their death
and destruction on the wretched enemy, now retreating hastily across the
open."

       *     *     *     *     *

The Russians, as perhaps you know, are a deeply religious people. A
soldier thus tells us how he went into battle during an assault:--

"Our hearts were beating wildly. I felt a choking sensation in my
throat, and my spirit boiled up within me. I heard myself shouting, and
in my brain something was urging me to 'run, run' against the enemy.
Some one in the front ranks began to sing the majestic hymn,

  'O Lord, save Thy people.'

Before he had finished the first line the rear ranks have taken it up
and continued it,

  'And bless Thine heritage.'

The waves of the melody seem to dash against the faces of the enemy. At
first only a few voices joined in the hymn. More and more began to sing.
The whole column seemed to give forth one vast wave of sound. It seemed
as though even the dying lying around joined in with their last breath.
A dark-faced Jew lad who ran beside me joined in too. I saw his open
mouth and heard his rich baritone voice. Death seemed to have no terror.
We felt that our death was necessary, as is the death of the autumn
leaves which fall from the trees to fertilize the soil for the future
harvest."

       *     *     *     *     *

You have heard of General Ruzsky, who commanded the army which wiped out
the German troops across the Vistula, and then flung his legions across
the stream to drive the enemy before him in rout. He was then a man of
sixty years of age, with wrinkled brow, gray hair and moustache, and a
stoop in his shoulders. In battle he exposed himself without fear,
believing that his example would inspire his men. Not only was he famous
as a fighter, but also as a student. At home, he lived a simple life in
a small flat at Kiev.[163] He did not drink or smoke, and his spectacles
gave him the look of a professor. Ruzsky drove about in a motor car with
orange-coloured tyres, which caught the eyes of his soldiers and told
them that their general was amongst them.

[Illustration: Siberian Cavalry crossing a River.

_Photo, Record Press._]

       *     *     *     *     *

Russian boys were very eager to go to the war, and some of them followed
regiments to the front. A group of three rosy-cheeked schoolboys from
Petrograd--Pete, Jack, and Eustace--carrying home-made pistols roughly
carved out of chunks of wood, with cartridge cases for barrels and wire
hooks for hammers, hung on to a detachment of Guards, and actually
reached the war zone, but were caught by a policeman as they were hiding
behind a railway embankment, cooking porridge at a fire. The policeman
took them to the nearest officer, who asked,--

"Where did you get those weapons?"

"I made them," Jack explained. "I can cut one out in three hours."

"And why," inquired the officer, "have you a pistol without a barrel?"

"It flew off when I fired," replied Eustace.

The officer laughed, and the policeman searched the would-be-soldiers'
pockets. He found in them some home-made gunpowder, a pipe-lighter, and
a bottle containing some liquid. He discovered that the pipe-lighter was
for the purpose of making a fire, and that the bottle contained spirit
to put in the pipe-lighter. The boys had come prepared with everything
for the campaign. To their great distress they were taken to the railway
station and sent back to their parents. The Russian writer who tells the
story thus concludes: "God grant, little children, that you may preserve
the fire of your loyal little hearts till the day when you are men, and
then Russia will have need of you."

       *     *     *     *     *

You know that the Germans and Austrians made great efforts to win over
the Poles by all sorts of lavish promises. Professor Bernard Pares, an
Englishman with the Russian army, tells us that most of the Poles
remained faithful to the Tsar, and that they were confident that he
would set up their old kingdom again when he was victorious. "I saw at
Kielce," he says, "ample evidence of the enthusiasm of the Poles for the
Russian cause. They show the greatest courtesy and kindness to Russians,
especially in the villages. I am told on good evidence that when a
German soldier defaced a portrait of the Tsar, a Polish official struck
him in the face, and for this was bound to a telegraph pole for two
days, and then taken down and shot. . . . Yesterday the commander of a
Russian army corps at Radom,[164] where the Germans had remained over a
month, issued the following letter of thanks to the people of the
town:--

    "'Poles,--Our wounded officers and soldiers, and also our
    prisoners who had fallen into the hands of the enemy, and had
    passed through the town or province of Radom, speak with deep
    gratitude of your cordial treatment of them. You have tended the
    wounded, fed the starving, and clothed and sheltered from the
    enemy those escaping from captivity. You have given them money
    and guided them to our lines. Accept from me, and from all ranks
    of the Army entrusted to me, warm and hearty thanks for all
    your kindness, for your Slavonic sympathy and goodness.'"

       *     *     *     *     *

A correspondent thus describes the touching spectacle which was to be
seen every day at the Sacred Gate of Vilna,[165] when the fate of Warsaw
was hanging in the balance: "Above the gateway is a chapel with wide
open doors showing a richly-gilded and flower-decked image of the
Virgin. At one side stands a row of leaden organ pipes, at the other
stands a priest. Music is wafted through the air with incense and the
sound of prayers. Down below in the narrow, muddy roadway kneel many
poor men and women with prayer-books in their hands. They are Poles. But
through the gateway come incessantly, all day and all night, Russian
troops going to the front. And every soldier or officer as he comes
lifts his hat and passes through the praying throng uncovered. This is
beautiful. Let Russia always be so in the presence of the Mother of
Poland."

       *     *     *     *     *

The following story illustrates the doggedness of the Russian soldier.
"A detachment of twenty Russian cavalry met a hundred of the enemy's
horsemen, and, being so greatly outnumbered, decided to beat a retreat.
One of the Russians, however, was slightly wounded, and thrown from his
horse. As he lay on the ground he took up his rifle and began to pick
off the Germans who were pursuing his comrades. His shooting was so good
that he killed three of them. Peasants came up and offered to carry him
to a place of safety; but he said, 'No, I will not hide from Germans,'
and went on firing. Meanwhile the enemy, suspecting an ambush, gave up
the chase. When they returned and found that they had been foiled by a
single man they at once finished him off. He died happy, knowing that he
had by his self-sacrifice secured the safety of his comrades."

       *     *     *     *     *

Here is a grim story which illustrates the splendid patience and
uncomplaining endurance of the Russian wounded:--

"A tall, thin soldier stopped near. 'You are wounded, old chap?'
inquired the general.

"'Yes, sir,' the man replied, not recognizing the general in the gloom.
'How do I get to the hospital?'

"'You ought first to find your regiment, and give up your rifle and
cartridges. But can you get there? where are you wounded?'

"The soldier threw open his cloak, and the general examined him with a
pocket electric torch. The entire shirt and the inner part of the cloak
on the breast were soaked with black blood. One knew that underneath was
an enormous gaping wound. The soldier stood erect, slightly supporting
himself on his rifle.

"'Go to the hospital,' said the general. Then he turned to me. 'You saw?
That is what they are like, and all are the same.'"

       *     *     *     *     *

Professor Pares gives us the following picture of the Russian soldiers
on the march:--"We travelled in the midst of troops all hurrying forward
to participate in the taking of Kielce. They moved slowly along the road
in straggling groups like an enormous family on its way to a huge
picnic; but the unit of each regiment is never lost, and all meet at
'the appointed place.' When they come to a barrier in the road they show
great readiness and resource in removing it, and all work together like
brothers. Any number of men run up from their loose ranks to push a
motor or cart or transport wagon over a marshy stream, and those who are
so assisted call back, 'Thank you, brothers.' It is like a current that
slows up and takes thought against some barrier, but whose general
movement seems not even to be checked. Some of the side-tracks looked
very bad indeed, but every one somehow got through, no matter what the
size of their carriage. Often at such points there were companies that
rested along the grassy banks of the road; in other places one saw by
the side large numbers of gray transport wagons. Those carrying straw
for the bivouacs were in front; sometimes one came upon a resting
battery. The brotherhood between officers and men is another notable
feature of the march of a Russian army."

       *     *     *     *     *

"The next day we returned to Radom, occupying seats in the motor of a
Russian general. The great stream of troops was still flowing on. There
were troops of all kinds. We called to ask the names of each regiment,
which they always gave in a kind of jovial chorus. There were food
transports, field kitchens, pontoons, and, not least important, the
post. At one point we saw a large body of Austrian prisoners sitting by
a wood drinking water with their very small escort. These men helped
some of our motors over difficult places. The great current of men and
wagons still flowed on. Teams of white horses which, because they can be
so clearly seen, are only allowed to serve in the transport, were
dashing through mud and water with an ardour as great as though they
were on the field of battle. At one place a bread wagon dropped all its
cargo and turned over on its side; but horse and driver, evidently not
noticing, carried it on into the stream without checking the pace, one
wheel flying in the air and the other broken beneath the wagon.

"Our general spoke frequently with the men, who helped us in getting our
motor over difficult places. When the trouble was over he said heartily,
'Once more, thank you, brothers.' Nothing will remain with me longer
than these endless, irregular lines of big, sleepy, almost
stupid-looking men, moving at a walk which might last for ever, and all
in one direction, and all with set eyes--the people that lies down to
sleep at the roadside, that breakfasts off stale biscuit soaked in
water, that carries nothing but what it can put to a hundred uses, that
will crouch for days without food in flooded trenches, that can die like
flies for an idea, and is sure sooner or later to attain it--the people
that never complains, the people of brothers."

[Footnote 160: Mr. Stanley Washburn, special war correspondent of the
_Times_. The quotation is from his "Field Notes from the Russian
Front."]

[Footnote 161: Between six and seven miles.]

[Footnote 162: Ammunition limbers.]

[Footnote 163: Or Kieff, chief town of Little Russia; on the Dnieper,
660 miles south of Petrograd.]

[Footnote 164: On the railway, about thirty miles west of Ivangorod.]

[Footnote 165: Town of Russia, on a tributary of the Niemen, 190 miles
east of Königsberg in East Prussia.]




  CHAPTER XXVII.

  THE SECOND RUSSIAN ADVANCE ON CRACOW.


At the close of Chapter XXV. we left the Germans, who had been beaten
north of the Pilitza, retreating rapidly towards the Warta, and those
who had suffered defeat south of that river hurrying towards Cracow. As
you know, they wrecked the roads, railways, and bridges on their line of
retreat, and the work was done with such thoroughness that a whole army
must have been detailed for the purpose. So rapidly, however, did the
main bodies of the Germans move that they did not even pause to bury
their dead properly. Consequently, they left behind them but few
prisoners and guns. In some places they had prepared strong positions,
but these they abandoned almost without striking a blow.

You know that the Germans had set their hearts on Warsaw, because it
would enable them to control the sheaf of railways by means of which the
Russians were able to maintain their armies in Poland. The Russians, on
the other hand, had set their hearts on Cracow, because it would give
them a road along the river Oder to Berlin, and another across the
Carpathians to Vienna. Now that the Germans and Austrians were in
retreat, the Grand Duke was able to advance again towards Cracow. When
the Germans attacked him along the line of the Vistula he had four
armies, which we will call A, B, C, D, holding that river. The army A
extended from the fortress of Novo Georgievsk to the south of Warsaw;
the army B continued the line to the south of Ivangorod; and the armies
C and D lay still farther south up to the junction of the San with the
Vistula. Along the San was Brussilov's army, which had retreated from
Galicia.

The Grand Duke knew that while Brussilov advanced again through Galicia
he must protect Brussilov's flank, so that the Germans could not
interfere with his movements. In order to do this he must hold the
Germans who had retreated towards the Warta by means of armies A, B, and
C. If fortune favoured him he might, by means of the army A, roll up the
left flank of the Germans, and hem them in between C and his fourth
army, D, which was now marching south-east towards Cracow. He therefore
hastened the advance of his troops all along the line. Army A advanced
along the Vistula towards Thorn, and the cavalry screen of Cossacks,
riding hard, was not twenty miles from that fortress on 9th November.
Army B struck at the Warta in the neighbourhood of Kolo, and on 10th
November its vanguard was actually across the German frontier, and had
cut the railway from Posen to Cracow. Meanwhile Army C was striking at
the Upper Warta, while Army D was pushing south-east. By 12th November
the cavalry of this fourth army had got within twenty miles north of
Cracow. While these movements were going on Brussilov was pushing
westward once more, and had already reached and reoccupied the main
passes of the Western Carpathians.

Everything was going well, and many people in this country fully
believed that the Russians would be in Cracow before long. But wiser
folks wondered what new move von Hindenburg was about to make. It was
not likely that the Germans would sit still under the terribly rough
handling which they had recently received. They had lost very heavily,
and they had been beaten back to their frontier, but they were still
full of fight. On 13th November it was evident that they were going to
make a very powerful counter-attack.

Let me remind you of two facts which it is important that you should
remember. The first is, that along the Polish frontier the Germans
possess a network of railways which enable them to move troops from
north to south very rapidly; the second is, that though the Germans had
devastated much of Poland they had kept the roads and railways intact in
the northern quarter of the country. As soon as von Hindenburg had
withdrawn his left and centre behind his own frontier, he put his troops
into trains, and hurried them northward to the neighbourhood of Thorn,
where he had large reserves. Some of these reserves came from Germany,
and some were brought from the Western front. Altogether he gathered in
an astonishingly brief time a striking force of about 800,000 men, and
behind them he had many thousands more. He now began to push eastward on
a forty-mile front between the Warta and the Lower Vistula towards
Warsaw once more.

[Illustration]

As the roads and railways in this region were good, he hoped to make a
rapid advance, and fall on Warsaw before the Russians could bring up
reinforcements along the broken railways and ruined roads farther south.
Even if his centre were heavily attacked he had the means of retiring
rapidly. It was a very ingenious plan which he was now about to carry
out. General von Mackensen was to command the armies in the field.

The Russians, you will observe, were very badly placed to meet the
sudden thrust that was now about to begin. They were strung out upon a
huge curve of a thousand miles in length, and their communications were
bad. As the railways had been destroyed, reinforcements from the south
would take a long time to come up, and before they could appear von
Mackensen hoped to be in Warsaw. The Army A which he had to meet was
only about 200,000 strong. Of course it might be strengthened by new
forces brought up from behind Warsaw, but in this case, too, there would
be much delay. Everything promised a speedy victory for the Germans.

In the next chapter we will see how they fared. In this chapter we will
follow the fortunes of the two armies that were advancing on Cracow. I
have already told you that the cavalry of Army D under General
Dmitrieff, a Bulgarian, who fought bravely in the Balkan War and
afterwards offered his sword to Russia, was twenty miles north of Cracow
on 12th November. At that time the main body was about sixty miles
behind. For three weeks it pushed on slowly but steadily, and meanwhile
Brussilov had recaptured Jaroslav, had again besieged Przemysl, and,
leaving a force to mask that fortress, was pushing into the passes of
the Carpathians, which, as you know, form a great natural barrier
between Galicia and the Hungarian plain. As the Carpathians figure
largely in this and in future fighting, I will give you a brief
description of them now.

       *     *     *     *     *

[Illustration: The Tatra Range of the Carpathians.

_Photo, Exclusive News Agency._]

The Carpathians curve for 1,000 miles like a huge sickle round the
Hungarian plain from the deep trench of the Danube, known as the Iron
Gates, to what is called the Moravian Gate, beyond which lie the
Bohemian mountains. The southern portion of this range, which barricades
Hungary against Rumania, consists of high and bold ridges and lofty
rocky tablelands; it forms a stronghold so well fortified by nature that
it has been called the "Eastern citadel of Central Europe." That
portion of the range which overlooks Galicia may be called the "waist"
of the Carpathians, for here it is at its lowest, and is crossed by a
number of passes, over which roads and railways have been made. Still
farther west, fronting Silesia on the north is the loftiest and boldest
part of the range--the High Tatra. Here we find a great mountain wall of
granite, with steep, rocky ramparts and jagged crests, varied by
beautiful lakes, which lie in the cup-shaped hollows. The High Tatra is
as grand in its way as the Alps of Switzerland. Nowhere, however, do the
Carpathians reach the snow-line, so the range contains no glaciers such
as you find in the Alps. The lower slopes are generally covered with
forests of beech, oak, and fir; but higher up, amidst the rocks, even
the hardy pine can find no foothold. In the forests of the High Tatra
the bear, wolf, and lynx are still to be found.

The part of the Carpathians which chiefly concerns us now is neither the
high, bold ridges which look towards Rumania, nor the great rocky
wilderness of the High Tatra, but the "waist" which lies between Galicia
and the Hungarian plain. No great range of mountains is so easily
crossed as this section of the Carpathians. It consists mainly of
sandstone, which, for the most part, affords easy slopes, rounded tops,
and wide valleys. Here we find the five principal passes by which
traffic across the range is maintained. All of these passes are low and
easy. They rise from flats in the foothills, which are themselves one
thousand to twelve hundred feet above the sea-level, and the highest of
them does not rise two thousand feet higher. The summits of one of them,
the Dukla Pass, are less than six hundred feet above the last flats of
the foothills.

As these passes will occur again and again in the course of our story,
it is necessary that we should know their position and something about
each of them. The first of them to the east is the Delatyn Pass, the
highest of all; then, going west, we reach the Beskid Pass, across which
the railway from Lemberg runs down to the Hungarian plain. Still farther
west is the Uzsok Pass, which is less than three thousand feet above the
sea-level, and carries a good road and a railway. It is probably the
most difficult of all the passes to force. The next gateway in order is
the Lupkow Pass, which is not two thousand feet above the sea, and is
also crossed by road and railway. About twenty miles to the west is the
Dukla Pass, which is the lowest and easiest of all. Though it does not
carry a railway, it is nevertheless the key to the Western Carpathians.
Its saddle is only 1,500 feet above the sea; it is ten miles wide, and
can be crossed even in winter by a large army. Whoever holds the Dukla
Pass can turn all the passes to the east against an invader coming from
either north or south.

       *     *     *     *     *

[Illustration]

Now let us return to the Russian armies invading Galicia. While
Brussilov was seizing and holding the Uzsok, Lupkow, and Dukla Passes,
Dmitrieff, commanding what I have called Army D, was pushing his way
towards Cracow. As he moved westwards he had some heavy fighting to do.
He carried a strongly fortified town by assault, and his men waded up to
the neck in ice-cold water through the river Raba in the face of a heavy
fire. One bitter day they carried trenches and wire entanglements at the
point of the bayonet. They were seasoned by forty-five days of almost
continuous struggle, and were in the highest spirits. By the end of the
first week in December his Cossacks were in the suburbs of Cracow, and
his main force was about twelve miles east of the fortress. His right
was preparing to wheel round so as to close in on the city from the
north, where it was hardest to defend. On 4th December it was only three
and a half miles from the outer fortifications.

A month previously, when the Russians were within a hundred miles of the
fortress, it was ill prepared to stand a siege. While they were retiring
to the San and advancing again, the Austrians had been busy
strengthening its defences by making a wide circle of trenches around
the city, and putting big movable guns into them, as the French had done
at Verdun.[166] No field army, however, had been placed in these
trenches, because it was hoped that Mackensen's new move on Warsaw would
be sufficient to cause the Russians to retire again. By the end of the
first week in December it was clear that Brussilov and Dmitrieff were
not going to be drawn off by any threat in Poland, but were going to
leave the defence of Warsaw to the other Russian forces. The Austrians
now saw that they must attack the Russians in Galicia, unless they were
prepared to see Cracow fall into the hands of the enemy.

Two armies were, therefore, launched against the Russians. The first
army, which consisted largely of Hungarians, pushed up from the plain to
the south through the Carpathian passes in order to sweep Brussilov out
of them and then threaten the Russian rear and its lines of
communication. Meanwhile a second Austrian army moved from the
south-west amongst the foothills of the Carpathians, and struck at the
left of the Russians in front of Cracow. The two armies attacked at the
same time. On 8th December, while Brussilov was heavily engaged in the
mountains, Dmitrieff fought a battle on the outskirts of the city. He
held his own well, but he found that the Austrian right was working its
way through the higher glens so as to reach the valley of the river
Donajetz[167] and threaten his rear, and that at the same time a third
force from the direction of the Warta was strongly attacking his right.
He was, therefore, obliged to fall back.

[Illustration: Position of the Russians in Galicia at Christmas.]

Four days later the Austrians succeeded in seizing the broad and easy
pass of the Dukla, and were in a position to pour their forces down upon
Galicia, and hold up the rear of Dmitrieff's army while the other army
strongly attacked it from the west. The position of the Russians was now
very dangerous, and another retirement was necessary. Dmitrieff fell
back behind the line of the river Donajetz and its tributary the Biala,
so as to cover the mouth of the Dukla Pass. His front now curved from
the Vistula to the east of its confluence with the Donajetz, Tarnow on
the Biala, past Krosno, and almost to the head-waters of the river San.
Brussilov continued the line south-eastwards, and covered the northern
exits of the Lupkow Pass and the Uzsok Pass.

There was great disappointment in France and Great Britain when the news
arrived that the Russians were again retreating. So far, however, there
was no disaster. As long as the enemy could be held in the passes all
might yet be well. If, however, the Uzsok Pass, which carries a railway
from the Hungarian plain to Przemysl and Lemberg, could be captured by
the Austrians, Brussilov would have to retire northwards, in which case
the enemy would be able to regain the besieged city of Przemysl. While
the struggle was raging in the mountains, the Russians heavily bombarded
the city, in the hope of capturing it and setting free the troops that
were around it. Unhappily, the bombardment had no effect.

[Illustration: Russian Artillery in the Carpathians.

_Photo, Record Press._]

A few days later the Austrians seized the crest of the Lupkow Pass, and
began fighting hard for the Uzsok Pass. Before, however, they could
become really dangerous, Russian reinforcements arrived, and a
counter-attack began. About 20th December, when the snow lay thick on
the mountains and icy blizzards were sweeping across the passes, the
Russians once more advanced. The left, swinging south-west from Krosno,
seized the mouth of the Dukla Pass, and cut off and captured more than
10,000 Austrians. Meanwhile the centre and right moved forward to the
position shown on the map (p. 249), and by Christmas Day Brussilov was
holding the mouths of the Lupkow and Uzsok once more. He did not fear
fresh attacks by way of the passes, for the wild wintry weather forbade
the passage of troops even across the lowest gaps in the chain. At the
end of the year the Russians were still besieging Przemysl, and their
right was within forty miles of Cracow.

The city had been saved by the valour of the Hungarians. But for their
stubborn fighting in the passes, Dmitrieff would have eaten his
Christmas dinner on the banks of the Oder, and his joyful toast to his
soldiers would have been, "Onward to Berlin."

[Footnote 166: See Vol. II., p. 280.]

[Footnote 167: _Doon-a-yetz´_, rises in the Carpathians and flows north
to the Vistula, about forty miles east of Cracow.]




  CHAPTER XXVIII.

  THE SECOND ASSAULT ON WARSAW.


We must now learn how von Mackensen made his swoop on the threatened
city of Warsaw. When the Cossacks in Galicia were within an easy day's
ride of Cracow, and North Poland was shrouded in white, clammy mists
which no eye could pierce for more than a few hundred yards, his troops
set out from Thorn on the second great venture. The first had failed,
but the second might be a triumph. Who could say?

About 13th November Ruzsky's outposts along the Vistula were driven in,
and his scouts reported that a very strong force of Germans was
advancing along both banks of the river. The Russian general had far too
few troops to meet the large numbers now flung against him, and, as I
explained in the previous chapter, he could not expect reinforcements
either from the south or from beyond the Vistula for a considerable
time. He was, therefore, forced to retire, and by the 16th November the
Germans were fifty miles to the east of their frontier, and half-way to
Warsaw. No doubt during their advance they captured many prisoners and
many guns, but owing to the straggling character of the Russian march,
which was described on page 239, the losses of our ally were not so high
as they would have been in the case of a Western army. The
Turkomans,[168] mounted on fine horses, and wearing orange and scarlet
sheepskin coats, flashed to and fro in the midst during many rearguard
actions, and managed to delay the enemy's advance. One of these
delaying fights took place on the night of the 15th-16th November, and
was claimed by von Hindenburg as a great victory. He reported that he
had captured 28,000 prisoners, and Berlin went mad with delight. The
commander-in-chief was at once rewarded--he was made a field-marshal.

Ruzsky's idea was to fall back in good order behind the river Bzura,
which rises near Lodz, flows northwards for twenty or more miles, then
runs eastwards for about forty miles, and finally flows north to join
the Vistula, some ten miles below Lowicz.[169] During its eastward
course the river flows through a great belt of marshes, which lie partly
in the course of the river and partly to the west of it. The marshes are
crossed by a few small paths totally unfitted for the passage of large
bodies of men with heavy guns. All the bridges along the river had been
broken down, but in its upper reaches the river could be forded. Look at
this little map. You will find on the railway from Thorn to Lowicz the
town of Kutno, and almost due south of it, beyond the Bzura, you will
see Piatek. Between these two places the marshes are crossed by a great
causeway, along which the heaviest traffic can make its way. From what I
have told you of the Bzura, you will gather that an army lying behind
the marshes of the river would be in a very strong position to meet a
frontal attack. They could only be assailed in front along one road--the
causeway already mentioned. They might, of course, be outflanked by a
force crossing the river below Lowicz (A), or fording the stream to the
south of the marshes (B). The Germans, as we shall see, made not only a
frontal attack along the causeway, but also flanking attacks at A and B.

[Illustration: Diagram showing the Russian Position behind the Marshes
of the Bzura.

Notice the causeway leading from Kutno to Piatek. Along this causeway
the Germans made their frontal attack.]

About fifteen miles to the south of Piatek is Lodz, the "Manchester of
Poland." It contains half a million people, and has grown more rapidly
than any other city of Europe. Its chief industry is cotton, but there
are also large factories in which silk, woollen, and linen fabrics are
made, as well as numerous dye-works, flour mills, distilleries, and
machine shops. The Germans had captured it during their first march on
Warsaw, but had lost it during the retreat. They were now to make a bold
bid for it again.

Accordingly the German right now pressed hard against the Bzura at B,
south of the marshes. While the right was crossing the river at B, the
extreme left moved towards Plock, so as to outflank the Russian position
by crossing the river at A. The main attack, however, was to be made not
on the flanks but in the centre, across the causeway at C. Now I want
you to notice that if Russian reinforcements could have come up from the
south, the German flanking forces at B would have been hemmed in between
the Russians to the north of Lodz and those advancing on the city from
the south. Von Hindenburg, however, felt quite sure that the Russians
from the south could not arrive in time owing to the broken roads and
railways. Long before they came up he hoped to be in Warsaw.

[Illustration: A German Battery overwhelmed by Cossacks.

This grim picture illustrates the fate of the Germans who were trapped
in the "pocket" as described on page 255.]

An extraordinary state of things soon occurred. At first the Russians
beat off attacks on the causeway, and held the German army in the
villages north of the marshes. But on 19th November von Mackensen made a
huge effort. He crossed the causeway, and pushed the Russians well south
of Piatek. For the next four days his troops tramped across the
causeway, and the Russians fell back more and more, till there was a
deep sag in their line east of Lodz. Von Mackensen pushed this sag
deeper and deeper, and wider and wider, until it resembled a pocket, and
on 23rd November the bottom of the pocket fell out, and the Russian army
was split into two parts, as shown in the diagram on the next page. The
Germans burst through the gap, and the Russians were now in a most
dangerous plight, especially as the enemy was bringing up strong forces
both from the south-east and the south. Lodz was now being attacked from
the front, from the flank, and from the rear. The Germans appeared to
have succeeded beyond their wildest dreams.

"There's many a slip between the cup and the lip," says the old proverb.
The Germans now expected to envelop the divided forces of the Russians,
and make an end of them altogether. But when the cup was almost at their
lips, the slip took place. The Russians had hastily summoned guns and
men from Asia, and troop trains had been rolling for weeks past at top
speed along the Siberian railway. The Siberians were detrained at a
station on the railway south of Lowicz, just as reinforcements from the
south were at last coming up. On the 24th the Siberians appeared on the
field; another day, and they would have been too late--the Russian left
would have been destroyed for ever.

Ruzsky, now reinforced, did his utmost to close up the mouth of the
pocket, and thus cut off the 90,000 Germans who were within it. For two
days he pressed together the edges of the top of the pocket, and more
and more shut in the trapped corps. More troops were needed to close it
completely, and Rennenkampf, on the extreme right, was ordered to push
forward with the utmost speed. Unhappily, he arrived a day too late, and
the pocket was never wholly shut up.

[Illustration]

Von Mackensen strove hard by bringing up reserves to force back the
Russians who were pinching him on either side, and by doing so managed
to provide an exit for his trapped troops. From 24th to 26th November a
furious struggle continued night and day. Battalions were broken into
fragments, and the men roamed about the frozen and deserted land "like a
pack of hungry wolves." By the 26th something like 40,000 men had
escaped, and had reached their own lines. Amongst them was a remnant of
the Prussian guards. Not only had thousands of Germans been killed and
wounded, but multitudes of prisoners were in Russian hands. A few days
later Warsaw was swarming with them. But for Rennenkampf's late arrival
Russia would have accomplished a new Sedan.

[Footnote 168: Natives of Russian Central Asia.]

[Footnote 169: _Lo´vitch_, 44 miles west-south-west of Warsaw.]




  CHAPTER XXIX.

  WARSAW AGAIN SAVED.


Fresh troops were now brought up from Germany, and a determined effort
was made to envelop the Russians by striking hard at their left while
the rest of the line was strongly held up. The Russian left wing was
pushed back, chiefly because it had broken roads and railways behind it,
and was farthest from its base of supply. Lodz, to the rear of the
Russian lines, now formed an ugly salient, much like that at Ypres.
Ruzsky knew that if he were forced to retreat through the seven miles of
the Lodz streets he could only march slowly and in crowded formation,
and would probably be badly cut up in the process. It was a risk which
there was no reason to face. Lodz was of no value in his plan of
campaign, though, of course, it was valuable to the enemy because of its
resources. Ruzsky therefore determined to give it up, and to straighten
out his line by falling back. Accordingly, on the 27th he slowly
retreated. His withdrawal lasted more than a week. German shells began
to fall in the streets of Lodz on 5th December, and the next day the
enemy entered the city, and were received with great joy by their
fellow-countrymen, who form a large part of its population. For the
second time the Germans were masters of Lodz.

There was much joy in Berlin, and the capture of the city was acclaimed
as a great victory, in which "we did not lose a single man." As we have
seen, the Russians gave it up of their own accord, because the game of
holding it was not worth the candle. As a matter of fact, there was no
battle and no victory. It is said that for fifteen hours the Germans
shelled empty trenches, from which the Russians had withdrawn on the
previous day. Nevertheless they still speak of the Battle of Lodz, and
consider it a feather in their caps.

A few days later von Hindenburg thus addressed his men:--

    "In the course of severe fighting, lasting several days, my
    troops have brought to a standstill a Russian army superior in
    numbers. Over 60,000 prisoners, 150 guns, and about 200 machine
    guns have fallen into our hands. But the enemy is not yet
    annihilated. Therefore, forward, with God, for King and
    Fatherland, till the last Russian lies beaten at our feet."

No doubt the Germans had made large captures, but so had the Russians.
Von Hindenburg, though he called upon his men to rejoice, knew that he
had really failed in his object, which was to make the Russians retire
from Galicia and come to the help of their hard-pressed comrades in
North Poland. They had done nothing of the sort. As you know, the
Galician campaign went on without interference.

Von Hindenburg had promised his troops that they should eat their
Christmas dinner in Warsaw. He was still seventy miles from the city,
and December was already six days old. There was no time to be lost if
his promise was to be kept.

He now hurled his left against the Russian right wing, which lay north
of the Bzura and well east of Lowicz. At the same time he increased his
forces in East Prussia, and ordered them to march southwards from Mlava
so as to cut the main railway from Warsaw to Petrograd. Had this move
succeeded, the Russians would have been obliged to abandon Warsaw.
Happily, a force advanced from the fortress of Novo Georgievsk, and
drove back the Germans from East Prussia almost to their frontier. For
the time being, the Russian right flank was secure.

[Illustration: The Battle of the Bzura. Russian Field Artillery in
Action.

_By permission of The Illustrated London News._]

The Russian wing just south of the Vistula was not, however, well placed
to meet the other attack. It was cut into two by the river Bzura, and
its communications were very bad. So, with great wisdom, Ruzsky
determined to withdraw this wing behind the Bzura and its tributary the
Rawka, which flows north to join the Bzura, a few miles east of Lowicz.
Behind these rivers he would have good communications, by means of
which he could easily bring up food, munitions, and reinforcements. So
far the winter frosts had not been severe; there was only a thin coating
of ice on the Polish bogs, and the Vistula and the Pilitza were still
open for river traffic. Just when Ruzsky was planning his retirement a
complete thaw set in, and in a few days the whole countryside was one
slough of despond. The Germans advancing against his new position would
have to flounder through many feet of mud to get at him.

For a fortnight the Russians slowly fell back all along the line, and
the towns to the west of the line of the Bzura and the Rawka were
occupied by the Germans. By the 18th of December the Russians were in
their new position, which soon proved itself to be as strong as the
Allied position from Arras to Nieuport. The same kind of warfare now
took place both in East and West. The Russians dug themselves in close
to the shallow, muddy streams, and on the other side the Germans
occupied the fairly high bank which marks the rim of an old channel.

Attacks and counter-attacks were nightly incidents of the struggle. When
the early darkness set in, the Germans, in close formation, crashed
through the cat-ice along the shore, waded breast-high through the
bitterly cold waters, and, in spite of severe losses, frequently gained
the Russian bank. Sometimes they captured an advanced trench, but rarely
could they hold it, and all the time they were losing heavily. Warsaw
was only thirty-five miles away, and the roar of the German guns was
clearly heard in the city. But there was no panic; the Russian lines
were proof against every assault. By Christmas Eve the enemy was doing
no more than hold his trenches. In East and West alike stalemate had set
in.

       *     *     *     *     *

A writer thus describes Christmas Day in the Russian lines: "The Bishop
of Moscow," he says, "arranged a solemn Christmas Day service, with
trained singers who were serving in the army. He later visited the
hospitals, giving short and plain addresses, and blessing each branch of
the service in turn. There was a great Christmas tree in the station,
where presents were distributed to the wounded. Gifts were also
distributed under fire by the hospital workers to the soldiers in the
trenches. In the evening I took part in a Christmas gathering in one of
the big hospitals. Every one's health was drunk in turn; the persons
toasted were mentioned by their Christian names, and all was woven into
a long song. Afterwards we sang songs of the Volga."

       *     *     *     *     *

The failure of the second attempt to capture Warsaw brings us down to
the end of the year 1914, and the moment is convenient for summing up
the work of the Russian armies during the first five months of the war.
In common with her Allies, Russia was not ready to take the field when
war was declared; most of her soldiers had yet to be called up, and she
had not sufficient rifles, ammunition, and uniforms for them. Further,
by means of her very imperfect railway system, she had to transport such
forces as were ready many thousands of miles before they could reach the
theatre of war. In spite of all these difficulties, she had a force
prepared to strike a full fortnight before the Germans believed that she
could put her men into the field.

While the Kaiser's hosts were swinging through Belgium, in the hope of
overwhelming the French and the British, the Russians, though still too
weak for the purpose, invaded East Prussia, the sacred land of the
German squires, and by doing so relieved to some extent the strain in
the West. Dearly did Russia pay for this act of chivalry. She suffered
one of the most terrible defeats in her history at Tannenberg; but she
was still undismayed. In Galicia, on the other hand, she crushed the
Austrians in two mighty battles before the Germans could come to their
aid, and captured the whole eastern half of the country.

Her troops were rapidly approaching Cracow, which alone barred the road
to Silesia and Berlin, when the Germans, who from the first were greatly
superior in numbers, made a dangerous move against Warsaw, the great
railway centre which it was essential for Russia to hold if she was to
maintain the war on the enemy's frontier. To meet this grave threat, the
Grand Duke ordered his forces to fall back from Galicia, and hold the
long line of the Vistula against the determined invader. Then when von
Hindenburg had made his furious thrust, and had been flung back almost
from the gates of Warsaw, the Russians sprang forward once more, and
drove the Germans in rout behind their own frontier. Again they swept
into Galicia, and there they were maintaining themselves when the year
1914 came to a close.

By means of the network of railways on the German frontier von
Hindenburg rapidly massed troops for a march across the undevastated
north of Poland towards the city which had already foiled him, hoping
that this new threat would have the former effect. It failed in its
purpose. The Russians met his many with their few behind the marshes of
the Bzura, and the late arrival of Rennenkampf's troops alone saved the
Germans from being completely wiped out. As it was, they suffered
terribly, but reinforced, made another frenzied attempt on Warsaw. Again
the Russians retreated, and behind a river front of great strength
defied the Germans to do their worst. By Christmas Eve the Germans had
failed, for the second time in three months, to capture the city of
their desire.

[Illustration: Christmas in the Trenches of Poland.

_Photo, Alfieri._

This photograph shows an advanced trench in Poland as held by the
Germans on Christmas Day. It will be noticed that two sentinels in full
marching order keep watch, and that the rifles of the defenders lie in
position, ready to be discharged at a moment's notice. A typical German
officer is seen sleeping close to the sentry in the foreground.]

Such in the briefest possible outline is the record of Russia's part in
the war during the year 1914. The Russians had most loyally supported
the Allies; they had sacrificed thousands of men in order to draw
against them the greatest number of Germans, and by their stubborn and
persistent efforts they had caused the enemy after 15th November to
abandon his offensive movements in the West. Their commander-in-chief
and most of their other leaders had shown fine generalship and great
resolution, and their soldiers had given fresh proof of the dogged
courage for which they have always been renowned.

All this came as a great surprise to those who remembered that the
Russian armies had been utterly baffled and overthrown in the war which
they had waged ten years before against Japan. Then they were badly
trained, badly equipped, and badly led; but Russia had taken to heart
the bitter lessons of defeat, and during the intervening years had so
thoroughly reorganized her forces that they were now able to inflict
defeats upon the foremost military nation of the world. As an armed
power Russia had been born anew.




  CHAPTER XXX.

  AT WAR WITH TURKEY.


At the beginning of the great struggle King George sent a message to the
Sultan, in which he referred to the friendship which had existed between
the United Kingdom and Turkey for more than a century. Two days before
the fall of Tsingtau this old friendship was broken; we were forced to
declare war on the Power which we had so often befriended during more
than a hundred years. The fact was that Germany had become all-powerful
in Turkey, and the Sultan was merely a puppet in the Kaiser's hands.

I have already told you how the Kaiser courted the Sultan in 1889,[170]
and won for Germany many important industrial and commercial advantages
in Asia Minor. In July 1908 an event took place in Turkey which seemed
at first to be a great blow to Germany. Up to that time the government
of Turkey had been Oriental; the Sultan was absolute; there was no
parliament, and bad governors robbed the people right and left. Western
ideas, however, had gradually been gaining ground, especially amongst
the younger men. In July 1908 the Young Turks, after long preparation,
rose in rebellion under a vain but very pushing man named Enver Bey. The
Sultan, the Kaiser's friend, was deposed; his younger brother was placed
on the throne, and a new form of government, in which the people had
some share, was set up. Before long, Enver Bey became the most powerful
man in the country. He was a simple captain when the reform movement
began, but he rapidly rose to be Chief of the General Staff and
Secretary for War.

This revolution seemed to have overturned Germany's plans, and to have
robbed her at one blow of all the power and influence which she had
gained in Turkey. Thanks, however, to the army which von der Goltz had
drilled and trained and officered, Germany managed to retain her
influence. Enver Bey and other leading Young Turks were won over, and
Germany continued to hold the reins of military power. Then came the war
with Italy, and in 1912 the sudden and unexpected Balkan War, in which
the German-trained Turkish army was badly beaten. When all was over,
Turkey had been reduced to a little country less than twice the size of
Wales.

After this disaster the Turkish army was practically handed over to
Germany, lock, stock, and barrel. German officers were poured into the
army, and nearly all the divisions and brigades had German commanders.
In January 1914 General Liman von Sanders became commander of all the
thirteen corps of the Turkish army.

Now, I think you can understand that when the great European war broke
out it was highly improbable that Turkey would remain neutral. We were
most anxious to keep Turkey out of the fight, and on 7th August Sir
Edward Grey promised, on behalf of Great Britain, France, and Russia,
that if she would refrain from war we would guarantee her independence,
and would see that she lost no territory when the struggle was over. We
also undertook to make no change in the government of Egypt, which, as
you know, was then supposed to be under the overlordship of the Sultan.

When we declared war on Germany there were in this country two
men-of-war which Messrs. Armstrong, Whitworth, and Company had built for
the Turkish Government, but which had not been handed over to their
owners. According to what is called International Law,[171] a nation
going to war has a perfect right to acquire any warships which have been
built or are building in its ports, but have not left the country. Our
Admiralty very properly bought these vessels from the builders. Sir
Edward Grey telegraphed to the Sultan on 25th August, expressing his
deep regret that the Government had been obliged to take this course,
and promising to restore the ships at the end of the war if Turkey would
remain strictly neutral. There seemed to be a good deal of angry feeling
against Britain in Constantinople when the Turks learnt that we had
taken over their ships. The Turkish Prime Minister, however, assured us
that this angry feeling was largely pretence, and meant nothing. Turkey,
however, was soon to show herself in her true colours.

In Chapter XXI. of our second volume I told you that the two German
cruisers _Goeben_ and _Breslau_ were chased by a British squadron in the
Mediterranean, but that they managed to escape, and on 10th August took
refuge in the Dardanelles. It was the duty of Turkey as a neutral Power
to see that these ships did not pass through the Strait, and that they
were either sent off to sea again in the course of twenty-four hours, or
were disarmed and interned until the end of the war. Next day, to the
astonishment of the world, the Turks announced that they had bought the
cruisers from Germany because Britain had seized the ships which had
been built for them on the Tyne. I have already told you that Britain
had every right to take over the Turkish ships. On the other hand,
Turkey had no right whatever to buy warships from a nation that was at
war with another nation. To do so was a friendly act to Germany and an
unfriendly act to Britain, France, and Russia. If the Turks had acted
according to international law, they would have ordered the _Goeben_ and
_Breslau_ out of their waters, in which case the Allied ships in the
Mediterranean would have captured them. By buying them, the Turks
prevented Britain from reducing the enemy's naval strength, and at the
same time they assisted Germany by paying over their price. By means of
these ships the Turks hoped to make themselves masters of the Black Sea.

This unfriendly act in itself afforded Great Britain good grounds for
declaring war on Turkey; but she was very patient, and confined herself
to protests. The Turkish Government promised to send away the German
officers and crews of the _Goeben_ and _Breslau_, but did not do so. All
the while the Turkish Prime Minister was protesting that Turkey wished
to be neutral; but he was merely playing for time. Attempts were being
made to stir up rebellion in Egypt and India, and Turkey was holding her
hand until the Moslems in these countries should be ready to rise.

Towards the end of October the British Government learned that Turkish
ships, without any declaration of war, and without warning of any kind,
had wantonly attacked open, undefended Russian towns on the Black Sea.
It was well known, too, that Enver Bey, the Turkish Minister of War, was
strongly pro-German, and that since the war began German officers in
large numbers had poured into Constantinople. Certain rights enjoyed by
foreigners living in Turkey had been abolished; the army had been
mobilized, and there was no doubt that an attack was being prepared
against Egypt. On 29th October a horde of Bedouins[172] invaded the
Sinai Peninsula,[173] and seized certain wells. The same day Turkish
torpedo boats raided Odessa, sank and damaged several ships, and
bombarded the town.

Next day the ambassadors of the Allies had interviews with the Sultan
and his advisers. The Sultan and the Prime Minister were in favour of
peace, but Enver Bey and the military party overruled them. On 1st
November the ambassadors left Constantinople, and four days later the
King issued a proclamation which began as follows:--

"_Owing to hostile acts committed by Turkish forces under German
officers, a state of war now exists between Us and the Sultan of
Turkey._"

Before I describe the part played by Turkey in the war during the year
1914, let me tell you something about the army which she was able to put
into the field. Every man in Turkey is supposed to serve, but as a rule
only Mohammedans are called upon to do so. The conscript belongs to the
army for twenty years--nine in the Nizam, or first line; nine in the
Redif, or Active Reserve; and two in the Mustafiz, or Territorial
Militia. Probably, at a pinch, the Turks could put into the field
between 700,000 and 800,000 men, providing there was equipment for them.
Their artillery had suffered heavily in the Balkan War; but since then
Turkey had bought many quick-firing guns from Krupp and the famous
Austrian firm of Skoda. Germany had also provided the Turks with a
number of heavy batteries.

The Turkish foot-soldier has always been famous as a fighting man. He
is, as a rule, strong and well built, his nerves are steady, he is very
stubborn in defence, and he can bear fatigue wonderfully well. But, as
you know, he did not come off with flying colours during the Balkan War,
probably because the German discipline to which he had been subjected
had robbed him of his old dash and go, and because he was not in full
sympathy with the German officers who commanded him. As a soldier, he
was half Turk, half German; he had lost many of his Turkish virtues as a
fighting man, and had not fully acquired those of Germany. Nevertheless,
he is still brave, still dogged, still much enduring, and will always
prove a formidable foe.

An American caricature of the time showed the Sultan laying his head
upon a block and chopping it off with his own hand. Most observers in
Western Europe felt that by acting as the cat's-paw of Germany, Turkey
was deliberately committing suicide. She was solving the century-old
problem--Shall Turkey remain a European Power? However the war might
end, Turkey was bound to be wiped off the map of Europe as an
independent state. There were many people in this country who were
deeply sorry to see a brave people thus tricked into disaster for a
cause which they could not understand, and for which they had no
sympathy. Before long, however, the children of Osman[174] were fighting
and dying amidst the snows of the Caucasus or on the sands of the desert
in their old fearless, uncomplaining fashion--fighting and dying for no
purpose save to ensure the destruction of their race as a ruling power.

[Illustration: Constantinople, the ancient Byzantium.

_Photo, Exclusive News Agency._]

       *     *     *     *     *

Naturally the Turks wished to fight in the Balkan Peninsula, and to
recover, if possible, some of the territory which they had lost during
the recent disastrous wars. This, however, they could not do, because
Greece and Bulgaria, their neighbours, remained neutral. The Germans
wished to use the Turkish army to create diversions--that is, to attack
the Allies at a distance from the main theatres of war, and thus compel
them to divide their forces. The frontiers of Turkey in Asia touch that
wild, mountainous region in which Russia holds sway beneath the towering
masses of the Caucasus; they also touch the bounds of Egypt, in which
Britain is supreme, and draw near to the head of the Persian Gulf, which
for generations we have watched and guarded in the interests of our
Indian Empire, and have long regarded as a British sphere of influence.
In these three regions the Turks might be of real assistance to their
German masters. If they fought in Transcaucasia, they would draw off
Russian troops from the thousand-mile line which the soldiers of the
Tsar were then holding from the Niemen to the Dniester. If they attacked
the Suez Canal, they might bar Britain's short road to India, and force
her to keep a large army in Egypt. Further, when the Turks advanced,
their Moslem brethren in Egypt and India might rise in rebellion, and
force Britain to withdraw troops from the Western front to put them
down. Then, again, the Turks might push down to the shores of the
Persian Gulf, and obtain a foothold from which India might be threatened
and the oil fields of Persia secured. The Turks, therefore, attacked on
the Persian Gulf, in Transcaucasia, and in Egypt. With their descent
upon the Suez Canal I shall deal in our next volume; in this and the
next chapter I will describe the fighting at the head of the Persian
Gulf, and afterwards I will tell you something of the operations in
Transcaucasia.

       *     *     *     *     *

South of Transcaucasia lies the Armenian plateau, which consists of
lofty ranges of sterile mountains, with fertile vales and wide plains
between them. The highest peak of this plateau is Ararat, on which it is
said that the Ark rested after the flood. Ararat stands where the
Russian, the Turkish, and the Persian empires meet, and from its
southern slopes that famous river the Euphrates goes leaping through the
mountain gorges on its way to the distant Persian Gulf. In the mountains
to the south-east of Ararat rises the Tigris, which also flows towards
the Persian Gulf, and gradually draws nearer and nearer to the
Euphrates, with which it finally unites. Between the two rivers is
Mesopotamia, which in early times was a wonderfully fertile country,
but under the blighting hand of the Turk has become a wilderness, though
it might again "blossom as the rose" if the waters of the rivers were
properly distributed over the land.

On the plain of the Euphrates and the Tigris are the ruins of cities
which were famous at the very dawn of history. Near the busy town of
Mosul, on the Tigris, is the site of the ancient city of Nineveh; and
near the Euphrates, not far from the town of Hilla, are the ruins of
Babylon. Two hundred miles below Mosul is Bagdad, which recalls the
"Arabian Nights." Above Basra, the city of Sindbad the Sailor, the
Euphrates and the Tigris unite, and the combined stream flows for about
seventy miles to the Persian Gulf as the Shat-el-Arab. On the eastern
side of its lower course is Abadan Island, on which about 1,000 tons of
crude oil are refined daily. The oil comes down a pipe line from the
wells, which are about 150 miles north-east of the refinery.

[Illustration: The Persian Gulf.[175]]

The region between Basra and the Persian Gulf is the ancient land of
Chaldea, the original home of Abraham, the father of the Hebrew people.
Britons and Turks were now to meet in warfare on the river flats where
the written history of the world began.

You can easily understand that the refinery at Abadan and the pipe line
from the oil wells would be open to attack if we should go to war with
Turkey. To lose this great source of supply would be a grievous blow to
us, for more and more of our warships now raise their steam with oil
instead of coal. As soon as the European war began the Government of
India dispatched an Anglo-Indian force, consisting of the 2nd Dorsets
and of Indian infantry and artillery, to the Persian Gulf. This force
was landed on the island of Bahrein, but when war was declared with
Turkey it re-embarked, and on 7th November reached the bar at the mouth
of the Shat-el-Arab, near the village of Fao. A gunboat bombarded the
mud fort of this village, and reduced it to silence in about an hour. A
force of marines was then landed, and the place was occupied.

The transports then sailed up the estuary, passing Abadan on the left
bank, and after a voyage of about thirty-five miles, disembarked,
unopposed, at the Turkish village of Sanijeh,[176] where trenches were
dug. While General Delamain, who commanded the British expedition, was
waiting for reinforcements he was attacked by a force of Turks from
Basra. The Indians quickly checked them, and later in the day showed the
utmost gallantry in turning them out of a village in which they had
established themselves.

On 13th November, soon after daybreak, two Anglo-Indian brigades,
including the 1st Oxford Light Infantry and the 2nd Norfolks, arrived,
under the command of Sir Arthur Barrett, off the bar of the
Shat-el-Arab, and by the 15th were ready to disembark at Sanijeh. It was
no easy task to get men, guns, and stores ashore on the slippery mud
banks of a broad tidal river, but the work was accomplished before
sunset. Meanwhile General Delamain attacked the village of Sahain, four
miles to the north. A short, sharp action took place; but the 2,000
Turks who were posted in a date grove were not entirely cleared out of
it. On the 16th the newly-arrived forces rested, and received the news
that the Turkish garrison of Basra was advancing to give battle. There
were Europeans in Basra, and General Barrett was eager to capture the
place speedily, lest evil should befall the foreign residents.

[Footnote 170: See Vol. I., p. 148.]

[Footnote 171: A name given to all those usages which civilized states
have agreed to observe in their dealings with each other. It is not real
law because there is no superior power to enforce it.]

[Footnote 172: Arabs who wander with their flocks and herds from place
to place. They are found in the Syrian and Egyptian deserts, in
Mesopotamia, and especially in Arabia where they form one-seventh of the
population.]

[Footnote 173: The southern half of the triangular and hilly tract of
country between the Gulf of Suez and the Gulf of Akabah, northern arms
of the Red Sea.]

[Footnote 174: Osman I., founder of the Ottoman Empire, born 1258, died
1326. Every new Sultan is invested with the sword of Osman, which is
preserved in a mosque at Constantinople.]

[Footnote 175: For some account of the Bagdad railway (shown in the
inset map), see Vol. I, p. 148.]

[Footnote 176: See map on p. 277.]




  CHAPTER XXXI.

  FIGHTING IN CHALDEA.


On the morning of the 17th the British advanced to the village of
Sahain,[177] only to discover that the Turks had abandoned it. Nine
miles farther up the river, at a place called Sahil, the enemy lay in
force ready to attack. An officer with the expedition thus describes the
Turkish position:--

    "Imagine a billiard table, only, of course, thousands of times
    bigger, and instead of being green cloth it is sandy desert.
    Imagine that one end of the table is high ground held by the
    Turks with guns in position, and the infantry entrenched, and
    then imagine us attacking them from the other end. Not a scrap
    of cover of any kind; absolutely flat and unbroken; no cover for
    the guns or infantry advancing, no cover for the hospital or
    wounded as we advanced--nothing; simply a wide, flat, sandy
    plain!"

To make matters worse, recent rains had made the plain a slough, so that
the cavalry and guns could scarcely proceed at more than a walking pace.

Early on the morning of the 18th our batteries and gun-boats began
bombarding the Turkish trenches. The artillery of the enemy replied, but
the marksmanship was bad, though General Barrett had a narrow escape
from a shrapnel shell which buried itself in the ground at his feet. The
Turkish infantry, however, made excellent practice, and their bullets
swept the front with a withering fire. Nevertheless, our men advanced
with admirable steadiness. The honours of the day went to the 2nd
Dorsets, who, without a moment's wavering, crept nearer and nearer to
the enemy, until they were near enough for the final bayonet charge.
When they leaped to their feet and dashed forward the Turks broke from
their trenches, and, flinging away their arms, ammunition, and even
their clothes, fled to the rear.

Owing to the soggy nature of the ground and to a mirage which screened
the flight of the enemy, pursuit was well-nigh impossible. About 4 p.m.
the little battle was practically over--the trenches, two guns, and the
camp of the enemy were in our possession. The Dorsets lost 130 men in
this engagement out of a total casualty list of 353, which included
three officers and thirty-five men killed. More than 1,500 Turks were
dead or wounded.

[Illustration: Hoisting the Union Jack at Basra.

_Photo, Illustrated London News._]

On the 21st news arrived that the Turks had abandoned Basra, and that
Arabs were looting the place. A British force was at once embarked on
river steamers, while other troops were sent forward across the desert
on foot. About eight miles beyond Sahil the Turks had attempted to
impede the navigation of the river by sinking ships in the fairway; but
the business had been badly done, and our gunboats, after silencing a
battery of Krupp guns on the bank, got past the obstruction. About ten
on the morning of the 22nd the river force entered Basra without
opposition. Later in the day the desert column arrived; the German flag
was hauled down, and the Union Jack was hoisted in its stead. During the
remainder of the month the British prepared a base camp a few miles up
the river.

At the beginning of December news arrived that the Turks had reassembled
at Kurna, some forty-nine miles above Basra, and were about to put their
fortunes to the test once more. The sketch map on page 277 shows you the
position of Kurna, the highest point on the river to which ocean-going
steamers can ascend. You will notice that the old and now
partly-blocked-up channel of the Euphrates unites with the Tigris at
Kurna, and that the town occupies a strong position in the angle between
the rivers, with broad waters on two sides of it. Some people tell us
that Kurna stands on the site of the garden of Eden, though others say
that the abode of our first parents lay to the north-west of Bagdad.

Not much opposition was expected at Kurna, so only a small force,
including a detachment of the Norfolks, was sent upstream on 3rd
December. It was accompanied by three gunboats, a yacht, and two
launches, all armed. Next morning the troops were landed on the eastern
bank about four miles below Kurna, while the gunboats went ahead to
engage the Turkish artillery and to shell the town. By midday the
British force was looking across the three-hundred-yard-wide stream
towards the palm groves which surround Kurna, and was attacking the
village of Mezera, which stands about a mile from the left bank of the
Tigris. The Turks were driven out of the village, and withdrew to the
bank of the river, where they kept up so heavy a fire that our men were
compelled to retire. It was now evident that the Turks were holding the
place in force, and that the task of the British was much harder than
had been supposed.

The attackers dug themselves in, and sent back to Basra for
reinforcements, which arrived on 7th December. On that day the action of
the 5th was fought over again, but with far better results. Mezera was
recaptured, the Turkish trenches on the bank of the river were cleared,
and the survivors escaped across the stream. The gunboats did excellent
work, and several of them were hit.

It was now clear that Kurna could not be taken by a frontal attack. The
only way was to cross the river above the town and fall upon the place
from the rear. Early on 8th December two battalions with two mountain
guns were marched a long way up the river; some daring sappers swam the
stream carrying with them a wire. Snipers fired at them repeatedly, but
they managed to get across safely, and construct a sort of flying
bridge. By this means, and also by the use of a dhow which had been
seized, our troops and their guns crossed the river. By evening they had
entrenched themselves amidst the trees to the north of Kurna. All was
ready for the final assault.

It was never delivered. On the night of the 8th

    "a small steamer came down from Kurna showing all her lights, so
    we did not fire on her. She turned out to be carrying three
    Turkish officers who had come to offer the surrender of Kurna!
    Of course we knew we could get into the town, but thought most
    of the garrison would escape up the river Euphrates. They wanted
    to be allowed to march out with their arms, but, of course, we
    would not agree to that, and after about an hour they agreed to
    an unconditional surrender."

Thus Kurna fell into British hands. The whole garrison surrendered, and
the Turkish officers gave up their swords; but as a compliment to the
commander his sword was returned to him. Chaldea was now in our
possession, and we were well placed to beat off attacks from the north.
There were still, however, many Turkish troops in the neighbourhood, but
they did not make any serious attack on us. We had achieved our purpose,
and had built up a strong barricade against an enemy advance to the
Persian Gulf and a threat to the security of India.

[Illustration: Basra and Kurna.]

    "We are now," wrote an officer on December 13th, "in a big
    entrenched camp outside Kurna. . . . Although this is my own
    regiment, and one is naturally proud of it, I must say they have
    behaved splendidly. They are a jolly good lot, always merry and
    bright, and never any trouble. By the way, I heard a rather
    funny remark last night by one of the men. The mosquitoes are
    rather bad here, and in the middle of the night, about 1 a.m., I
    woke up and heard the man say to his neighbour: ''Ere, Bill, if
    this is the garden of Eden, I wonder what Adam and Eve did with
    these 'ere mosquitoes a-buzzin' around them.'"

[Footnote 177: See map on page 277.]




  CHAPTER XXXII.

  THE CAMPAIGN IN THE CAUCASUS.


While Anglo-Indian troops were winning easy victories on the desert
sands of Chaldea, Russians and Turks were locked in deadly combat amidst
the rocky uplands of the broad isthmus that extends between the Black
Sea and the Caspian Sea. The most striking natural feature of this
region is the great chain of the Caucasus, the most stupendous mountain
mass of Western Eurasia. It strikes from north-west to south-east right
across the country like a huge frowning wall, and in this respect
resembles the Pyrenees, though its peaks are vastly higher and much of
it is crowned with perpetual snow. So formidable and complete is this
great natural barrier that no railway crosses it, and only two main
roads have been constructed over its passes. The railway which carries
the traveller from the north to the south of the chain has to creep
round by way of the strip of low land between its eastern end and the
Caspian Sea.

One would suppose that this huge barrier would mark off race from race,
civilization from civilization, and religion from religion; that Europe
would stop short on its northern slopes, and Asia begin on its southern
side. This is true in a general sense, but the whole tangled region of
lofty mountains, with its maze of spurs and plateaus and foothills, with
towns and villages five or six thousand feet above sea-level, is
inhabited by many more or less Christian tribes, and is part of Russia.
It forms the government of the Caucasus, and its southern boundary
marches with Turkey on the west and with Persia on the east. The Turkish
fortress of Erzerum is only about seventy miles from the Russian
frontier.

This mountainous region has been a cockpit of struggle from very early
times, but the difficult nature of the country has enabled the wild and
turbulent highlanders to maintain their independence against Turk and
Persian and Russian alike. Not until 1835 did Russia begin to annex the
country; she did not come into full possession of it until more than
forty years later.

Before I describe the actual fighting let us look a little closer at
this Russian government of the Caucasus.[178] Its main features are the
great block of the Caucasus range and the lower mountain region to the
south, known as Georgia. Between the two, at a distance of about sixty
miles from the high ridge of the Caucasus, is a natural trench which
rises gradually from the Black Sea for 3,000 feet to the watershed, and
then slopes down to the Caspian Sea. Along this depression from Batum,
on the Black Sea, to the great oil town of Baku, on the Caspian Sea,
runs the railway which I have already mentioned. On it, about half-way
between Batum and Baku, and also on the chief road which crosses the
Caucasus, is Tiflis, the capital. It stands on the valley floor,
surrounded by gray heights rising from twelve to fifteen hundred feet
above it, and occupies both banks of the river Kur.

The fighting which I am going to describe all took place to the south of
Tiflis, between the depression mentioned above and the Turkish border.
You will notice that a railway runs south from Tiflis amidst the
Georgian mountains, and then swings eastwards to the frontier. This
railway has to climb two ridges of fairly high mountains, and at its
railhead of Sarikamish it is 6,000 feet above sea-level. The whole
country through which it passes is a wild confusion of high hills with
summits of 10,000 feet in elevation, and deep gorges, leading up to the
Armenian plateau which I mentioned on page 270. It is impossible to get
from one valley to another, except by the railway, without climbing
steep and snow-clad ridges. You can scarcely conceive of a more
difficult country in which to carry on the operations of war.

[Illustration: The Campaign on the Caucasian Frontier.

(Inset--The Turkish Advance.)]

For the Caucasus campaign which the Turks were now about to begin they
collected at Erzerum an army of 150,000 men with which to oppose the
Russian army, which was not more than 100,000 strong. The object of the
Turks was to capture the fortress of Kars, and thus open the way to
Tiflis and to the Caspian oil fields at Baku. In order to do this they
proposed to entice the Russians from Sarikamish across the frontier, and
hold them at some point as far from the railhead as possible. While the
Russian front was thus held, the Turks intended to make a wide
encircling movement with their left centre and fall upon Sarikamish. At
the same time, their left was to push up the Choruk River, cross the
mountains to Ardahan, follow the road to Kars, and thus take the
fortress in the rear.

Fighting began in the first fortnight of November. The Russians advanced
from Sarikamish, and crossed the frontier to within about forty or fifty
miles of Erzerum. Now that they were sufficiently far from their
railhead, the great Turkish plan was put into operation. You will
understand more clearly what the plan was if you study the little inset
map on the opposite page. The 11th Corps was ordered to hold the
Russians in the direction of Erzerum, while the 10th Corps, at Id, was
to follow a bad mountain road which crosses the passes and comes down to
the railway between Sarikamish and Kars. Between the 10th Corps and the
11th Corps a third corps, the 9th, was also to strike across the
mountains directly at the railhead.

Meanwhile the 1st Corps was carried in transports to Trebizond, on the
Black Sea. It was to follow the valley of the Choruk until it came to a
mountain road which climbs a pass of more than eight thousand feet, and
runs to the town of Ardahan, from which there is a fairly easy road to
Kars.

About the middle of December the 11th Corps took the offensive, and,
after fierce fighting, pushed back the Russians for about a dozen miles.
On Christmas Day the Russians made a stand. At that time they were
strung out along the railway and the road that runs by the side of it
for about thirty miles. Meanwhile the 9th and 10th Corps had struggled
over the high hills, and were descending upon Sarikamish and the railway
to the east of it; while the 1st Corps, on the extreme Turkish left, had
climbed the mountains at the head of the Choruk valley in the teeth of
fierce blizzards, and had reached a position from which in the pauses of
the storms they could look down on Ardahan. On 28th December it seemed
as if the Turkish plan had succeeded.

But the forces which had toiled over the mountains and had battled with
the furious storms and the deep snow were worn out and utterly incapable
of meeting the Russians. Their transport and big guns could not follow
them over the rocky steeps; so they were without artillery, ammunition,
and a proper supply of food. Many of the men were starving, and their
hands and feet were frost-bitten, while thousands of others could only
crawl along in a dazed and numb condition. It was impossible for these
hungry, cold, and toil-worn men to make a great united attack, and the
Russians were therefore able to deal with them piecemeal.

First they dealt with the 10th Corps. On January 1, 1915, after three
days of hard fighting on the railway, they forced this corps to retreat
into the hills. This retreat left the 9th Corps unsupported. The
Russians had pushed forward their right in pursuit of the retreating
enemy, and at the same time their left had advanced, so that the 9th
Corps was taken on both flanks. It fought with the fury of despair, and
on January 3, 1915, when it had almost been wiped out, the remnants laid
down their arms. It is said that the Turks yielded rather to cold and
hunger than to the onset of the Russians; that they surrendered as much
to the Russian field kitchens as to Russian steel.

Meanwhile the 1st Corps had entered Ardahan, but could not advance any
farther. The Russian force which had been detached to cope with it drove
the worn-out Turks from the town, and thrust them back in complete rout
into the mountains and towards the Choruk valley, by which they had
advanced. The 10th Corps, now in flight, was also heading in the same
direction. The 11th Corps, which had been holding up the Russians on the
road from Erzerum to Sarikamish, now made a big effort to save the
situation. It had been unable to rescue the 9th Corps, but it might do
something to cover the retreat of the 10th Corps. Accordingly it
attacked vigorously, and pushed back the Russians to within twenty miles
of Sarikamish, where three days' heavy fighting took place amidst the
snowdrifts. By January 17, 1915, the 11th Corps had also been broken,
and was forced to retreat on Erzerum, with a great loss of men and guns.

While this struggle was going on, the Russian right was pursuing the
1st Corps and the remnant of the 10th and was driving them towards
Trebizond. The Turkish navy attempted to bring reinforcements and stores
to these harried corps; but Russian warships sank several of the
transports and provision vessels, and hunted the _Breslau_ and the
_Hamidieh_, which accompanied them, back to Constantinople. The _Goeben_
had already been crippled and put out of action for several weeks.

So, in hopeless and utter failure, ended the great adventure in the
Caucasus. The plan of campaign had been prepared by German generals, who
worked from the map without any actual knowledge of the terribly
difficult country in which the troops were to operate. They did not
foresee that the mountains and gorges, the broken tracks, the fierce
storms, the deep snow, and the biting cold were of themselves sufficient
to defeat any army, however brave and determined. Neither did they
foresee that the Turks would have to fight when worn out with marching
and privation. They set their allies an impossible task; but the Turks
fought like heroes. More than 50,000 of them were killed or wounded, or
led away into captivity. For many months to come, Russia had nothing to
fear from the Turks in the Caucasus.

       *     *     *     *     *

Immediately war was declared on Turkey several of our submarines were
sent to the Dardanelles, to destroy, if possible, some of the Turkish
warships. Submarine B11 was most successful in this work, and its
commander, Lieutenant Norman Douglas Holbrook, R.N., was awarded the
Victoria Cross for a conspicuous act of bravery on 13th December. On
that day he entered the Dardanelles, and, notwithstanding the difficult
current, dived his vessel under five rows of mines, and then torpedoed
the Turkish battleship _Messudiyeh_, which was guarding the mine-field.
After this exploit he brought his vessel back safely, though it was
fiercely attacked by gun fire and torpedo boats. So beset was he that on
one occasion he had to submerge the submarine for nine hours.

[Footnote 178: See map on next page.]




  CHAPTER XXXIII.

  THE BATTLE OF THE SERBIAN RIDGES.


During some hundreds of pages I have told you nothing about the part
which gallant little Serbia was playing in the great struggle. On page
76 of our second volume I briefly summed up the situation at the end of
August 1914. At that time the first Austrian invasion had failed, and
the country was almost clear of the enemy. The Austrians had suffered a
serious set-back.

Early in September they prepared a second army of invasion. Before I
follow its fortunes, I want you to look closely at the little map on the
opposite page. You notice that from the railway uniting the Lower Drina
with Shabatz on the Save, right away to the southern frontier, the
country is criss-crossed in all directions by great uplands, almost as
difficult for an army to traverse as those of Georgia. The river valleys
alone give access to the interior, and afford railway routes. There are
a few good government highways, but most of the roads are mere tracks,
which in wet weather become quagmires. When once the autumn rains set
in, the work of transport in Serbia is greatly hampered.

All the lowland parts of Serbia lie along the right bank of the Save and
the Danube. This district is open, though hilly. East of Shabatz the
lowlands form a rough triangle, with the course of the river Save as its
base, and the highland town of Valjevo, on the river Kolubara, as its
apex. It was across this triangle of easy country that the Austrians
made their second invasion.

The Serbians did not wait for the Austrian attack, but pushed over the
plain, and in the darkness of night on 6th September crossed the Save at
several points, and made a dash on the Hungarian town of Semlin,
opposite Belgrade. They occupied the place on the 10th, but were unable
to hold it, and were driven back with heavy losses into the Tser
Mountains, which you see marked on the map.

The Austrian commander-in-chief proposed to turn the Serbian left, and
at the same time hurry forward mountain troops to Valjevo, and thus cut
off the retreat of the Serbian army. During September and October
attacks and counter-attacks were constant, but neither side made much
headway. The Austrians could not drive the Serbians off the crests of
the mountains, and the Serbians could not drive back the Austrians, who
were advancing up the Drina to turn the Serbian left. At length,
however, the Serbian ammunition began to fail, and the Austrian numbers
began to tell. On 6th November the enemy won the summits of the Tser
Mountains, and the Serbians, in order to avoid being enveloped, were
forced to retreat eastwards. This they did in perfect order.

[Illustration: Map to illustrate the Campaign of November and December
1914.]

The Austrians pushed on, and occupied Valjevo on 14th November. While
the Serbians retired to the summit of a range south of Valjevo, the
invaders pillaged the whole Kolubara valley and their line of march was
marked by fire and massacre. Belgrade was abandoned, and on 2nd December
the Austrians made a state entry into the undefended capital. Telegrams
of congratulation were sent to old Franz Josef, and Vienna was full of
rejoicing. The Austrians boldly declared that the campaign was over,
that the Serbians were finally defeated, and that the fruits of victory
were about to be reaped. So certain of success was the Austrian general
that he sent back three of his corps to help his fellow-countrymen, who
were now about to begin their attack on the Carpathian passes from the
south.

For a whole fortnight the Austrians dallied in Valjevo and on the skirts
of the ridges occupied by the enemy. During this period the Serbians
were by no means idle. Every available man was brought up, gun positions
were prepared, and trenches were dug and strengthened. Best of all, the
Western Allies sent them ammunition for big guns and small arms, and
these supplies now reached the hard-pressed Serbians, despite the
efforts of Turkish and Bulgarian bands to capture them.

[Illustration]

Serbia was about to make her last stand. Everything had to be staked on
the issue of the coming battle. If the Serbians should be driven back
they would be almost certain to lose Kragujevatz,[179] their arsenal and
chief industrial centre, and without it they could scarcely continue the
struggle. They would also lose Nish, the old capital, now the sojourning
place of the government. The Serbians, however, held a very strong
position on the Maljen ridge, to the west of the main road leading from
Valjevo to Kragujevatz, and were also posted on the still higher Rudnik
ridge to the east of this road.

The plan of the enemy was to advance its centre against the Rudnik ridge
along the single-line railway which runs up the valley of the Lig, a
tributary of the Kolubara. At the same time the right was to move up the
head waters of the Kolubara and attack the Maljen ridge, while the left
was to swing round in a wide sweep, and thus enclose the Serbian army.
By 3rd December the Austrian centre had gained the western part of the
Rudnik ridge, and the wings were making good progress.

The critical hour has struck; the fate of Serbia hangs in the balance.
Old King Peter rises from a sick-bed and joins his soldiers, to die, if
need be, with them. He addresses them in burning words which recall the
speech of King Henry before Agincourt[180] and that of Robert Bruce
before Bannockburn. He recalls the bitter struggles of their
forefathers, recounts the ancient glories of their race, and paints the
bright future which waits upon victory. Thus nobly he concludes:--

    "Heroes, you have taken two oaths--one to me, your King, and the
    other to your country. I am an old, broken man, on the edge of
    the grave,[181] and I release you from your oath to me. From
    your other oath no one can release you. If you feel you cannot
    go on, go to your homes, and I pledge my word that after the
    war, if we come out of it, nothing shall happen to you. But I
    and my sons stay here."

Every Serbian feels himself uplifted by the noble words of his leader;
not a man leaves the ranks; all are ready to do and die with their king.
The weary and ragged soldiers pledge their faith anew, and steel their
hearts to sweep the cruel hordes of invaders from the soil which they
have profaned.

At sunrise on 3rd December the two centre divisions of the Serbian army
begin to advance across the bare, sharp ridges, now thinly powdered with
snow. Fog hides them from the Austrian battalions which are descending
from the plateau which they occupy to attack the Rudnik ridge. The sun
shines out and dissipates the fog. Suddenly the Serbian guns, which have
been dumb for many days, begin to speak, and the soldiers, fired with
new courage, dash forward. So fierce is the onset that the Austrians,
unable to deploy, fall into confusion. Panic seizes them, and they fly
back a terrified mob to the plateau from which they advanced a few
minutes ago full of confidence.

Fresh Austrian troops are hurried up, and for three days the battle
rages fiercely. On the afternoon of 5th December the left centre breaks,
and crowds of discomfited men stream northward down the Lig valley. The
fugitives think only of their own safety; they fling away arms and
equipment, and on the mountain roads and in the deep ravines abandon
their artillery and baggage. Then the Austrian centre suffers the same
fate, and the road to Valjevo is crowded with beaten troops hurrying
into safety. There is good news, too, from the Serbian left, where a
great victory has been won, and the enemy is in full retreat along the
head waters of the Kolubara. By the dawn of the 6th the Austrian centre
and right have everywhere given way, and the routed enemy is a mere
panic-stricken mob, hot-foot for the frontier.

The Serbians follow up the pursuit with great vigour, and sweep the
Austrians over the Drina and the Save with fearful slaughter and the
capture of thousands of prisoners and many guns. The Austrian left tries
to make a stand, but all to no purpose. It is thrust back to a position
already prepared on the crescent of hills to the south of Belgrade. Here
it holds out till the 13th, when it, too, is broken, and its remnants
strew the streets of Belgrade with rifles and equipment, and stampede
wildly over the Danube bridges whipped by the merciless flail of the
Serbian guns. A rearguard sacrifices itself in the northern suburbs to
cover the retreat, but all is over; and on the 15th old King Peter is on
his knees in the cathedral, giving thanks for the great victory
vouchsafed to his arms. A few days later, and the Serbians are able to
boast that not a single armed Austrian remains on their soil.

[Illustration: King Peter watching the Battle of the Ridges.]

[Footnote 179: _Krar-goo´ye-vatz._]




  CHAPTER XXXIV.

  THE BATTLE OFF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS.


The disastrous battle off Coronel took place on 1st November. Ten days
later, in silence and secrecy, the _Invincible_ and the _Inflexible_,
the first two battle cruisers built by Britain, left Plymouth, and
steamed at full speed across the Atlantic to the West Indies. On board
the _Invincible_ was Vice-Admiral Sir Doveton Sturdee, who was to take
command of the avenging squadron. On his voyage to the Falklands he
picked up the three armoured cruisers the _Carnarvon_, the _Kent_, and
the _Cornwall_; also the light cruiser _Bristol_, the _Glasgow_, now
repaired, and the _Macedonia_, an armed liner. He was thus in command of
a very formidable force. Each of his two battle cruisers carried eight
12-inch guns, so mounted that they could be fired on either broadside.

How to get into touch with the German squadron was the problem that
Sturdee set himself to solve. It is said that he managed it by means of
a remarkable piece of "bluff." While his ships were steaming south he
sent off a wireless message ordering the _Canopus_ to proceed to
Stanley, where she would be perfectly safe under the new guns which had
been sent out to strengthen the forts. This message was picked up by the
Germans, as it was meant to be. They believed that it was a trick
intended to mislead them as to the safety of the _Canopus_, and that all
the talk about forts and new guns was simple nonsense. But one thing the
message did tell them, and that was that the _Canopus_ was proceeding to
Stanley Harbour, where she would have only the remnants of Cradock's
beaten squadron to support her. Von Spee thought she would be an easy
prey. He therefore resolved to capture her, and while Sturdee's
squadron, all unknown to him, was speeding towards the Falkland Islands,
he headed for Cape Horn, and steered towards Stanley.

The British squadron arrived in Stanley Harbour on the morning of 7th
December, and coaling at once began. Within the inner harbour lay the
_Canopus_, _Glasgow_, and _Bristol_; in the outer gulf were the battle
cruisers and the remaining vessels of the squadron. All were perfectly
hidden from an enemy in the open sea.

At 7.30 on the morning of 8th December the look-out on Sapper's Hill
reported as follows: "Eight ships sighted about twelve miles off,
south-east, all making for Stanley." It was von Spee's squadron
descending upon Stanley to smash up the unprotected _Canopus_ and
destroy the wireless station. The German admiral proposed, when that was
done, to dash across the Atlantic to the coast of German South-West
Africa, and prevent the landing of a force from Cape Town.

Speedily the great good news that von Spee was walking straight into the
trap laid for him reached the British warships. Officers were roused
from sleep, and the flag-lieutenant of the _Invincible_, so the story
goes, dashed down to the Admiral's cabin clad only in pyjamas. Sturdee
was shaving, and he received the information with the utmost calmness.
"Well," he said drily, "you had better go and get dressed. We'll see
about it later." I hope this story is true, because it recalls the
famous incident when Drake was informed that the Spanish Armada was in
sight.

Screened by the land, Sturdee waited for the Germans to draw nearer, so
as to make victory doubly secure. At about a quarter to nine the _Kent_
steamed down the harbour, and took up a position at the entrance. The
advance ships of the enemy came boldly on, anticipating an easy victory
against the feeble force which they imagined to be in the harbour. Then
they turned broadside on, with the intention of destroying the wireless
station. Directed by officers on the hills above the town, the _Canopus_
from her moorings opened fire over the narrow neck of land, and five
shots in quick succession fell around the German ships, which
immediately hoisted their colours and wheeled round to close in with the
other three vessels of their squadron. Soon the British admiral knew
that the ships in the offing were the _Scharnhorst_, _Gneisenau_,
_Leipzig_, _Nürnberg_, and _Dresden_. He could hardly believe his good
luck. He had come out to seek this very squadron, and it had come to
find him instead.

A few minutes later the two leading cruisers of the enemy altered their
course and made directly for the harbour mouth, where the _Kent_ was
ready to engage them. Meanwhile the British battle cruisers were rapidly
raising steam by means of oil fuel, and while doing so were sending up
dense clouds of smoke with which to shroud themselves. Nearer and nearer
came the leading ships of von Spee's squadron, and soon their commanders
and crews had the surprise of their lives. They could now see the masts
and funnels of the battle cruisers, and they knew for the first time
that the British were waiting for them in great strength. Van Spee was
well aware that he could not cope with such a force. The British ships
were faster, and their guns were heavier and of longer range. He had
played into the enemy's hands, and only a miracle could save him.
Immediately the ships of his vanguard changed direction and hurried back
to their consorts.

It was a beautiful morning. The sun was bright, the sky was clear, and
the sea was calm--one of those rare days which come to the foggy,
wind-swept islands like angels' visits, few and far between. Leaving the
_Canopus_ in harbour, Admiral Sturdee about ten o'clock ordered the
chase to begin, and the _Glasgow_, followed by the _Kent_, _Invincible_,
_Cornwall_, _Inflexible_, and _Carnarvon_, steamed out to sea. The
colliers and supply ships of the German squadron at once retreated to
the south, and the _Bristol_ and _Macedonia_ followed them up. The
remainder of van Spee's ships turned tail, and at top speed hurried away
eastward. Their only hope lay in flight.

The great gray warships tore through the sunlit seas, the white foam
streaming from their bows as they furrowed the waves. The _Invincible_
and the _Inflexible_ soon drew ahead, but had to slacken off to enable
the slower cruisers to keep up with them. At about eleven o'clock the
position of the ships was as shown in the diagram on the next page.

Von Spee now saw that he was being slowly but surely overtaken, and that
he could not escape by flight. He therefore detached his three light
cruisers, the _Leipzig_, _Nürnberg_, and _Dresden_, which made off
towards the south, followed by the _Kent_, _Cornwall_, and _Glasgow_,
while the two British battle cruisers and the _Carnarvon_ steadily
gained on the _Gneisenau_ and the _Scharnhorst_. They were soon within
striking distance; 15,000 or 16,000 yards of sea separated them from the
enemy. Admiral Sturdee however, was in no hurry to engage, and ordered
his men to dinner. He even gave them time for a comfortable smoke after
their meal. Just after a quarter to one he made this signal: "Open fire
and engage the enemy."

The men flew to their stations, and with the utmost eagerness obeyed the
short, sharp orders. The ranges were signalled, the big guns were aimed,
and suddenly the air quivered with the thunder of their discharge. There
was a gleam of fire at their muzzles, followed by dense clouds of smoke,
as the shells screamed over the sea. The morning promise of a fine day
had gone. The sky became overcast, and the air was thick with a drizzle
of rain.

[Illustration: Battle off the Falkland Islands, December 8, 1914.]

We will first follow the fortunes of the British battle cruisers now
engaged in a fierce duel with the _Gneisenau_ and the _Scharnhorst_.
About two o'clock it was discovered that the British vessels were
diverging from the enemy, who, seeing this, turned to starboard, in the
hope of getting away. At once the British ships turned starboard too,
and this brought them again within effective range. The smoke was now
impeding the firing, so Admiral Sturdee worked up to top speed, and got
on the other side of the enemy, from which position the _Scharnhorst_
was pounded mercilessly. You can picture the scene for yourselves: the
roar of the guns, the scream of the shells, the loud crashes as shots
went home, the wash of the waves, the whistle of the rising breeze, the
grinding of the hydraulic machinery as the turrets swung round, the
throb of the engines--all uniting in a chorus of deafening and incessant
noise.

The _Scharnhorst_ was soon in the throes of her last agony. Clouds of
smoke rose from her, and spurts of bright flame. Shot after shot struck
her, and though she returned the fire, the British vessels were too far
away for her shells to do much damage. Her 8.2-inch guns could not cope
with the 12-inch monsters of the battle cruisers. At three o'clock
Admiral Sturdee, seeing that the end of the _Scharnhorst_ was near, sent
out this signal to his ships: "God save the King." By 3.30 the masts and
funnels of the enemy had been shot away, and at five minutes past four
she listed to port and turned bottom upwards. In a cloud of steam and
smoke she disappeared amidst the swirling waters, her propellers still
going and her flag still flying. Seven hundred and sixty brave men and
their gallant admiral had gone to their doom.

Fire was now concentrated on the _Gneisenau_, and soon she was done for.
At half-past five, when her upper works were a total wreck, when one of
her turrets had been blown overboard and flames were raging, she ceased
firing. Several times her flag had been shot away, but every time it had
been replaced. The three British vessels now closed in on her; her
engines were smashed to fragments, but with one gun she still fought on.
Soon after six o'clock she began to settle down, and Admiral Sturdee
signalled to his consorts, "Cease fire." Six hundred of her crew had
been killed, and the survivors were now lined up on deck waiting for the
end. Then she suddenly heeled over, her stern rose high in the air, and
a few moments later she too disappeared. The sea was dotted with men
battling for life amidst the waves.

An officer on board the _Invincible_ thus describes the errand of mercy
on which the British were soon engaged:--

    "Now came the awful part. The _Inflexible_, _Carnarvon_, and
    ourselves hurried up to where she had disappeared, shown by
    slightly discoloured water, and on coming up close saw a good
    amount of wreckage with men clinging to it. Never shall I forget
    it: they were mostly calling out, and it sounded like a wail to
    us. We all lowered boats as quickly as possible, and picked up
    as many as possible; but heaps must have sunk, as the water was
    40 degrees and they were all numb. It was awful being on the
    ship, because when all the boats were away they kept floating
    past, some swimming, some unconscious, just beneath the water.
    We lowered people down on bow-lines, and hauled them up the
    ship's side; some of them were quite dead when they came in.
    Altogether this ship saved about 115, of which fourteen were
    dead."

Meanwhile what had happened to the _Dresden_, _Nürnberg_, and _Leipzig_,
which were being chased by the _Glasgow_, _Kent_, and _Cornwall_? The
battle between these light cruisers was more equal than the fight which
I have just described. All day the struggle continued. The _Kent_, which
was chasing the _Nürnberg_, got far out of sight of land, and lost touch
with her consorts. It was feared that she had been lost, especially as
no reply was received to the numberless calls sent out to her. Late in
the afternoon of the next day she returned safely to Stanley with her
wireless shot away, and showing every mark of fierce combat. Her silk
ensign and Jack, presented by the ladies of the county of Kent, had been
torn to ribbons.

The _Nürnberg_ could steam a knot faster than the _Kent_, but the
British stokers and engineers worked like heroes. They piled her
furnaces high with fuel, and strained her engines to the utmost. When
the engineers reported that coal was running short, the captain replied,
"Very well, then; have a go at the boats." Accordingly the boats were
broken up, the wood was smeared with oil and passed into the furnaces.
Shortly afterwards the wooden ladders, doors, and almost everything that
would burn followed the boats. She managed to work up to 25 knots--a
knot and a half more than her registered speed--and slowly but surely
came within range of the enemy.

[Illustration: The Sinking of the Nürnberg by the British Light Cruiser
Kent.

(_Drawn by Montagu Dawson from a sketch by an eye-witness. By permission
of The Sphere._)]

The _Nürnberg_ was well fought, and the _Kent_ was hit several times. A
bursting shell set fire to some cordite charges, and a flash of flame
went down the hoist into the ammunition passage. Sergeant Charles Mayer
instantly picked up a charge of cordite and hurled it into safety. He
then seized a fire hose, and by flooding the compartment averted all
danger. But for this heroic action there would have been an explosion,
and the _Kent_ would probably have been put out of action, if not
destroyed altogether. By about seven o'clock the _Nürnberg_ was in
flames, and less than half an hour later she sank, her guns firing to
the last. As she disappeared some of her crew waved the German ensign
from the quarter-deck.

The _Glasgow_ and the _Cornwall_ came within range of the _Leipzig_
about three in the afternoon, and for six hours they engaged her. From
time to time she turned and fired a salvo at her pursuers; but though
shells fell fast and thick around the _Glasgow_, there were few
casualties, though many narrow escapes. Not till nine o'clock was the
_Leipzig_ finally disposed of. As the darkness of a wet night closed in,
she heeled over and went down. The German transports and colliers had
been sunk and their crews saved earlier in the day by the _Bristol_ and
the _Macedonia_. Of von Spee's squadron, only the _Dresden_ and the
armed liner _Eitel Friedrich_[182] remained.

The battered _Dresden_ had managed to escape early in the fight, and she
was lost sight of for many weeks. Ultimately she was cornered by the
_Kent_ and the _Cornwall_ off Juan Fernandez[183] on March 18, 1915, and
after a five minutes' action was forced to hoist the white flag. When
her crew were taken off she was in flames. Finally her magazine
exploded, and she sank.

       *     *     *     *     *

Such was the first decisive naval battle of the war. It was a triumph
not only for the officers and men of the British squadron, but also for
the Admiralty, which had so skilfully and secretly planned the whole
enterprise. The British victory was well-nigh complete; only one warship
escaped, and our loss was small. The _Invincible_ had no casualties; the
_Inflexible_ had one man killed. The _Kent_, which fought the most
stubborn engagement, lost four men killed and twelve wounded; while the
_Glasgow_ had nine killed and four wounded. The German loss was
terrible. Some 3,000 men must have perished, including von Spee and two
of his sons. Let us do honour to those of our foes who sank beneath the
waves on that dread day. "The German admiral fought as Cradock had
fought; the German sailors died as Cradock's men had died. There can be
no higher praise."

[Footnote 180: See Shakespeare's _Henry V._, Act iv., Scene 3.]

[Footnote 181: King Peter was born in 1844.]

[Footnote 182: She was afterwards interned at Newport News, on the
northern shore of the estuary of the James River, Virginia.]

[Footnote 183: Rocky island belonging to Chile, 400 miles off the coast
of that country. Alexander Selkirk lived four years on this island, and
his story formed the basis of De Foe's _Robinson Crusoe_.]




  CHAPTER XXXV.

  NAVAL RAIDS ON THE EAST COAST OF ENGLAND.


Every British boy and girl remembers Campbell's stirring lines:--[184]

  "Britannia needs no bulwarks,
     No towers along the steep;
   Her march is o'er the mountain waves,
     Her home is on the deep."

In these days of fast warships, aeroplanes, and airships, we can no
longer say that "Britannia needs no bulwarks, no towers along the
steep." While it is probably true that no invasion of Great Britain
could be successful while the British Navy remains undefeated, it is
likewise true that the Navy in war time cannot guarantee that an enemy
with bases on the North Sea will not be able to make sudden swoops upon
certain parts of the British coast. During the darkness of night or
amidst the obscurity of fog, fast warships can dash across the North
Sea, turn their guns on seaside towns for a short time, and then hurry
back to the safety of their own waters before a British fleet can catch
them. Aeroplanes and airships can also fly across by day and drop bombs
on coast towns by night. Of course, such attacks can never decide the
war. At the best they can only cause panic and spread dismay amongst the
people. The British, however, are not easily frightened or dismayed.
Those who know the British temper best will tell you that such naval
raids and air attacks can only make our people more determined than ever
to defeat the enemy.

Perhaps you think that the Navy ought to protect coast towns from sudden
raids. You must remember that the business of the Navy is to destroy the
fleets of the enemy, and that it must always be ready to give battle
whenever occasion offers. Were our warships to be strung out along the
coast for the protection of towns, they would be an easy prey; they
would be quite unable to concentrate rapidly in order to meet the enemy
when he came out in strength or to fall upon him in the open sea on his
way to or from an attack on our coasts.

During the month of October, when the German guns thundering against
Ypres could be heard across the Channel, we began to prepare seriously
against raids and even invasion. Mine fields were laid along the
threatened shores, and within easy reach of all possible landing-places
Yeomanry and Territorials were stationed, trenches were dug, wire
entanglements were erected, and anti-aircraft guns were mounted. Over
and over again there were false alarms that the enemy were coming. In
the early days of November he made his first appearance.

Late on the afternoon of 2nd November eight German warships steamed out
of the mouth of the Elbe, and cleared for action, ready for a descent
upon the east coast of England. Probably some of the many German spies
who then swarmed in the eastern counties had reported that the coast was
clear, and that a sudden swoop had every prospect of success. The
squadron consisted of the _Seydlitz_, the _Moltke_, and the _Von der
Tann_, battle cruisers; the _Bluecher_ and the _Yorck_, armoured
cruisers; and the _Kolberg_, the _Graudenz_, and the _Strassburg_, light
cruisers. All but the _Yorck_ could steam 25 knots an hour, and the
battle cruisers mounted 11-inch guns. Early on the morning of the 3rd
they ran through the nets of a fishing fleet about eight miles east of
Lowestoft, and sighted an old coast patrol boat, the _Halcyon_. Shots
were fired at her, but she managed to get away unpursued, with her
wireless apparatus, bridge and funnel damaged, and one man wounded.

By eight in the morning the German ships were ten miles off Yarmouth,
and had begun to aim their guns at the wireless station and the naval
air station. Their shells ploughed the beach or plumped harmlessly into
the sea. For a quarter of an hour they kept up their cannonade without
doing any damage. Then they retired, and while doing so threw out mines
to prevent pursuit. Later in the day a British submarine, D5, ran on one
of these mines and was blown up. Before the voyage ended the engineer
was hoisted on his own petard.[185] The _Yorck_ collided with another of
the mines, and went to the bottom with all her crew.

The destruction of von Spee's squadron off the Falkland Islands aroused
much anger and bitterness in Germany, and many Germans loudly complained
that their great and expensive fleet did nothing but skulk in its ports.
Stung by these reproaches, and eager to avenge the defeat in the
Southern Seas, the German naval authorities now prepared a raid upon the
Yorkshire coast. The distance between Heligoland and Scarborough is
about 320 miles. A ship leaving Heligoland at five in the evening, and
steaming between 20 and 25 knots an hour, can easily reach Scarborough
about eight in the morning, spend an hour in shelling the town, and be
back again at its base before midnight.

On the evening of 15th December, seven days after the Battle off the
Falkland Islands, a German raiding force steamed westward from
Heligoland. We do not yet know exactly what ships were included in it,
but probably Rear-Admiral Funke had with him most of the vessels which
took part in the former raid, as well as the _Derfflinger_. Before
daybreak, when a thick, cold mist lay low on the coast, the squadron
arrived off the mouth of the Tees. There the forces were divided. The
_Derfflinger_ and the _Von der Tann_, with another vessel, probably the
_Bluecher_, were sent north against the Hartlepools; while two light
cruisers, along with, probably, the _Seydlitz_ and the _Graudenz_,
sailed south against Scarborough.

According to the laws of war, which Germany has undertaken to recognize,
unfortified towns may not be bombarded. Nobody in his senses could
possibly call Scarborough a fortified town. On a green promontory there
are the picturesque ruins of a castle, now crumbling to decay, and
formerly there was a battery below it. But when the German ships
appeared off Scarborough, its only weapon of defence was an old
60-pounder Russian gun captured in the Crimea, and sent to the town as
an interesting relic. True, there was a wireless station on a hill
behind the town, and some battalions of the new army were in the
neighbourhood. Otherwise the Germans had not the shadow of an excuse for
attacking Scarborough.

A few minutes before eight o'clock, when the all-the-year-round bathers
were taking their morning dip, four strange warships were seen looming
through the mist, and a few moments later the booming of guns was heard.
Shells began to crash on the coastguard station and in the castle
grounds, and shortly afterwards the ships steamed in front of the town
to within five hundred yards of the shore. Quite unmolested, they
proceeded to bombard every large object within sight. The Grand Hotel
was struck by three shells; churches, public buildings, and
hospitals--one of them flying the Red Cross flag--were hit, and large
numbers of private houses were wrecked. Many shells were directed
against the wireless station and the gas works.

For forty minutes the bombardment continued, and probably some five
hundred shots were fired. Eighteen persons, chiefly women and children,
were killed, and about seventy were wounded. One house was struck by a
shell which glanced off a railway bridge about twenty yards distant. The
whole place crumpled up as though struck by a giant's hammer, and a
child of nine, another of five, the mother, and a soldier son, were
instantly killed, while the father and another son were severely
wounded. The number of narrow escapes was great. In some cases roofs
were torn off and walls crushed in, yet the occupants remained unharmed.
By a quarter to nine all was over, and the hulls of the raiding vessels
disappeared round the castle promontory.

       *     *     *     *     *

Some fifteen miles north of Scarborough is the pleasant seaside resort
of Whitby, built on both sides of the estuary of the little river Esk.
Those of you who have spent your holidays in the town will remember the
red-tiled cottages of the fishermen, the gray walls of the quays and
houses, the little bridge, and the ships sailing up the river at high
tide. Most of the town is on the West Cliff, and across the river, on a
high, treeless headland, are the roofless ruins of an abbey on the site
of an older monastic building, which has always been regarded as the
cradle of English song. It was on this spot that the first English poem
composed in England flowed from the lips of Caedmon, a humble man who,
in the seventh century, tended the cows and slept in the byre of the
monastery, which was then under the rule of the abbess Hilda. For this
reason Whitby is sacred all the world over to lovers of English
literature. This quiet seaside place, without a vestige of
fortification, was now to receive a visit of destruction from the
sailors of a nation which has always professed to reverence art,
learning, and literature.

About nine o'clock the coastguard at Whitby saw through the haze two
warships rapidly steaming up from the south. Ten minutes later they
began firing at the coastguard station on West Cliff, where many
townsfolk gathered to watch the bombardment, which continued for a
quarter of an hour. Some of the shots damaged the coastguard station,
destroyed the western gateway of the ancient abbey on the East Cliff,
and wrecked a number of private houses. Shells fell at Ruswarp, a mile
inland, and damaged a school at Meadowfield. Happily, the scholars, who
had just begun their morning lessons, were unhurt. In all, three persons
were killed and two were injured. After the bombardment the cruisers
turned northwards, and were quickly lost to view in the haze.

       *     *     *     *     *

[Illustration: The Bombardment of Hartlepool, showing shells falling on
the Battery at the end of the Pier.

(_By permission of The Illustrated London News._)]

Meanwhile the other division had visited the Hartlepools, which stand on
Tees Bay, to the north of the wide estuary of the Tees. West Hartlepool
and Hartlepool proper are really one town, with important docks and
shipbuilding yards, which at this time were busily engaged on Government
orders. The port is defended by two small batteries of 6-inch guns, so
the Germans were able to say that they were attacking a fortified place.
West Hartlepool had no defence whatever--it was without a single gun.
There were some companies of the new army in the town, and in the bay a
gunboat, a destroyer, and a submarine were stationed.

About the time when the bombardment of Scarborough began this British
flotilla encountered the _Derfflinger_, the _Von der Tann_, and the
_Bluecher_ about eight miles from the coast, on the north side of the
peninsula on which Old Hartlepool stands. The British flotilla was, of
course, hopelessly outclassed by the German cruisers, but with great
gallantry it tried to close in and torpedo the enemy. Shots were
exchanged, and the British patrol vessels were obliged to run for
safety, with some five men killed and twenty-two wounded. The German
cruisers now approached within 2¼ miles of the shore, and their guns
opened fire. At once the two batteries, which were manned by
Territorials of the Durham Garrison Artillery, who had never before
fired a shot in anger, engaged the German ships with the greatest
gallantry, and fought like veterans; but their 6-inch guns could not
cope with the 8-inch and 11-inch guns of the enemy. Shells from the
German warships burst in and around the "Heugh" battery, and killed
several men.

The _Bluecher_ now engaged the batteries while the other vessels moved
farther north, shelled Old Hartlepool, and fired over the peninsula at
West Hartlepool and the docks. Both the shore batteries claimed to have
made hits. The streets of the old town suffered greatly; many houses and
the gas works were destroyed, churches, hospitals, workhouses,
factories, schools, and private houses were struck, and one of the
shipbuilding yards was damaged. The docks, however, were untouched,
though seven ships in them were injured. The streets were full of people
when the bombardment began, and little children going to school and
mothers with babies in their arms were killed. The total death-roll was
119, including nine men of the King's forces, and over four hundred
persons were injured. Some six hundred houses were damaged or destroyed.

At 8.50 the fire ceased, and the cruisers disappeared, throwing out
mines to prevent pursuit. That night three steamers making for the port
struck some of these mines, and went down, with much loss of life.

The temper of the townsfolk was admirable. There were confusion, of
course, and some panic, but for the most part the people remained calm
and collected. The girls at the Hartlepool Telephone Exchange, for
example, worked on steadily through the cannonade. The moment the danger
was over the work of rescue and relief was begun, and the ordinary
business of the day was resumed. It is said that one old lady, hearing
the crash of the bursting shells, asked what was happening. When she was
told, she remarked, "Hey! is it only Germans? I was frightened it was
thunder!" Many of the little children who had been injured by the
bursting shells or by the fall of houses showed wonderful courage in
their agony.

Between nine and ten o'clock on that December morning the German vessels
came together again, and started on their homeward voyage. Unhappily
they managed to escape, but only by the skin of their teeth. Before the
first shell was fired our Grand Fleet knew that the German squadron was
off the Yorkshire coast, and immediately two battle cruisers and half a
dozen battleships were sent off to engage the enemy. The fog, however,
thickened as they ran south, until it stretched across the waters in a
series of belts. Nevertheless the battle cruisers came within eight
miles of the German vessels, which at once changed course. Just when it
seemed that they were at our mercy the fog grew denser, and in the
obscurity they made good their escape.

Though the German warships had escaped, they had certainly suffered. The
captain of the _Bluecher_ afterwards confessed that he had ten killed
and twenty wounded, and two guns put out of action. The _Von der Tann_
probably suffered even more severely, and the _Seydlitz_ did not go
scot-free.

When the news reached the Fatherland that a German squadron had
bombarded English coast towns and had returned in safety there was great
rejoicing. Soon, however, America and other neutral nations began to
express their horror that undefended towns should have been attacked,
and the Germans tried to excuse themselves by declaring that they had
only attacked fortified places and an important naval signal station. As
you know, the only town of the three with a semblance of defence is
Hartlepool. As a matter of fact, the Germans simply killed unarmed and
peaceful townsfolk in order to terrify the British people, and convince
them of the hopelessness of continuing the struggle with Germany. The
only result was to send a flock of recruits to the colours, and to heap
further disgrace on the German Government. Mr. Winston Churchill summed
up the situation exactly: "Whatever feats of arms the German Navy may
hereafter perform, the stigma of the baby-killers of Scarborough will
brand its officers and men while sailors sail the seas."

[Footnote 184: From _Ye Mariners of England_.]

[Footnote 185: A proverb meaning caught in his own trap. The petard was
a kind of bomb employed for blowing open gates, etc.]




  CHAPTER XXXVI.

  WINTER IN THE TRENCHES.

We must now return to the Western front and briefly follow the course of
the fighting down to the end of the year. With the failure of the
Kaiser's great and costly effort to break through the thin British lines
before Ypres the critical moment had passed. Thenceforward through the
rain and sleet and snow of winter the armies faced each other in
trenches, and though the guns were rarely silent, and there were attacks
and counter-attacks without number, nothing decisive took place. On both
sides the combatants were more anxious to make their positions secure
than to win new points of vantage.

During the closing days of November there were several gallant assaults
on the German trenches by British troops, and in some of them Victoria
Crosses were won. On the 23rd the Germans captured 800 yards of the
trenches held by the 34th Sikh Pioneers, but a desperate counter-attack
across the frosty snow in the darkness won them back again. It was in
this fighting that Naik Darwan Sing Negi, as related on page 170, won
the highest award of valour.

In December the trench fighting was keener and more frequent. In the
first days of the month the French captured the ferryman's house on the
east bank of the Ypres Canal, between Dixmude and Bixschoote. For weeks
they had striven to secure this post, and it was only won by much
bloodshed. Shortly afterwards information was received that the German
lines had been weakened by the withdrawal of troops sent to help von
Hindenburg in the East, and that a good opportunity afforded itself for
an attempt to improve the Allied position, especially where it was
weakest--that is, from Klein Zillebeke to Messines, where the Germans
were posted on low ridges which gave them good gun positions. On 14th
December at seven in the morning, our guns heavily bombarded two wooded
spurs to the north of Messines, which were then in possession of the
enemy. The Royal Scots advanced against one of these spurs, and the
Gordon Highlanders against the other; but though they showed the
greatest gallantry in the attack, only the western edge of one position
was won. Neither we nor the Germans could make headway in this
direction.

It was in the neighbourhood of La Bassée that the most extensive
operations were undertaken. On the first two days of December Maud'huy's
left wing carried the Château of Vermelles,[186] three miles south of
the canal. Guns posted at the château forced the Germans to retire
behind the railway and abandon a village. It was at once occupied, and a
gain of a mile and a half was registered.

[Illustration: The Fighting near La Bassée, December 19, 1914.]

Sir James Willcocks now decided that the time was ripe for an attack by
the Indian Corps on the advanced trenches opposite to them. Two Indian
divisions then held a position from Cuinchy[187] across the railway and
canal through Givenchy, and east of Festubert to Neuve Chapelle. The
brigade on the right attacked at 4.30 on the morning of 19th December,
and carried two lines of trenches, but found at daybreak that it had no
supports on either side. It held on until dark, when it had to retire.
The same fate overtook the brigade on the left. At first successful, it
was finally driven back to its own lines.

Next day, 20th December, the Germans attacked the whole Indian front.
Big guns and trench mortars prepared the way; then the German infantry
swarmed out of their trenches and attacked the brigade which lay north
of Givenchy. The Indians were forced to fall back, and by ten o'clock
the Germans had captured a large part of the village. Farther south our
line stood firm; but the capture of Givenchy was a serious blow, for it
formed the pivot of our front. Reinforcements were hurried up, and to
the 1st Manchesters, the 4th Suffolks, and two battalions of French
Territorials was assigned the task of recovering the lost position. At
five in the evening the Manchesters and Suffolks dashed upon the
village, retook it, and cleared the enemy out of two lines of trenches
to the north-east, though they could not dislodge them to the north.

Meanwhile General Macbean with an Indian force delivered an attack on
the German position; but it failed, and the whole of his troops were
driven back. Farther north there was serious trouble too. The advance of
the Germans north of Givenchy had exposed the right of an Indian
brigade, which included the 1st Seaforth Highlanders. All the afternoon
of the 20th the Germans shelled the Indian left fiercely, and the troops
suffered severely. Sir John French tells us that they were "pinned to
the ground by artillery fire." North of the Seaforths a battalion of the
2nd Gurkhas gave way, and though the 2nd Black Watch managed to close
the gap, there was a dint in our line which became a serious danger.

That afternoon Sir Douglas Haig was ordered to bring up the whole of the
1st Division to the support of the battered line. His troops attacked
with great vigour, and by nightfall on 21st December most of our
original trenches from Givenchy to Festubert had been won back.
Meanwhile the 2nd Brigade was fighting hard farther north, and by 10
p.m. had carried the support trenches of those from which the 2nd
Gurkhas had been driven. The fire trenches which the Gurkhas had
occupied had been utterly destroyed by the enemy's shells, and could no
longer be used. By the evening of 23rd December the whole line had been
restored, and there was no longer any immediate danger. The Indians who
had given way had only done so when worn out with two months' struggle,
and when they had lost some ten thousand men. Thanks to Sir Douglas
Haig's prompt help, the situation had been saved.

[Illustration: The Prince of Wales making a Tour of the British Lines in
Flanders.

(_Photo, Central News._)]

       *     *     *     *     *

The following Victoria Crosses were awarded for outstanding deeds of
gallantry during December 1914:--

Private Henry Howey Robson, 2nd Battalion Royal Scots (Lothian
Regiment). On December 14, 1914, near Kemmel,[188] during an attack on
the German position, Private Robson gallantly left his trench under a
very heavy fire, and brought in a wounded non-commissioned officer.
Later on he attempted the rescue of another man, and though wounded,
persevered in his efforts until a second shot rendered him helpless.
Private Robson, who belonged to South Shields, subsequently received the
freedom of his native town as a tribute to his splendid bravery.

Private James Mackenzie, 2nd Battalion Scots Guards. On the 19th
December, near Fromelles, about five miles south by west of Armentières,
a stretcher-party tried to reach a wounded man lying in front of the
German trenches, but was compelled to abandon the attempt owing to the
fierce fire of the enemy. Private Mackenzie thereupon went out in the
midst of a storm of bullets and succeeded in bringing the poor fellow
into safety. Later in the day he tried to rescue another wounded man,
but unhappily was killed in the attempt. "Greater love hath no man than
this, that a man lay down his life for his friends."

Lieutenant Philip Neame, Royal Engineers. On the same day, near Neuve
Chapelle, Lieutenant Neame, under a very heavy fire and a shower of
bombs, held back the enemy, and succeeded in rescuing all the wounded
men whom it was possible to move. For this display of courage and
devotion he was rightly awarded the highest token of valour.

Private Abraham Acton, 2nd Battalion Border Regiment, and Private James
Smith, 3rd Battalion Border Regiment. These two soldiers on 21st
December, near Fromelles, volunteered to go out and bring in a wounded
man, who for seventy-five hours had been lying exposed close to the
enemy's trenches. They succeeded in rescuing him, and later in the day
again left their trench, in order to bring another wounded man into
cover. While carrying him into safety they were under fire for a full
hour, and every moment of it they ran the risk of being shot down.

       *     *     *     *     *

On the last day of November our troops were greatly delighted to hear
that his Majesty the King had come to visit them. The Prince of Wales,
who was a student at Oxford, and an enthusiastic member of the Officers'
Training Corps when the war broke out, had already been at the front for
some months as a member of Sir John French's Staff. Britons all over the
world were delighted to know that the heir to the throne had set such a
fine example to the young manhood of the nation, and that he had thrown
himself into his military duties with great zeal and devotion. From the
moment our troops left British shores the King's thoughts had been with
them, and as soon as circumstances permitted he crossed over to France
to cheer them by his presence, to show his personal interest in their
welfare, to visit the wounded, and to pay the highest compliment in his
power to our gallant Allies. Never since George II. had fought at
Dettingen, in 1743, had a British sovereign taken his place among his
troops on the field of battle.

Accompanied by the Prince of Wales, his Majesty first visited the
hospitals, where he spoke with great sympathy to many of the wounded
men, not only British but German. Many a poor fellow lying on his couch
of suffering found himself better able to bear his pain because he knew
that his King had a kindly thought for him. His Majesty also visited the
Indian hospital, and talked with many of the men, who were delighted to
learn that in some cases he knew the circumstances under which they had
been wounded. One Sepoy sprang from his bed as his Majesty appeared, and
called out in the only English that he knew: "God save the King!"

Later on, his Majesty made a tour of the whole British front, and
inspected all the troops who were not actually in the trenches. It is
said that he also visited the bivouacs by night, and in every way made
himself acquainted with the conditions under which the men were living
and fighting. He also presented the Distinguished Service Order and
Distinguished Conduct Medals to a number of soldiers who had been
mentioned in dispatches, and conferred the Victoria Cross on some of
those who had won the award early in the war. An officer of the Royal
Engineers thus describes the inspection of his division:--

    "Punctually at 1.30 the sound of distant cheering announced the
    arrival of the King. The troops all along the road gave three
    cheers, by regiments. . . . The King then walked right round the
    line of troops, through mud and slush. I found myself bringing
    up the rear with the Prince of Wales just beside me. Not a word
    was spoken all the way round; it was really a most impressive
    sight--one of those showery days with spells of fine weather and
    blue sky; all round the field warriors with fixed bayonets and
    drawn swords; in the centre the King and his suite; and up
    above, against the blue, two British aeroplanes, purring away,
    keeping off the hostile Taubes. . . . After this inspection, the
    King presented the medals. The men came up in turn, and the King
    pinned the medal on each and said a few words to each with a
    smile; they _did_ look proud as they went away. As soon as the
    presentation was over the troops gave the 'Royal Salute, Present
    Arms,' which the King graciously acknowledged from the middle of
    the field. . . . At 2 p.m. all the guns in the line let off a
    round in his honour."

Another account tells us that the King was specially interested in the
Leicesters, who had only come out of the trenches the previous midnight.

    "They were in a lovely state of mud and unshavedness. The King
    simply revelled in them. He stopped and chatted to quite every
    one man in three, wanted to know all about trench fighting, and
    didn't seem to mind a bit their being covered in mud and
    unshaved for days. The Prince was just as interested. He
    wandered about at will, chatting with all and sundry. One man
    was wearing a pair of German boots, which interested the King
    very much. He spent quite twenty minutes with the Leicesters,
    and they deserved it. They have done splendidly all through."

During the visit the King was taken to a commanding point on the line
between Gheluvelt and Messines, from which he could see a wide stretch
of Flanders and many of the places associated with the recent fighting.
On his left he saw much-battered Ypres, and could clearly distinguish
the Cathedral and the Cloth Hall. Afterwards he saw the woods east of
Ypres, in which some of the hardest fights had been fought, and where so
many British and their brave allies rest for ever from their heroic
labours. He also met the President of the French Republic, General Foch,
and other French generals, and conferred the Order of Merit upon General
French. His final act before leaving for England was to confer the Order
of the Garter on King Albert. Belgian troops were drawn up to receive
him in the little town of Furnes, and he told them how greatly he
admired the courage and constancy which they and their King had
displayed during their terrible ordeal. So ended a visit which not only
put new heart into our men, but welded the Allies into still closer
friendship. It was felt by all who were present that the enemy's guns
would boom in vain against an alliance so strengthened by the presence
of Britain's King at the battle front.

[Illustration: "Three Cheers for the King!"

His Majesty the King, followed by the Prince of Wales and the Staff,
passing along the lines of British troops drawn up to greet him.

(_Drawn by F. Matania from a sketch by an eye-witness. By permission of
The Sphere._)]

       *     *     *     *     *

Before I close the record of the year, something must be said of the
fighting between the French and the Germans during the month of
December. We must not forget that the British then held less than
one-tenth of the Allied line in the West, and that the French trenches
extended from La Bassée to the borders of Switzerland. During December,
save for continuous sniping and artillery duels, there was little
fighting except in the Argonne, along the Moselle, and on the steeps of
the Vosges. In the Argonne, the left wing of Sarrail's army of Verdun
and the right wing of the Crown Prince's army struggled in the wooded
country between Varennes and Vienne.[189] You will remember that during
October the Germans had made a bold bid to capture this pass which
enabled Sarrail to join arms with Langle's army in Champagne.

In the wooded country, and in the hamlets north and south of the road
crossing the forest, the Germans made many attacks during the winter,
but all failed, and in the intervals the French showed that dash and
enterprise for which they have long been famous. Some day wonderful
tales will be told of scouting enterprises amidst the dark trees, where
every figure showed up against the white ground; of adventurous snipers
concealed in the branches of lofty firs; and of fierce night assaults
amidst the snowy glens and frosty ravines. Verdun was safer than ever.
Almost every week Sarrail pushed his lines out farther, till on the east
he threatened the railway by which the Germans were supplied, and they
had to build another, out of range. At some places the opposing trenches
were only twenty yards apart. The Germans still clung to the bridgehead
at St. Mihiel, on the west bank of the Meuse, but they could advance no
farther.

The army of Lorraine, strongly entrenched on the east bank of the
Moselle, not only maintained itself, but on the left wing gained ground;
while in the Vosges the Chasseurs Alpins,[190] mounted on skis, made
fierce attacks on the crests amidst the deep snow, and by their
mountaineering skill and dashing enterprise carried many of them. In
this section of the front there was no trench warfare, but open fighting
such as the French love. When they won a German signal station on one of
the crests they advanced with bugles blowing, singing the
_Marseillaise_, and carrying before them the tricolour. Over and over
again the Chasseurs, making sudden descents along mountain tracks, fell
upon the enemy, and caught him unawares. They hauled their guns into
almost impossible positions, and bombarded him from unexpected quarters.
They gave him no rest, day or night.

       *     *     *     *     *

Elsewhere, however, trench warfare was the order of the day, and
something must be said about its main features before I conclude this
volume. Let us pay a visit to the Flanders front in December. We find
that the hastily-constructed trenches of October have been turned into a
series of strong fortifications. We notice that the advanced firing line
consists for the most part of a number of short, separate trenches,[191]
each of which the enemy must win before he can advance and all of which
he cannot command by flank fire. Many of these advanced trenches, though
at least five feet deep, are not more than two or three feet wide. They
are connected with the next line of trenches by means of zigzag
communication trenches, and are but lightly held, being employed chiefly
as observation posts.

[Illustration: Christmas Greetings from the Trenches.

_Photo, Photopress._]

The stronghold of each series of trenches is the main firing trench in
which the bulk of the defenders live. These trenches are wide and deep,
and are floored with wood or hurdles. Each trench is divided into
sections by means of a wall or traverse, jutting to the rear, and
leaving but a narrow passage round it. By means of these traverses each
section of the trench becomes a separate trench, and the whole of it
cannot be enfiladed. The front towards the enemy consists of a parapet
of sand-bags with loopholes, from which the men fire. As a rule, each
trench is supplied with one or more machine guns.

In many places the trenches are so close, and so keen a watch is kept,
that it is highly dangerous for a man to show his head above the
parapet. The enemy is observed through an arrangement of mirrors called
a periscope. Some of the main trenches are roofed to afford head cover,
and in the walls or in pits a little to the rear are the
"dug-outs"--that is, caves into which the men retire to sleep or to take
shelter when the shelling becomes hot. Some distance in front of the
parapet there is a strong wire entanglement. If the wire has not been
previously destroyed by artillery fire, it must be cut before the enemy
can get into the trench itself.

You notice that the trenches are not a fixture. Both sides "sap" towards
their opponents' line, and drive mines forward until they are close to,
or even under, the opposite trenches. In these mines charges are fired,
and if successful, part of the trenches is blown in, and an infantry
attack follows. More than once the miners of one side have found
themselves separated from the miners of the other side by a mere wall of
soil. Then there is feverish haste to fire a charge before the other
side can do so.

All through the day "snipers" are busy on both sides. They occupy pits,
or craters made by shells, or ensconce themselves in ruins, or hide
amidst the branches of trees, and try to pick off all opponents who show
themselves. At night patrols steal out to the "No Man's Land" between
the lines, and sometimes fall in with an enemy patrol and rush it with
the bayonet. What are called "listening patrols" creep as near as
possible to the opposite trenches, and try to overhear conversation,
and find out what is going on in the enemy's lines. Each side burns
flares to light up the darkness and make visible all movements in "No
Man's Land."

[Illustration: Bomb-throwers at Work.

_By permission of The Sphere._]

In this war every device which science can suggest is in use. In trench
fighting, however, we have gone back to the ways of our forefathers.
Mortars are employed to throw bombs into the enemy's trenches, and hand
grenades, such as those used by the earliest grenadiers, are flung by
each side. A correspondent of the _Times_ thus describes the
bomb-throwers:--

    "Around their middle they carry some twenty or thirty bombs,
    little cylinders fastened on a long stick, around which fall
    streamers of ribbon. The clothing of ribbons suggests a mixed
    breed of Scotsmen and Red Indians who have taken to wearing the
    Red Indian head-dress as a kilt. In action they are stranger
    still. Crouching down among the barbed wire, the bombers, with
    their supporting infantrymen with fixed bayonets, raise
    themselves a little from the earth, and seizing one of these
    rocket-like bombs from their belts, grasp it by the stick and
    hurl it high above the parapet. It twists and travels
    uncertainly through the air, and then finally the streamers
    settle it in its flight, and it plunges straight as a plumb line
    down into the trench. There is a noise as though a gigantic
    Chinese cracker were jumping along the zigzag trench, and clouds
    of greenish smoke rise up, through which hurtle lumps of earth
    and stone and fragments of the outer iron ring of the bomb which
    constitute its shrapnel."[192]

Life in the trenches must always be uncomfortable, and may be very
trying indeed. During the winter West Flanders was a huge bog; the
canals and rivers overflowed their banks, and many of the trenches were
always knee-deep in slime and icy water. Large numbers of our men
suffered from frost-bite in the feet. Though they were clad in sheepskin
coats, and everything possible was done for their comfort, they had to
bear trials and hardships such as few troops have ever endured before.
The cheerfulness of our men during those bitter, dreary, and trying days
was amazing. The British food supplies were excellent and unfailing.
Never before has an army been fed so well. Arrangements were also made
for giving the men a hot bath and a change of clothing when they
returned from the trenches to their billets in the villages behind the
firing line.

       *     *     *     *     *

So the year wore on, and the season of "peace and good will towards men"
arrived. On Christmas Eve a hard frost set in, and Christmas Day broke
cold and misty. On that morning every officer and man in the field
received a card from the King and the Queen, bearing portraits of their
Majesties, and this greeting copied from the King's own handwriting:
"With our best wishes for Christmas, 1914. May God protect you and bring
you home safe.--Mary R. George R. I." The special card for the sick and
wounded bore these words: "May you soon be restored to health." From
Princess Mary's Soldiers' and Sailors' Christmas Fund came a box with an
embossed cover, and inside a small gilt casket, containing a photograph
of the Princess, and a card on which was printed: "With best wishes for
a Happy Christmas and a Victorious New Year from Princess Mary and
friends at home." Smokers found a pipe, an ounce of tobacco, and a
packet of cigarettes in the box; while non-smokers discovered a supply
of chocolate. An immense number of parcels containing other Christmas
gifts also arrived, and everywhere Christmas fare was abundant.

Strange scenes were witnessed in parts of the firing line during the
festive season. A member of the London Rifle Brigade says:--

    "We had rather an interesting time in the trenches on Christmas
    Eve and Christmas Day. We were in places less than 100 yards
    from the Germans, and held conversation with them across. It was
    agreed in our part of the firing line that there should be no
    firing and no thought of war on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day,
    so they sang and played to us several of their own tunes, and
    some of ours, such as 'Home, Sweet Home,' 'Tipperary,' etc.,
    while we did the same for them. The regiment on our left all got
    out of their trenches, and every time a flare went up they
    simply stood there, cheered, and waved their hats, and not a
    shot was fired on them. The singing and playing continued all
    night, and the next day (Christmas) our fellows paid a visit to
    the German trenches, and they did likewise. Cigarettes, cigars,
    addresses, etc., were exchanged, and every one, friend and foe,
    were real good pals. One of the German officers took a photo of
    English and German soldiers arm in arm with exchanged caps and
    helmets.

    "On Christmas Eve the Germans burned coloured lights and candles
    along the top of their trenches, and on Christmas Day a football
    match was played between them and us in front of the trench.
    They even allowed us to bury all our dead lying in front, and
    some of them, with hats in hand, brought in one of our dead
    officers from behind their trench, so that we could bury him
    decently. They were really magnificent in the whole thing and
    jolly good sorts. I have now a very different opinion of the
    Germans. Both sides have started the firing, and are already
    enemies again. Strange it all seems, doesn't it?"

So with a soldiers' truce ended the first five months of the war. In the
West, deadlock had set in; Allies and Germans were facing each other
over a front of well-nigh five hundred miles from the sodden fields of
Flanders to within sight of Alpine snows, winning here and losing there
a few yards of fiercely-contested ground, and enduring with what
patience they could command the icy showers and the biting frost of
winter. In the East, from the East Prussian wilderness of lake and
morass to the wind-swept passes of the Carpathians, there was the same
deadlock. On both of the main fronts of war the forces of the Central
Powers were held up, and their dream of a swift and easy conquest had
vanished. Nevertheless, with nearly all Belgium, a large part of
industrial France, and a considerable portion of Russian Poland in their
possession, they felt confident, at least, of an advantageous peace.

Amongst the Allies, however, there was no thought of peace. Unprepared
for war, they had, nevertheless, foiled the first and most dangerous
onslaught of a foe that, according to all the rules, should have swept
them away like chaff before the wind. They had gained time in which to
make up for their lack of readiness, and they now began to realize that
they must put forth every effort if they were to defeat the mighty
forces arrayed against them.

In Britain men flocked to the colours, and on every open space in the
country drilling was going on. Already we had a million men in arms, and
within six months we hoped to put double that number into the field.
Time was with us. Every day saw us growing greater in men and resources,
while every day the enemy was bound to decline in strength. So the
Allies, strong in friendship and undaunted by their heavy losses, faced
the future with unshaken courage and undaunted hope. "We shall never
sheathe the sword, which we have not lightly drawn," said the Prime
Minister, "until Belgium recovers in full measure all, and more than
all, that she has sacrificed, until France is safe against the fear of
invasion, until the rights of the small nations of Europe are placed on
an unshakable foundation, and until the military tyranny of Prussia is
wholly and finally destroyed." Such was the determination of Britons all
over the world at the close of the year 1914.

[Footnote 186: _Ver-mell´._]

[Footnote 187: _Quin´she._]

[Footnote 188: Five miles south-south-west of Ypres.]

[Footnote 189: See Vol. II., p. 281.]

[Footnote 190: French soldiers specially trained for fighting in the
Alps. They are splendid mountaineers, and were quite at home on the high
crests of the Vosges.]

[Footnote 191: See diagram, p. 128.]

[Footnote 192: Sometimes bombs are made in a rough-and-ready fashion out
of jam-pots and bully beef tins charged with explosives and loaded with
stones or scraps of iron.]


  END OF VOLUME III.


  PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN.


  =Transcriber's Notes:=
   hyphenation, spelling and grammar have been preserved as in
    the original
  Page   1, Pas de Calais ==> Pas-de-Calais [Ed. for consistency]
  Page  29, Pas de Calais ==> Pas-de-Calais [Ed. for consistency]
  Page  38, Book VI., Chaps. ==> Book VI., (Chaps.
  Page  59, A Pont Fixe ==> At Pont Fixe
  Page  62, Wilcocks ==> Willcocks
  Page 109, Zandevoorde ==> Zandvoorde
  Page 150, June 5, 1900 ==> June 5, 1900.
  Page 163, decent sort of way ==> decent sort of way.
  Page 198, See p. 173 ==> See p. 173.
  Page 228, garrison at Przemsyl ==> garrison at Przemysl
  Page 264, Tsingtau ==> Tsing-tau [Ed. for consistency]








*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CHILDRENS' STORY OF THE WAR, VOLUME 3 (OF 10) ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.