The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Native Races, Volume 1, Wild Tribes, by Hubert Howe Bancroft.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1882, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

PREFACE.

In pursuance of a general plan involving the production of a series of works on the western half of North America, I present this delineation of its aboriginal inhabitants as the first. To the immense territory bordering on the western ocean from Alaska to Darien, and including the whole of Mexico and Central America, I give arbitrarily, for want of a better, the name Pacific States. Stretching almost from pole to equator, and embracing within its limits nearly one tenth of the earth's surface, this last Western Land offers to lovers of knowledge a new and enticing field; and, although hitherto its several parts have been held somewhat asunder by the force of circumstances, yet are its occupants drawn by nature into nearness of relationship, and will be brought yet nearer by advancing civilization; the common oceanic highway on the one side, and the great mountain ramparts on the other, both tending to this result. The characteristics of this vast domain, material and social, are comparatively unknown and are essentially peculiar. To its exotic civilization all the so-called older nations of the world have contributed of their energies; and this composite mass, leavened by its destiny, is now working out the new problem of its future. The modern history of this West antedates that of the East by over a century, and although there may be apparent heterogeneity viii in the subject thus territorially treated, there is an apparent tendency toward ultimate unity.

To some it may be of interest to know the nature and extent of my resources for writing so important a series of works. The books and manuscripts necessary for the task existed in no library in the world; hence, in 1859, I commenced collecting material relative to the Pacific States. After securing everything within my reach in America, I twice visited Europe, spending about two years in thorough researches in England and the chief cities of the Continent. Having exhausted every available source, I was obliged to content myself with lying in wait for opportunities. Not long afterward, and at a time when the prospect of materially adding to my collection seemed anything but hopeful, the Biblioteca Imperial de Méjico, of the unfortunate Maximilian, collected during a period of forty years by Don José María Andrade, litterateur and publisher of the city of Mexico, was thrown upon the European market and furnished me about three thousand additional volumes.

In 1869, having accumulated some sixteen thousand books, manuscripts, and pamphlets, besides maps and cumbersome files of Pacific Coast journals, I determined to go to work. But I soon found that, like Tantalus, while up to my neck in water, I was dying of thirst. The facts which I required were so copiously diluted with trash, that to follow different subjects through this trackless sea of erudition, in the exhaustive manner I had proposed, with but one life-time to devote to the work, was simply impracticable. In this emergency my friend, Mr Henry L. Oak, librarian of the collection, came to my relief. After many consultations, and not a few partial failures, a system of indexing the ix subject-matter of the whole library was devised, sufficiently general to be practicable, and sufficiently particular to direct me immediately to all my authorities on any given point. The system, on trial, stands the test, and the index when completed, as it already is for the twelve hundred authors quoted in this work, will more than double the practical value of the library.

Of the importance of the task undertaken, I need not say that I have formed the highest opinion. At present the few grains of wheat are so hidden by the mountain of chaff as to be of comparatively little benefit to searchers in the various branches of learning; and to sift and select from this mass, to extract from bulky tome and transient journal, from the archives of convent and mission, facts valuable to the scholar and interesting to the general reader; to arrange these facts in a natural order, and to present them in such a manner as to be of practical benefit to inquirers in the various branches of knowledge, is a work of no small import and responsibility. And though mine is the labor of the artisan rather than that of the artist, a forging of weapons for abler hands to wield, a producing of raw materials for skilled mechanics to weave and color at will; yet, in undertaking to bring to light from sources innumerable essential facts, which, from the very shortness of life if from no other cause, must otherwise be left out in the physical and social generalizations which occupy the ablest minds, I feel that I engage in no idle pastime.

A word as to the Nations of which this work is a description, and my method of treating the subject. Aboriginally, for a savage wilderness, there was here a dense population; particularly south of the thirtieth parallel, x and along the border of the ocean north of that line. Before the advent of Europeans, this domain counted its aborigines by millions; ranked among its people every phase of primitive humanity, from the reptile-eating cave-dweller of the Great Basin, to the Aztec and Maya-Quiché civilization of the southern table-land,—a civilization, if we may credit Dr Draper, "that might have instructed Europe," a culture wantonly crushed by Spain, who therein "destroyed races more civilized than herself."

Differing among themselves in minor particulars only, and bearing a general resemblance to the nations of eastern and southern America; differing again, the whole, in character and cast of features from every other people of the world, we have here presented hundreds of nations and tongues, with thousands of beliefs and customs, wonderfully dissimilar for so segregated a humanity, yet wonderfully alike for the inhabitants of a land that comprises within its limits nearly every phase of climate on the globe. At the touch of European civilization, whether Latin or Teutonic, these nations vanished; and their unwritten history, reaching back for thousands of ages, ended. All this time they had been coming and going, nations swallowing up nations, annihilating and being annihilated, amidst human convulsions and struggling civilizations. Their strange destiny fulfilled, in an instant they disappear; and all we have of them, besides their material relics, is the glance caught in their hasty flight, which gives us a few customs and traditions, and a little mythological history.

To gather and arrange in systematic compact form all that is known of these people; to rescue some facts, xi perhaps, from oblivion, to bring others from inaccessible nooks, to render all available to science and to the general reader, is the object of this work. Necessarily some parts of it may be open to the charge of dryness; I have not been able to interlard my facts with interesting anecdotes for lack of space, and I have endeavored to avoid speculation, believing, as I do, the work of the collector and that of the theorizer to be distinct, and that he who attempts to establish some pet conjecture while imparting general information, can hardly be trusted for impartial statements. With respect to the territorial divisions of the first volume, which is confined to the Wild Tribes, and the necessity of giving descriptions of the same characteristics in each, there may be an appearance of repetition; but I trust this may be found more apparent than real. Although there are many similar customs, there are also many minor differences, and, as one of the chief difficulties of this volume was to keep it within reasonable limits, no delineation has been repeated where a necessity did not appear to exist. The second volume, which treats of the Civilized Nations, offers a more fascinating field, and with ample space and all existing authorities at hand, the fault is the writer's if interest be not here combined with value. As regards Mythology, Languages, Antiquities, and Migrations, of which the three remaining volumes treat, it has been my aim to present clearly and concisely all knowledge extant on these subjects; and the work, as a whole, is intended to embody all facts that have been preserved concerning these people at the time of their almost simultaneous discovery and disappearance. It will be noticed that I have said little of the natives or their deeds since the coming of the Europeans; xii of their wars against invaders and among themselves; of repartimientos, presidios, missions, reservations, and other institutions for their conquest, conversion, protection, or oppression. My reason for this is that all these things, so far as they have any importance, belong to the modern history of the country and will receive due attention in a subsequent work.

In these five volumes, besides information acquired from sources not therein named, are condensed the researches of twelve hundred writers, a list of whose works, with the edition used, is given in this volume. I have endeavored to state fully and clearly in my text the substance of the matter, and in reaching my conclusions to use due discrimination as to the respective value of different authorities. In the notes I give liberal quotations, both corroborative of the text, and touching points on which authors differ, together with complete references to all authorities, including some of little value, on each point, for the use of readers or writers who may either be dissatisfied with my conclusions, or may wish to investigate any particular branch of the subject farther than my limits allow.

I have given full credit to each of the many authors from whom I have taken material, and if, in a few instances, a scarcity of authorities has compelled me to draw somewhat largely on the few who have treated particular points, I trust I shall be pardoned in view of the comprehensive nature of the work. Quotations are made in the languages in which they are written, and great pains has been taken to avoid mutilation of the author's words. As the books quoted form part of my private library, I have been able, by comparison with the originals, to carefully verify all references after xiii they were put in type; hence I may confidently hope that fewer errors have crept in than are usually found in works of such variety and extent.

The labor involved in the preparation of these volumes will be appreciated by few. That expended on the first volume alone, with all the material before me, is more than equivalent to the well-directed efforts of one person for ten years. In the work of selecting, sifting, and arranging my subject-matter, I have called in the aid of a large corps of assistants, and, while desiring to place on no one but myself any responsibility for the work, either in style or matter, I would render just acknowledgment for the services of all; especially to the following gentlemen, for the efficient manner in which, each in his special department, they have devoted their energies and abilities to the carrying out of my plan;—to Mr T. Arundel-Harcourt, in the researches on the manners and customs of the Civilized Nations; to Mr Walter M. Fisher, in the investigation of Mythology; to Mr Albert Goldschmidt, in the treatise on Language; and to Mr Henry L. Oak, in the subject of Antiquities and Aboriginal History.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

CHAPTER I.

ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

Facts and Theories—Hypotheses concerning Origin—Unity of Race—Diversity of Race—Spontaneous Generation—Origin of Animals and Plants—Primordial Centres of Population—Distribution of Plants and Animals—Adaptability of Species to Locality—Classification of Species—Ethnological Tests—Races of the Pacific—First Intercourse with Europeans.

Facts are the raw material of science. They are to philosophy and history, what cotton and iron are to cloth and steam-engines. Like the raw material of the manufacturer, they form the bases of innumerable fabrics, are woven into many theories finely spun or coarsely spun, which wear out with time, become unfashionable, or else prove to be indeed true and fit, and as such remain. This raw material of the scholar, like that of the manufacturer, is always a staple article; its substance never changes, its value never diminishes; whatever may be the condition of society, or howsoever advanced the mind, it is indispensable. Theories may be only for the day, but facts are for all time and for all science. When we remember that the sum of all knowledge is but the sum of ascertained facts, and that every new 2 fact brought to light, preserved, and thrown into the general fund, is so much added to the world's store of knowledge,—when we consider that, broad and far as our theories may reach, the realm of definite, tangible, ascertained truth is still of so little extent, the importance of every never-so-insignificant acquisition is manifest. Compare any fact with the fancies which have been prevalent concerning it, and consider, I will not say their relative brilliance, but their relative importance. Take electricity, how many explanations have been given of the lightning and the thunder, yet there is but one fact; the atmosphere, how many howling demons have directed the tempest, how many smiling deities moved in the soft breeze. For the one all-sufficient First Cause, how many myriads of gods have been set up; for every phenomenon how many causes have been invented; with every truth how many untruths have contended, with every fact how many fancies. The profound investigations of latter-day philosophers are nothing but simple and laborious inductions from ascertained facts, facts concerning attraction, polarity, chemical affinity and the like, for the explanation of which there are countless hypotheses, each hypothesis involving multitudes of speculations, all of which evaporate as the truth slowly crystallizes. Speculation is valuable to science only as it directs the mind into otherwise-undiscoverable paths; but when the truth is found, there is an end to speculation.

So much for facts in general; let us now look for a moment at the particular class of facts of which this work is a collection.

The tendency of philosophic inquiry is more and more toward the origin of things. In the earlier stages of intellectual impulse, the mind is almost wholly absorbed in ministering to the necessities of the present; next, the mysterious uncertainty of the after life provokes inquiry, and contemplations of an eternity of the future command attention; but not until knowledge is well advanced 3 does it appear that there is likewise an eternity of the past worthy of careful scrutiny,—without which scrutiny, indeed, the eternity of the future must forever remain a sealed book. Standing as we do between these two eternities, our view limited to a narrow though gradually widening horizon, as nature unveils her mysteries to our inquiries, an infinity spreads out in either direction, an infinity of minuteness no less than an infinity of immensity; for hitherto, attempts to reach the ultimate of molecules, have proved as futile as attempts to reach the ultimate of masses. Now man, the noblest work of creation, the only reasoning creature, standing alone in the midst of this vast sea of undiscovered truth,—ultimate knowledge ever receding from his grasp, primal causes only thrown farther back as proximate problems are solved,—man, in the study of mankind, must follow his researches in both of these directions, backward as well as forward, must indeed derive his whole knowledge of what man is and will be from what he has been. Thus it is that the study of mankind in its minuteness assumes the grandest proportions. Viewed in this light there is not a feature of primitive humanity without significance; there is not a custom or characteristic of savage nations, however mean or revolting to us, from which important lessons may not be drawn. It is only from the study of barbarous and partially cultivated nations that we are able to comprehend man as a progressive being, and to recognize the successive stages through which our savage ancestors have passed on their way to civilization. With the natural philosopher, there is little thought as to the relative importance of the manifold works of creation. The tiny insect is no less an object of his patient scrutiny, than the wonderful and complex machinery of the cosmos. The lower races of men, in the study of humanity, he deems of as essential importance as the higher; our present higher races being but the lower types of generations yet to come.

Hence, if in the following pages, in the array of 4 minute facts incident to the successive peoples of which we speak, some of them appear small and unworthy of notice, let it be remembered that in nature there is no such thing as insignificance; still less is there anything connected with man unworthy of our most careful study, or any peculiarity of savagism irrelevant to civilization.

Different schools of naturalists maintain widely different opinions regarding the origin of mankind. Existing theories may be broadly divided into three categories; in the first two of which man is considered as a special creation, and in the third as a natural development from some lower type. The special-creation school is divided on the question of unity or diversity of race. The first party holds by the time-honored tradition, that all the nations of the earth are descended from a single human pair; the second affirms, that by one creative act were produced several special creations, each separate creation being the origin of a race, and each race primordially adapted to that part of the globe which it now inhabits. The third theory, that of the development school, denies that there ever were common centres of origin in organic creation; but claims that plants and animals generate spontaneously, and that man is but the modification of some preexisting animal form.

The first hypothesis, the doctrine of the monogenists, is ably supported by Latham, Prichard, and many other eminent ethnologists of Europe, and is the favorite opinion of orthodox thinkers throughout Christendom. The human race, they say, having sprung from a single pair, constitutes but one stock, though subject to various modifications. Anatomically, there is no difference between a Negro and a European. The color of the skin, the texture of the hair, the convolutions of the brain, and all other peculiarities, may be attributed to heat, moisture, and food. Man, though capable of subduing the world to himself, and of making his home under climates and circumstances the most diverse, is none the 5 less a child of nature, acted upon and molded by those conditions which he attempts to govern. Climate, periodicities of nature, material surroundings, habits of thought and modes of life, acting through a long series of ages, exercise a powerful influence upon the human physical organization; and yet man is perfectly created for any sphere in which he may dwell; and is governed in his condition by choice rather than by coercion. Articulate language, which forms the great line of demarcation between the human and the brute creation, may be traced in its leading characteristics to one common source. The differences between the races of men are not specific differences. The greater part of the flora and fauna of America, those of the circumpolar regions excepted, are essentially dissimilar to those of the old world; while man in the new world, though bearing traces of high antiquity, is specifically identical with all the races of the earth. It is well known that the hybrids of plants and of animals do not possess the power of reproduction, while in the intermixture of the races of men no such sterility of progeny can be found; and therefore, as there are no human hybrids, there are no separate human races or species, but all are one family. Besides being consistent with sound reasoning, this theory can bring to its support the testimony of the sacred writings, and an internal evidence of a creation divine and spiritual, which is sanctioned by tradition, and confirmed by most philosophic minds. Man, unlike animals, is the direct offspring of the Creator, and as such he alone continues to derive his inheritance from a divine source. The Hebraic record, continue the monogenists, is the only authentic solution of the origin of all things; and its history is not only fully sustained by science, but it is upheld by the traditions of the most ancient barbarous nations, whose mythology strikingly resembles the Mosaic account of the creation, the deluge, and the distribution of peoples. The Semitic family alone were civilized from the beginning. A peculiar 6 people, constantly upheld by special act of Providence from falling into paganism, they alone possessed a true knowledge of the mystery of creation. A universal necessity for some form of worship, a belief inherent in all mankind, in an omnipotent deity and a life beyond the grave, point to a common origin and prophesy a common destiny. This much for the monogenists.

The second hypothesis, that of the polygenists, holds that there was not one only, but several independent creations, each giving birth to the essential, unchangeable peculiarities of a separate race; thus constituting a diversity of species with primeval adaptation to their geographical distribution. Morton, Agassiz, Gliddon, and others in America, stand sponsors for this theory. The physiological differences of race, they say, which separate mankind into classes, do not result from climatic surroundings, but are inherited from original progenitors. They point to marked characteristics in various peoples which have remained unchanged for a period of four thousand years. In place of controverting divine revelation, they claim that Mosaic history is the history of a single race, and not the history of all mankind; that the record itself contains an implied existence of other races; and that the distribution of the various species or races of men, according to their relative organisms, was part of the creative act, and of no less importance than was the act of creation.

The third hypothesis, derived mainly from the writings of Lamarck, Darwin, and Huxley, is based upon the principle of evolution. All existing species are developments of some preëxisting form, which in like manner descended by true generation from a form still lower. Man, say they, bears no impress of a divine original that is not common to brutes; he is but an animal, more perfectly developed through natural and sexual selection. Commencing with the spontaneous generation of the lowest types of vegetable and animal life,—as the accumulation of mold upon food, the swarming of maggots in meat, 7 the infusorial animalcules in water, the generation of insect life in decaying vegetable substances,—the birth of one form arising out of the decay of another, the slow and gradual unfolding from a lower to a higher sphere, acting through a long succession of ages, culminate in the grandeur of intellectual manhood. Thus much for this life, while the hope of a like continued progress is entertained for the life to come. While the tendency of variety in organic forms is to decrease, argue these latter-day naturalists, individuals increase in a proportion greater than the provisional means of support. A predominating species, under favorable circumstances, rapidly multiplies, crowding out and annihilating opposing species. There is therefore a constant struggle for existence in nature, in which the strongest, those best fitted to live and improve their species, prevail; while the deformed and ill-favored are destroyed. In courtship and sexual selection the war for precedence continues. Throughout nature the male is the wooer; he it is who is armed for fight, and provided with musical organs and ornamental appendages, with which to charm the fair one. The savage and the wild beast alike secure their mate over the mangled form of a vanquished rival. In this manner the more highly favored of either sex are mated, and natural selections made, by which, better ever producing better, the species in its constant variation is constantly improved. Many remarkable resemblances may be seen between man and the inferior animals. In embryonic development, in physical structure, in material composition and the function of organs, man and animals are strikingly alike. And, in the possession of that immaterial nature which more widely separates the human from the brute creation, the 'reasonable soul' of man is but an evolution from brute instincts. The difference in the mental faculties of man and animals is immense; but the high culture which belongs to man has been slowly developed, and there is plainly a wider separation between the mental power of the lowest 8 zoöphyte and the highest ape, than between the most intellectual ape and the least intellectual man. Physically and mentally, the man-like ape and the ape-like man sustain to each other a near relationship; while between the mammal and the mollusk there exists the greatest possible dissimilarity. Articulate language, it is true, acting upon the brain, and in turn being acted upon to the improvement of both, belongs only to man; yet animals are not devoid of expedients for expressing feeling and emotion. It has been observed that no brute ever fashioned a tool for a special purpose; but some animals crack nuts with a stone, and an accidentally splintered flint naturally suggests itself as the first instrument of primeval man. The chief difficulty lies in the high state of moral and intellectual power which may be attained by man; yet this same progressive principle is likewise found in brutes. Nor need we blush for our origin. The nations now most civilized were once barbarians. Our ancestors were savages, who, with tangled hair, and glaring eyes, and blood-besmeared hands, devoured man and beast alike. Surely a respectable gorilla lineage stands no unfavorable comparison.

Between the first and the last of these three rallying points, a whole continent of debatable land is spread, stretching from the most conservative orthodoxy to the most scientific liberalism. Numberless arguments may be advanced to sustain any given position; and not unfrequently the same analogies are brought forward to prove propositions directly oppugnant. As has been observed, each school ranks among its followers the ablest men of science of the day. These men do not differ in minor particulars only, meeting in general upon one broad, common platform; on the contrary, they find themselves unable to agree as touching any one thing, except that man is, and that he is surrounded by those climatic influences best suited to his organization. Any one of these theories, if substantiated, is the death-blow 9 of the others. The first denies any diversity of species in creation and all immutability of race; the second denies a unity of species and the possibility of change in race; the third denies all special acts of creation and, like the first, all immutability of race.

The question respecting the origin of animals and plants has likewise undergone a similar flux of beliefs, but with different result. Whatever the conclusions may be with regard to the origin of man, naturalists of the present day very generally agree, that there was no one universal centre of propagation for plants and animals; but that the same conditions of soil, moisture, heat, and geographical situation, always produce a similarity of species; or, what is equivalent, that there were many primary centres, each originating species, which spread out from these centres and covered the earth. This doctrine was held by early naturalists to be irreconcilable with the Scripture account of the creation, and was therefore denounced as heretical. Linnæus and his contemporaries drew up a pleasing picture, assigning the birth-place of all forms of life to one particular fertile spot, situated in a genial climate, and so diversified with lofty mountains and declivities, as to present all the various temperatures requisite for the sustenance of the different species of animal and vegetable life. The most exuberant types of flora and fauna are found within the tropical regions, decreasing in richness and profusion towards either pole; while man in his greatest perfection occupies the temperate zone, degenerating in harmony of features, in physical symmetry, and in intellectual vigor in either direction. Within this temperate zone is placed the hypothetical cradle of the human race, varying in locality according to religion and tradition. The Caucasians are referred for their origin to Mount Caucasus, the Mongolians to Mount Altai, and the Africans to Mount Atlas. Three primordial centres of population have been assigned to the three sons of Noah,—Arabia, the Semitic; India, the Japetic; and Egypt, the Hamitic 10 centre. Thibet, and the mountains surrounding the Gobi desert, have been designated as the point from which a general distribution was made; while the sacred writings mention four rich and beautiful valleys, two of which are watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, as the birth-place of man. It was formerly believed that in the beginning, the primeval ocean covered the remaining portion of the globe, and that from this central spot the waters receded, thereby extending the limits of terrestrial life.

Admitting the unity of origin, conjecture points with apparent reason to the regions of Armenia and of Iran, in western Asia, as the cradle of the human race. Departing from this geographical centre, in the directions of the extremities of the continent, the race at first degenerated in proportion to distance. Civilization was for many ages confined within these central limits, until by slow degrees, paths were marked out to the eastward and to the westward, terminating the one upon the eastern coast of Asia, and the other upon the American shores of the Pacific.

Concerning the distribution of plants and animals, but one general opinion is now sustained with any degree of reason. The beautifully varied systems of vegetation with which the habitable earth is clothed, springing up in rich, spontaneous abundance; the botanical centres of corresponding latitudes producing resemblance in genera without identity of species; their inability to cross high mountains or wide seas, or to pass through inhospitable zones, or in any way to spread far from the original centre,—all show conclusively the impossibility that such a multitude of animal and vegetable tribes, with characters so diverse, could have derived their origin from the same locality, and disappearing entirely from their original birth-place, sprung forth in some remote part of the globe. Linnæus, and many others of his time, held that all telluric tribes, in common with mankind, sprang from a single pair, and descended from the stock which was preserved by Noah. Subsequently this opinion was 11 modified, giving to each species an origin in some certain spot to which it was particularly adapted by nature; and it was supposed that from these primary centres, through secondary causes, there was a general diffusion throughout the surrounding regions.

A comparison of the entomology of the old world and the new, shows that the genera and species of insects are for the most part peculiar to the localities in which they are found. Birds and marine animals, although unrestricted in their movements, seldom wander far from specific centres. With regard to wild beasts, and the larger animals, insurmountable difficulties present themselves; so that we may infer that the systems of animal life are indigenous to the great zoölogical provinces where they are found.

On the other hand, the harmony which exists between the organism of man and the methods by which nature meets his requirements, tends conclusively to show that the world in its variety was made for man, and that man is made for any portion of the earth in which he may be found. Whencesoever he comes, or howsoever he reaches his dwelling-place, he always finds it prepared for him. On the icy banks of the Arctic Ocean, where mercury freezes and the ground never softens, the Eskimo, wrapped in furs, and burrowing in the earth, revels in grease and train-oil, sustains vitality by eating raw flesh and whale-fat; while the naked inter-tropical man luxuriates in life under a burning sun, where ether boils and reptiles shrivel upon the hot stone over which they attempt to crawl. The watery fruit and shading vegetation would be as useless to the one, as the heating food and animal clothing would be to the other.

The capability of man to endure all climates, his omnivorous habits, and his powers of locomotion, enable him to roam at will over the earth. He was endowed with intelligence wherewith to invent methods of migration and means of protection from unfavorable climatic influence, and with capabilities for existing in almost 12 any part of the world; so that, in the economy of nature the necessity did not exist with regard to man for that diversity of creation which was deemed requisite in the case of plants and animals.

The classification of man into species or races, so as to be able to designate by his organization the family to which he belongs, as well as the question of his origin, has been the subject of great diversity of opinion from the fact that the various forms so graduate into each other, that it is impossible to determine which is species and which variety. Attempts have indeed been made at divisions of men into classes according to their primeval and permanent physiological structure, but what uniformity can be expected from such a classification among naturalists who cannot so much as agree what is primeval and what permanent?

The tests applied by ethnologists for distinguishing the race to which an individual belongs, are the color of the skin, the size and shape of the skull,—determined generally by the facial angle,—the texture of the hair, and the character of the features. The structure of language, also, has an important bearing upon the affinity of races; and is, with some ethnologists, the primary criterion in the classification of species. The facial angle is determined by a line drawn from the forehead to the front of the upper jaw, intersected by a horizontal line passing over the middle of the ear. The facial angle of a European is estimated at 85°, of a Negro at 75°, and of the ape at 60°. Representations of an adult Troglodyte measure 35°, and of a Satyr 30°. Some writers classify according to one or several of these tests, others consider them all in arriving at their conclusions.

Thus, Virey divides the human family into two parts: those with a facial angle of from eighty-five to ninety degrees,—embracing the Caucasian, Mongolian, and American; and those with a facial angle of from seventy-five to eighty-two degrees,—including the Malay, Negro, and Hottentot. Cuvier and Jaquinot 13 make three classes, placing the Malay and American among the subdivisions of the Mongolian. Kant makes four divisions under four colors: white, black, copper, and olive. Linnæus also makes four: European, whitish; American, coppery; Asiatic, tawny; and African, black. Buffon makes five divisions and Blumenbach five. Blumenbach's classification is based upon cranial admeasurements, complexion, and texture of the hair. His divisions are Caucasian or Aryan, Mongolian, Ethiopian, Malay, and American. Lesson makes six divisions according to colors: white, dusky, orange, yellow, red, and black. Bory de St Vincent arranges fifteen stocks under three classes which are differenced by hair: European straight hair, American straight hair, and crisped or curly hair. In like manner Prof. Zeune designates his divisions under three types of crania for the eastern hemisphere, and three for the western, namely, high skulls, broad skulls, and long skulls. Hunter classifies the human family under seven species; Agassiz makes eight; Pickering, eleven; Desmoulins, sixteen; and Crawford, sixty-three. Dr Latham, considered by many the chief exponent of the science of ethnology in England, classifies the different races under three primary divisions, namely: Mongolidæ, Atlantidæ, and Japetidæ. Prichard makes three principal types of cranial conformation, which he denominates respectively, the civilized races, the nomadic or wandering races, and the savage or hunting races. Agassiz designates the races of men according to the zoölogical provinces which they respectively occupy. Thus the Arctic realm is inhabited by Hyperboreans, the Asiatic by Mongols, the European by white men, the American by American Indians, the African by black races, and the East Indian, Australian and Polynesian by their respective peoples.

Now when we consider the wide differences between naturalists, not only as to what constitutes race and species,—if there be variety of species in the human family,—but also in the assignment of peoples and individuals 14 to their respective categories under the direction of the given tests; when we see the human race classified under from one to sixty-three distinct species, according to individual opinions; and when we see that the several tests which govern classification are by no means satisfactory, and that those who have made this subject the study of their lives, cannot agree as touching the fundamental characteristics of such classification—we cannot but conclude, either that there are no absolute lines of separation between the various members of the human family, or that thus far the touchstone by which such separation is to be made remains undiscovered.

The color of the human skin, for example, is no certain guide in classification. Microscopists have ascertained that the normal colorations of the skin are not the results of organic differences in race; that complexions are not permanent physical characters, but are subject to change. Climate is a cause of physical differences, and frequently in a single tribe may be found shades of color extending through all the various transitions from black to white. In one people, part occupying a cold mountainous region, and part a heated lowland, a marked difference in color is always perceptible. Peculiarities in the texture of the hair are likewise no proof of race. The hair is more sensibly affected by the action of the climate than the skin. Every degree of color and crispation may be found in the European family alone; and even among the frizzled locks of negroes every gradation appears, from crisped to flowing hair. The growth of the beard may be cultivated or retarded according to the caprice of the individual; and in those tribes which are characterized by an absence or thinness of beard, may be found the practice, continued for ages, of carefully plucking out all traces of beard at the age of puberty. No physiological deformities have been discovered which prevent any people from cultivating a beard if such be their pleasure. The 15 conformation of the cranium is often peculiar to habits of rearing the young, and may be modified by accidental or artificial causes. The most eminent scholars now hold the opinion that the size and shape of the skull has far less influence upon the intelligence of the individual than the quality and convolutions of the brain. The structure of language, especially when offered in evidence supplementary to that of physical science, is most important in establishing a relationship between races. But it should be borne in mind that languages are acquired, not inherited; that they are less permanent than living organisms; that they are constantly changing, merging into each other, one dialect dying out and another springing into existence; that in the migrations of nomadic tribes, or in the arrival of new nations, although languages may for a time preserve their severalty, they are at last obliged, from necessity, to yield to the assimilating influences which constantly surround them, and become merged into the dialects of neighboring clans. And on the other hand, a counter influence is exercised upon the absorbing dialect. The dialectic fusion of two communities results in the partial disappearance of both languages, so that a constant assimilation and dissimilation is going on. "The value of language," says Latham, "has been overrated;" and Whitney affirms that "language is no infallible sign of race;" although both of these authors give to language the first place as a test of national affinities. Language is not a physiological characteristic, but an acquisition; and as such should be used with care in the classification of species.

Science, during the last half century, has unfolded many important secrets; has tamed impetuous elements, called forth power and life from the hidden recesses of the earth; has aroused the slumbering energies of both mental and material force, changed the currents of thought, emancipated the intellect from religious transcendentalism, and spread out to the broad light of open 16 day a vast sea of truth. Old-time beliefs have had to give place. The débris of one exploded dogma is scarcely cleared away before we are startled with a request for the yielding up of another long and dearly cherished opinion. And in the attempt to read the book of humanity as it comes fresh from the impress of nature, to trace the history of the human race, by means of moral and physical characteristics, backward through all its intricate windings to its source, science has accomplished much; but the attempt to solve the great problem of human existence, by analogous comparisons of man with man, and man with animals, has so far been vain and futile in the extreme.

I would not be understood as attempting captiously to decry the noble efforts of learned men to solve the problems of nature. For who can tell what may or may not be found out by inquiry? Any classification, moreover, and any attempt at classification, is better than none; and in drawing attention to the uncertainty of the conclusions arrived at by science, I but reiterate the opinions of the most profound thinkers of the day. It is only shallow and flippant scientists, so called, who arbitrarily force deductions from mere postulates, and with one sweeping assertion strive to annihilate all history and tradition. They attempt dogmatically to set up a reign of intellect in opposition to that of the Author of intellect. Terms of vituperation and contempt with which a certain class of writers interlard their sophisms, as applied to those holding different opinions, are alike an offense against good taste and sound reasoning.

Notwithstanding all these failures to establish rules by which mankind may be divided into classes, there yet remains the stubborn fact that differences do exist, as palpable as the difference between daylight and darkness. These differences, however, are so played upon by change, that hitherto the scholar has been unable to transfix those elements which appear to him permanent and characteristic. For, as Draper remarks, 17 "the permanence of organic forms is altogether dependent on the invariability of the material conditions under which they live. Any variation therein, no matter how insignificant it might be, would be forthwith followed by a corresponding variation in form. The present invariability of the world of organization is the direct consequence of the physical equilibrium, and so it will continue as long as the mean temperature, the annual supply of light, the composition of the air, the distribution of water, oceanic and atmospheric currents, and other such agencies, remain unaltered; but if any one of these, or of a hundred other incidents that might be mentioned, should suffer modification, in an instant the fanciful doctrine of the immutability of species would be brought to its true value."

The American Indians, their origin and consanguinity, have, from the days of Columbus to the present time proved no less a knotty question. Schoolmen and scientists count their theories by hundreds, each sustaining some pet conjecture, with a logical clearness equaled only by the facility with which he demolishes all the rest. One proves their origin by holy writ; another by the writings of ancient philosophers; another by the sage sayings of the Fathers. One discovers in them Phœnician merchants; another, the ten lost tribes of Israel. They are tracked with equal certainty from Scandinavia, from Ireland, from Iceland, from Greenland, across Bering Strait, across the northern Pacific, the southern Pacific, from the Polynesian Islands, from Australia, from Africa. Venturesome Carthaginians were thrown upon the eastern shore; Japanese junks on the western. The breezes that wafted hither America's primogenitors are still blowing, and the ocean currents by which they came cease not yet to flow. The finely spun webs of logic by which these fancies are maintained would prove amusing, did not the profound earnestness of their respective advocates render them ridiculous. Acosta, who studied the subject for nine years in Peru, concludes 18 that America was the Ophir of Solomon. Aristotle relates that the Carthaginians in a voyage were carried to an unknown island; whereupon Florian, Gomara, Oviedo, and others, are satisfied that the island was Española. "Who are these that fly as a cloud," exclaims Esaias, "or as the doves to their windows?" Scholastic sages answer, Columbus is the columba or dove here prophesied. Alexo Vanegas shows that America was peopled by Carthaginians; Anahuac being but another name for Anak. Besides, both nations practiced picture-writing; both venerated fire and water, wore skins of animals, pierced the ears, ate dogs, drank to excess, telegraphed by means of fires on hills, wore all their finery on going to war, poisoned their arrows, beat drums and shouted in battle. Garcia found a man in Peru who had seen a rock with something very like Greek letters engraved upon it; six hundred years after the apotheosis of Hercules, Coleo made a long voyage; Homer knew of the ocean; the Athenians waged war with the inhabitants of Atlantis; hence the American Indians were Greeks. Lord Kingsborough proves conclusively that these same American Indians were Jews: because their "symbol of innocence" was in the one case a fawn and in the other a lamb; because of the law of Moses, "considered in reference to the custom of sacrificing children, which existed in Mexico and Peru;" because "the fears of tumults of the people, famine, pestilence, and warlike invasions, were exactly the same as those entertained by the Jews if they failed in the performance of any of their ritual observances;" because "the education of children commenced amongst the Mexicans, as with the Jews, at an exceedingly early age;" because "beating with a stick was a very common punishment amongst the Jews," as well as among the Mexicans; because the priesthood of both nations "was hereditary in a certain family;" because both were inclined to pay great respect to lucky or unlucky omens, such as the screeching of the owl, the sneezing of a person in company," etc., and because 19 of a hundred other equally sound and relevant arguments. Analogous reasoning to this of Lord Kingsborough's was that of the Merced Indians of California. Shortly after the discovery of the Yosemite Valley, tidings reached the settlers of Mariposa that certain chiefs had united with intent to drop down from their mountain stronghold and annihilate them. To show the Indians the uselessness of warring upon white men, these chieftains were invited to visit the city of San Francisco, where, from the number and superiority of the people that they would there behold, they should become intimidated, and thereafter maintain peace. But contrary to the most reasonable expectations, no sooner had the dusky delegates returned to their home than a council was called, and the assembled warriors were informed that they need have no fear of these strangers: "For," said the envoys, "the people of the great city of San Francisco are of a different tribe from these white settlers of Mariposa. Their manners, their customs, their language, their dress, are all different. They wear black coats and high hats, and are not able to walk along the smoothest path without the aid of a stick."

There are many advocates for an Asiatic origin, both among ancient and modern speculators. Favorable winds and currents, the short distance between islands, traditions, both Chinese and Indian, refer the peopling of America to that quarter. Similarity in color, features, religion, reckoning of time, absence of a heavy beard, and innumerable other comparisons, are drawn by enthusiastic advocates, to support a Mongolian origin. The same arguments, in whole or in part, are used to prove that America was peopled by Egyptians, by Ethiopians, by French, English, Trojans, Frisians, Scythians; and also that different parts were settled by different peoples. The test of language has been applied with equal facility and enthusiasm to Egyptian, Jew, Phœnician, Carthaginian, Spaniard, Chinese, Japanese, and in fact to nearly all the nations of the earth. A complete review of 20 theories and opinions concerning the origin of the Indians, I propose to give in another place; not that intrinsically they are of much value, except as showing the different fancies of different men and times. Fancies, I say, for modern scholars, with the aid of all the new revelations of science, do not appear in their investigations to arrive one whit nearer an indubitable conclusion.

It was obvious to the Europeans when they first beheld the natives of America, that these were unlike the intellectual white-skinned race of Europe, the barbarous blacks of Africa, or any nation or people which they had hitherto encountered, yet were strikingly like each other. Into whatsoever part of the newly discovered lands they penetrated, they found a people seemingly one in color, physiognomy, customs, and in mental and social traits. Their vestiges of antiquity and their languages presented a coincidence which was generally observed by early travelers. Hence physical and psychological comparisons are advanced to prove ethnological resemblances among all the peoples of America, and that they meanwhile possess common peculiarities totally distinct from the nations of the old world. Morton and his confrères, the originators of the American homogeneity theory, even go so far as to claim for the American man an origin as indigenous as that of the fauna and flora. They classify all the tribes of America, excepting only the Eskimos who wandered over from Asia, as the American race, and divide it into the American family and the Toltecan family. Blumenbach classifies the Americans as a distinct species. The American Mongolidæ of Dr Latham are divided into Eskimos and American Indians. Dr Morton perceives the same characteristic lineaments in the face of the Fuegian and the Mexican, and in tribes inhabiting the Rocky Mountains, the Mississippi Valley, and Florida. The same osteological structure, swarthy color, straight hair, meagre beard, obliquely cornered eyes, prominent cheek bones, and thick lips are common to them all. 21 Dr Latham describes his American Mongolidæ as exercising upon the world a material rather than a moral influence; giving them meanwhile a color, neither a true white nor a jet black; hair straight and black, rarely light, sometimes curly; eyes sometimes oblique; a broad, flat face and a retreating forehead. Dr Prichard considers the American race, psychologically, as neither superior nor inferior to other primitive races of the world. Bory de St Vincent classifies Americans into five species, including the Eskimos. The Mexicans he considers as cognate with the Malays. Humboldt characterizes the nations of America as one race, by their straight glossy hair, thin beard, swarthy complexion, and cranial formation. Schoolcraft makes four groups; the first extending across the northern end of the continent; the second, tribes living east of the Mississippi; the third, those between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains; and the fourth, those west of the Rocky Mountains. All these he subdivides into thirty-seven families; but so far as those on the Pacific Coast are concerned, he might as reasonably have made of them twice or half the number.

All writers agree in giving to the nations of America a remote antiquity; all admit that there exists a greater uniformity between them than is to be found in the old world; many deny that all are one race. There is undoubtedly a prevailing uniformity in those physical characteristics which govern classification; but this uniformity goes as far to prove one universal race throughout the world, as it does to prove a race peculiar to America. Traditions, ruins, moral and physical peculiarities, all denote for Americans a remote antiquity. The action of a climate peculiar to America, and of natural surroundings common to all the people of the continent, could not fail to produce in time a similarity of physiological structure.

The impression of a New World individuality of race was no doubt strengthened in the eyes of the Conquerors, 22 and in the mind of the train of writers that followed, by the fact, that the newly discovered tribes were more like each other than were any other peoples they had ever before seen; and at the same time very much unlike any nation whatever of the old world. And so any really existing physical distinctions among the American stocks came to be overlooked or undervalued. Darwin, on the authority of Elphinstone, observes that in India, "although a newly arrived European cannot at first distinguish the various native races, yet they soon appear to him entirely dissimilar; and the Hindoo cannot at first perceive any difference between the several European nations."

It has been observed by Prof. von Martius that the literary and architectural remains of the civilized tribes of America indicate a higher degree of intellectual elevation than is likely to be found in a nation emerging from barbarism. In their sacerdotal ordinances, privileged orders, regulated despotisms, codes of law, and forms of government are found clear indications of a relapse from civilization to barbarism. Chateaubriand, from the same premises, develops a directly opposite conclusion, and perceives in all this high antiquity and civilization only a praiseworthy evolution from primeval barbarism.

Thus arguments drawn from a comparison of parallel traits in the moral, social, or physical condition of man should be received with allowance, for man has much in common not only with man, but with animals. Variations in bodily structure and mental faculties are governed by general laws. The great variety of climate which characterizes America could not fail to produce various habits of life. The half-torpid Hyperborean, the fierce warrior-hunter of the vast interior forests, the sluggish, swarthy native of the tropics, and the intelligent Mexican of the table-land, slowly developing into civilization under the refining influences of arts and letters,—all these indicate variety in the unity of the 23 American race; while the insulation of American nations, and the general characteristics incident to peculiar physical conditions could not fail to produce a unity in their variety.

The races of the Pacific States embrace all the varieties of species known as American under any of the classifications mentioned. Thus, in the five divisions of Blumenbach, the Eskimos of the north would come under the fourth division, which embraces Malays and Polynesians, and which is distinguished by a high square skull, low forehead, short broad nose, and projecting jaws. To his fifth class, the American, which he subdivides into the American family and the Toltecan family, he gives a small skull with a high apex, flat on the occiput, high cheek bones, receding forehead, aquiline nose, large mouth, and tumid lips. Morton, although he makes twenty-two divisions in all, classifies Americans in the same manner. The Polar family he characterises as brown in color, short in stature, of thick, clumsy proportions, with a short neck, large head, flat face, small nose, and eyes disposed to obliquity. He perceives an identity of race among all the other stocks from Mount St Elias to Patagonia; though he designates the semi-civilized tribes of Mexico and Peru as the Toltecan family, and the savage nations as the Appalachian branch of the American family. Dr Prichard makes three divisions of the tribes bordering the Pacific between Mount St Elias and Cape St Lucas: the tribes from the borders of the Eskimos southward to Vancouver Island constitute the first division; the tribes of Oregon and Washington, the second; and the tribes of Upper and Lower California, the third. Pickering assigns the limits of the American, Malay, or Toltecan family to California and western Mexico. He is of the opinion that they crossed from southeastern Asia by way of the islands of the Pacific, and landed upon this continent south of San Francisco, there being no traces of them north of this point; while the Mongolians found 24 their way from northeastern Asia across Bering Strait. The Californians, therefore, he calls Malays; and the inhabitants of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, he classifies as Mongolians. Californians, in the eyes of this traveler, differ from their northern neighbors in complexion and physiognomy. The only physiological test that Mr Pickering was able to apply in order to distinguish the Polynesian in San Francisco from the native Californian, was that the hair of the former was wavy, while that of the latter was straight. Both have more hair than the Oregonian. The skin of the Malay of the Polynesian Islands, and that of the Californian are alike, soft and very dark. Three other analogous characteristics were discovered by Mr Pickering. Both have an open countenance, one wife, and no tomahawk! On the other hand, the Mongolian from Asia, and the Oregonian are of a lighter complexion, and exhibit the same general resemblances that are seen in the American and Asiatic Eskimos.

In general the Toltecan family may be described as of good stature, well proportioned, rather above medium size, of a light copper color; as having long black obliquely pointed eyes, regular white teeth, glossy black hair, thin beard, prominent cheek bones, thick lips, large aquiline nose, and retreating forehead. A gentle expression about the mouth is blended with severity and melancholy in the upper portion of the face. They are brave, cruel in war, sanguinary in religion, and revengeful. They are intelligent; possess minds well adapted to the pursuit of knowledge; and, at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, were well advanced in history, architecture, mathematics, and astronomy. They constructed aqueducts, extracted metals, carved images in gold, silver, and copper; they could spin, weave, and dye; they could accurately cut precious stones; they cultivated corn and cotton; built large cities, constructing their buildings of stone and lime; made roads and erected stupendous tumuli. 25

Certain ethnological zones have been observed by some, stretching across the continent in various latitudes, broken somewhat by intersecting continental elevations, but following for the most part isothermal lines which, on coming from the east, bend northward as the softer air of the Pacific is entered. Thus the Eskimos nearly surround the pole. Next come the Tinneh, stretching across the continent from the east, somewhat irregularly, but their course marked generally by thermic lines, bending northward after crossing the Rocky Mountains, their southern boundary, touching the Pacific, about the fifty-fifth parallel. The Algonkin family border on the Tinneh, commencing at the mouth of the St Lawrence River, and extending westward to the Rocky Mountains. Natural causes alone prevent the extension of these belts round the entire earth. Indeed, both philologists and physiologists trace lines of affinity across the Pacific, from island to island, from one continent to the other; one line, as we have seen, crossing Bering Strait, another following the Aleutian Archipelago, and a third striking the coast south of San Francisco Bay.

It is common for those unaccustomed to look below the surface of things, to regard Indians as scarcely within the category of humanity. Especially is this the case when we, maddened by some treacherous outrage, some diabolic act of cruelty, hastily pronounce them incorrigibly wicked, inhumanly malignant, a nest of vipers, the extermination of which is a righteous act. All of which may be true; but, judged by this standard, has not every nation on earth incurred the death penalty? Human nature is in no wise changed by culture. The European is but a white-washed savage. Civilized venom is no less virulent than savage venom. It ill becomes the full grown man to scoff at the ineffectual attempts of the little child, and to attempt the cure of its faults by killing it. No more is it a mark of benevolent wisdom in those favored by a superior intelligence, 26 with the written records of the past from which to draw experience and learn how best to shape their course for the future, to cry down the untaught man of the wilderness, deny him a place in this world or the next, denounce him as a scourge, an outlaw, and seize upon every light pretext to assist him off the stage from which his doom is so rapidly removing him. We view man in his primitive state from a wrong stand-point at the outset. In place of regarding savages as of one common humanity with ourselves, and the ancestors perhaps of peoples higher in the scale of being, and more intellectual than any the world has yet seen, we place them among the common enemies of mankind, and regard them more in the light of wild animals than of wild men.

And let not him who seeks a deeper insight into the mysteries of humanity despise beginnings, things crude and small. The difference between the cultured and the primitive man lies chiefly in the fact that one has a few centuries the start of the other in the race of progress. Before condemning the barbarian, let us first examine his code of ethics. Let us draw our light from his light, reason after his fashion; see in the sky, the earth, the sea, the same fantastic imagery that plays upon his fancy, and adapt our sense of right and wrong to his social surroundings. Just as human nature is able to appreciate divine nature only as divine nature accords with human nature; so the intuitions of lower orders of beings can be comprehended only by bringing into play our lower faculties. Nor can we any more clearly appreciate the conceptions of beings below us than of those above us. The thoughts, reasonings, and instincts of an animal or insect are as much a mystery to the human intellect as are the lofty contemplations of an archangel.

CHAPTER II.

HYPERBOREANS.

General Divisions—Hyperborean Nations—Aspects of Nature—Vegetation—Climate—Animals—The Eskimos—Their Country—Physical Characteristics—Dress—Dwellings—Food—Weapons—Boots—Sledges—Snow-Shoes—Government—Domestic Affairs—Amusements—Diseases—Burial—The Koniagas, their Physical and Social Condition—The Aleuts—The Thlinkeets—The Tinneh.

I shall attempt to describe the physical and mental characteristics of the Native Races of the Pacific States under seven distinctive groups; namely, I. Hyperboreans, being those nations whose territory lies north of the fifty-fifth parallel; II. Columbians, who dwell between the fifty-fifth and forty-second parallels, and whose lands to some extent are drained by the Columbia River and its tributaries; III. Californians, and the Inhabitants of the Great Basin; IV. New Mexicans, including the nations of the Colorado River and northern Mexico; V. Wild Tribes of Mexico; VI. Wild Tribes of Central America; VII. Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America. It is my purpose, without any attempt at ethnological classification, or further comment concerning races and stocks, plainly to portray such customs and characteristics as were peculiar to each people at the time of its first intercourse with European strangers; leaving scientists to make their own deductions, and draw specific lines between linguistic and physiological families, as they may deem proper. I shall endeavor to picture these nations in their aboriginal condition, as seen 36 by the first invaders, as described by those who beheld them in their savage grandeur, and before they were startled from their lair by the treacherous voice of civilized friendship. Now they are gone,—those dusky denizens of a thousand forests,—melted like hoar-frost before the rising sun of a superior intelligence; and it is only from the earliest records, from the narratives of eye witnesses, many of them rude unlettered men, trappers, sailors, and soldiers, that we are able to know them as they were. Some division of the work into parts, however arbitrary it may be, is indispensable. In dealing with Mythology, and in tracing the tortuous course of Language, boundaries will be dropped and beliefs and tongues will be followed wherever they lead; but in describing Manners and Customs, to avoid confusion, territorial divisions are necessary.

In the groupings which I have adopted, one cluster of nations follows another in geographical succession; the dividing line not being more distinct, perhaps, than that which distinguishes some national divisions, but sufficiently marked, in mental and physical peculiarities, to entitle each group to a separate consideration.

The only distinction of race made by naturalists, upon the continents of both North and South America, until a comparatively recent period, was by segregating the first of the above named groups from all other people of both continents, and calling one Mongolians and the other Americans. A more intimate acquaintance with the nations of the North proves conclusively that one of the boldest types of the American Indian proper, the Tinneh, lies within the territory of this first group, conterminous with the Mongolian Eskimos, and crowding them down to a narrow line along the shore of the Arctic Sea. The nations of the second group, although exhibiting multitudinous variations in minor traits, are essentially one people. Between the California Diggers of the third division and the New Mexican Towns-people of the fourth, there is more diversity; and a still greater 37 difference between the savage and civilized nations of the Mexican table-land. Any classification or division of the subject which could be made would be open to criticism. I therefore adopt the most simple practical plan, one which will present the subject most clearly to the general reader, and leave it in the best shape for purposes of theorizing and generalization.

In the first or Hyperborean group, to which this chapter is devoted, are five subdivisions, as follows: The Eskimos, commonly called Western Eskimos, who skirt the shores of the Arctic Ocean from Mackenzie River to Kotzebue Sound; the Koniagas or Southern Eskimos, who, commencing at Kotzebue Sound, cross the Kaviak Peninsula, border on Bering Sea from Norton Sound southward, and stretch over the Alaskan[1] Peninsula and Koniagan 38 Islands to the mouth of the Atna or Copper River, extending back into the interior about one hundred and fifty miles; the Aleuts, or people of the Aleutian Archipelago; the Thlinkeets, who inhabit the coast and islands between the rivers Atna and Nass; and the Tinneh, or Athabascas, occupying the territory between the above described boundaries and Hudson Bay. Each of these families is divided into nations or tribes, distinguished one from another by slight dialectic or other differences, which tribal divisions will be given in treating of the several nations respectively.

Let us first cast a glance over this broad domain, and mark those aspects of nature which exercise so powerful an influence upon the destinies of mankind. Midway between Mount St Elias and the Arctic seaboard rise three mountain chains. One, the Rocky Mountain range, crossing from the Yukon to the Mackenzie River, deflects southward, and taking up its mighty line of march, throws a barrier between the east and the west, which extends throughout the entire length of the continent. Between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, interposes another called in Oregon the Cascade Range, and in California the Sierra Nevada; while from the same starting-point, the Alaskan range stretches out to the southwest along the Alaskan Peninsula, and breaks into fragments in the Aleutian Archipelago. Three noble streams, the Mackenzie, the Yukon, and the Kuskoquim, float the boats of the inland Hyperboreans and supply them with food; while from the heated waters of Japan comes a current of the sea, bathing the icy coasts with genial warmth, tempering the air, and imparting gladness to the oily watermen of the coast, to the northernmost limit of their lands. The northern border of this territory is treeless; the southern shore, absorbing more warmth and moisture from the Japan current, is fringed with dense forests; 39 while the interior, interspersed with hills, and lakes, and woods, and grassy plains, during the short summer is clothed in luxuriant vegetation.

Notwithstanding the frowning aspect of nature, animal life in the Arctic regions is most abundant. The ocean swarms with every species of fish and sea-mammal; the land abounds in reindeer, moose, musk-oxen; in black, grizzly, and Arctic bears; in wolves, foxes, beavers, mink, ermine, martin, otters, raccoons, and water-fowl. Immense herds of buffalo roam over the bleak grassy plains of the eastern Tinneh, but seldom venture far to the west of the Rocky Mountains. Myriads of birds migrate to and fro between their breeding-places in the interior of Alaska, the open Arctic Sea, and the warmer latitudes of the south. From the Gulf of Mexico, from the islands of the Pacific, from the lakes of California, of Oregon, and of Washington they come, fluttering and feasting, to rear their young during the sparkling Arctic summer-day.

The whole occupation of man throughout this region, is a struggle for life. So long as the organism is plentifully supplied with heat-producing food, all is well. Once let the internal fire go down, and all is ill. Unlike the inhabitants of equatorial latitudes, where, Eden-like, the sheltering tree drops food, and the little nourishment essential to life may be obtained by only stretching forth the hand and plucking it, the Hyperborean man must maintain a constant warfare with nature, or die. His daily food depends upon the success of his daily battle with beasts, birds, and fishes, which dispute with him possession of sea and land. Unfortunate in his search for game, or foiled in his attempt at capture, he must fast. The associate of beasts, governed by the same emergencies, preying upon animals as animals prey upon each other, the victim supplying all the necessities of the victor, occupying territory in common, both alike drawing supplies directly from the storehouse of nature,—primitive 40 man derives his very quality from the brute with which he struggles. The idiosyncrasies of the animal fasten upon him, and that upon which he feeds becomes a part of him.

Thus, in a nation of hunters inhabiting a rigorous climate, we may look for wiry, keen-scented men, who in their war upon wild beasts put forth strength and endurance in order to overtake and capture the strong; cunning is opposed by superior cunning; a stealthy watchfulness governs every movement, while the intelligence of the man contends with the instincts of the brute. Fishermen, on the other hand, who obtain their food with comparatively little effort, are more sluggish in their natures and less noble in their development. In the icy regions of the north, the animal creation supplies man with food, clothing, and caloric; with all the requisites of an existence under circumstances apparently the most adverse to comfort; and when he digs his dwelling beneath the ground, or walls out the piercing winds with snow, his ultimate is attained.

The chief differences in tribes occupying the interior and the seaboard,—the elevated, treeless, grassy plains east of the Rocky Mountains, and the humid islands and shores of the great Northwest,—grow out of necessities arising from their methods of procuring food. Even causes so slight as the sheltering bend of a coast-line; the guarding of a shore by islands; the breaking of a seaboard by inlets and covering of the strand with sea-weed and polyps, requiring only the labor of gathering; or the presence of a bluff coast or windy promontory, whose occupants are obliged to put forth more vigorous action for sustenance—all govern man in his development. Turn now to the most northern division of our most northern group.

The Eskimos, Esquimaux, or as they call themselves, Innuit, 'the people,' from inuk, 'man,'[2] occupy the 41 Arctic seaboard from eastern Greenland along the entire continent of America, and across Bering[3] Strait to the Asiatic shore. Formerly the inhabitants of our whole Hyperborean sea-coast, from the Mackenzie River to Queen Charlotte Island—the interior being entirely unknown—were denominated Eskimos, and were of supposed Asiatic origin.[4] The tribes of southern 42 Alaska were then found to differ essentially from those of the northern coast. Under the name Eskimos, therefore, I include only the Western Eskimos of certain writers, whose southern boundary terminates at Kotzebue Sound.[5]

Eskimo-land is thinly peopled, and but little is known of tribal divisions. At the Coppermine River, the Eskimos are called Naggeuktormutes, or deer-horns; at the eastern outlet of the Mackenzie, their tribal name is Kittegarute; between the Mackenzie River and Barter Reef, they go by the name of Kangmali Innuit; at Point Barrow they call themselves Nuwungmutes; while on the Nunatok River, in the vicinity of Kotzebue Sound, they are known as Nunatangmutes. Their villages, consisting of five or six families each,[6] are scattered along the coast. A village site is usually selected upon some good landing-place, where there is sufficient depth of water to float a whale. Between tribes is left a spot of unoccupied or neutral ground, upon which small parties meet during the summer for purposes of trade.[7]

The Eskimos are essentially a peculiar people. Their character and their condition, the one of necessity growing out of the other, are peculiar. First, it is claimed for them that they are the anomalous race of America—the only people of the new world clearly identical with any race of the old. Then they are the most littoral people in the world. The linear extent of their occupancy, all of it a narrow seaboard averaging scarcely one hundred 43 miles in width, is estimated at not less than five thousand miles. Before them is a vast, unknown, icy ocean, upon which they scarcely dare venture beyond sight of land; behind them, hostile mountaineers ever ready to dispute encroachment. Their very mother-earth, upon whose cold bosom they have been borne, age after age through countless generations,[8] is almost impenetrable, thawless ice. Their days and nights, and seasons and years, are not like those of other men. Six months of day succeed six months of night. Three months of sunless winter; three months of nightless summer; six months of glimmering twilight.

About the middle of October[9] commences the long night of winter. The earth and sea put on an icy covering; beasts and birds depart for regions sheltered or more congenial; humanity huddles in subterraneous dens; all nature sinks into repose. The little heat left by the retreating sun soon radiates out into the deep blue realms of space; the temperature sinks rapidly to forty or fifty degrees below freezing; the air is hushed, the ocean calm, the sky cloudless. An awful, painful stillness pervades the dreary solitude. Not a sound is heard; the distant din of busy man, and the noiseless hum of the wilderness alike are wanting. Whispers become audible at a considerable distance, and an insupportable sense of loneliness oppresses the inexperienced visitor.[10] Occasionally the aurora borealis flashes out in prismatic coruscations, throwing a brilliant arch from east to west—now in variegated oscillations, graduating through all the various tints of blue, and green, and violet, and crimson; darting, flashing, or streaming in yellow columns, upwards, downwards; now blazing steadily, now 44 in wavy undulations, sometimes up to the very zenith; momentarily lighting up in majestic grandeur the cheerless frozen scenery, but only to fall back with exhausted force, leaving a denser obscurity. Nature's electric lantern, suspended for a time in the frosty vault of heaven;—munificent nature's fire-works; with the polar owl, the polar bear, and the polar man, spectators.

In January, the brilliancy of the stars is dimmed perceptibly at noon; in February, a golden tint rests upon the horizon at the same hour; in March, the incipient dawn broadens; in April, the dozing Eskimo rubs his eyes and crawls forth; in May, the snow begins to melt, the impatient grass and flowers arrive as it departs.[11] In June, the summer has fairly come. Under the incessant rays of the never setting sun, the snow speedily disappears, the ice breaks up, the glacial earth softens for a depth of one, two, or three feet; circulation is restored to vegetation,[12] which, during winter, had been stopped,—if we may believe Sir John Richardson, even the largest trees freezing to the heart. Sea, and plain, and rolling steppe lay aside their seamless shroud of white, and a brilliant tint of emerald overspreads the landscape.[13] All Nature, with one resounding cry, leaps up and claps her hands for joy. Flocks of birds, lured from their winter homes, fill the air with their melody; myriads of wild fowls send forth their shrill cries; the moose and the reindeer flock down from the forests;[14] from the resonant sea comes the 45 noise of spouting whales and barking seals; and this so lately dismal, cheerless region, blooms with an exhuberance of life equaled only by the shortness of its duration. And in token of a just appreciation of the Creator's goodness, this animated medley—man, and beasts, and birds, and fishes—rises up, divides, falls to, and ends in eating or in being eaten.

The physical characteristics of the Eskimos are: a fair complexion, the skin, when free from dirt and paint, being almost white;[15] a medium stature, well proportioned, thick-set, muscular, robust, active,[16] with small and beautifully shaped hands and feet;[17] a pyramidal 46 head;[18] a broad egg-shaped face; high rounded cheek-bones; flat nose; small oblique eyes; large mouth; teeth regular, but well worn;[19] coarse black hair, closely cut upon the crown, leaving a monk-like ring around the edge,[20] and a paucity of beard.[21] The men frequently 47 leave the hair in a natural state. The women of Icy Reef introduce false hair among their own, wearing the whole in two immense bows at the back of the head. At Point Barrow, they separate the hair into two parts or braids, saturating it with train-oil, and binding it into stiff bunches with strips of skin. Their lower extremities are short, so that in a sitting posture they look taller than when standing.

Were these people satisfied with what nature has done for them, they would be passably good-looking. But with them as with all mankind, no matter how high the degree of intelligence and refinement attained, art must be applied to improve upon nature. The few finishing touches neglected by the Creator, man is ever ready to supply.

Arrived at the age of puberty, the great work of improvement begins. Up to this time the skin has been kept saturated in grease and filth, until the natural color is lost, and until the complexion is brought down to the Eskimo standard. Now pigments of various dye are applied, both painted outwardly and pricked into the skin; holes are cut in the face, and plugs or labrets inserted. These operations, however, attended with no little solemnity, are supposed to possess some significance other than that of mere ornament. Upon the occasion of piercing the lip, for instance, a religious feast is given. 48

On the northern coast the women paint the eyebrows and tattoo the chin; while the men only pierce the lower lip under one or both corners of the mouth, and insert in each aperture a double-headed sleeve-button or dumb-bell-shaped labret, of bone, ivory, shell, stone, glass, or wood. The incision when first made is about the size of a quill, but as the aspirant for improved beauty grows older, the size of the orifice is enlarged until it reaches a width of half or three quarters of an inch.[22] In tattooing, the color is applied by drawing a thread under the skin, or pricking it in with a needle. Different tribes, and different ranks of the same tribe, have each their peculiar form of tattooing. The plebeian female of certain bands is permitted to adorn her chin with but one vertical line in the centre, and one parallel to it on either side, while the more fortunate noblesse mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth.[23] A feminine cast of features, as is common with other branches of the Mongolian race, prevails in both sexes. Some travelers discover in the faces of the men a characteristic expression of ferociousness, and in those of the women, an extraordinary display of wantonness. A thick coating of filth and a strong odor of train-oil are inseparable from an Eskimo, and the fashion of labrets adds in no wise to his comeliness.[24] 49

For covering to the body, the Eskimos employ the skin of all the beasts and birds that come within their reach. Skins are prepared in the fur,[25] and cut and sewed with neatness and skill. Even the intestines of seals and whales are used in the manufacture of water-proof overdresses.[26] The costume for both sexes consists of long stockings or drawers, over which are breeches extending from the shoulders to below the knees; and a frock or jacket, somewhat shorter than the breeches with sleeves and hood. This garment is made whole, there being no openings except for the head and arms. The frock of the male is cut at the bottom nearly square, while that of the female reaches a little lower, and terminates before and behind in a point or scollop. The tail of some animal graces the hinder part of the male frock; the woman's has a large hood, in which she carries her infant. Otherwise both sexes dress alike; and as, when stripped of their facial decorations, their physiognomies are alike, they are not unfrequently mistaken one for the other.[27] They have boots 50 of walrus or seal skin, mittens or gloves of deer-skin, and intestine water-proofs covering the entire body. Several kinds of fur frequently enter into the composition of one garment. Thus the body of the frock, generally of reindeer-skin, may be of bird, bear, seal, mink, or squirrel skin; while the hood may be of fox-skin, the lining of hare-skin, the fringe of wolverine-skin, and the gloves of fawn-skin.[28] Two suits are worn during the coldest weather; the inner one with the fur next the skin, the outer suit with the fur outward.[29] Thus, with their stomachs well filled with fat, and their backs covered with furs, they bid defiance to the severest Arctic winter.[30]

In architecture, the Eskimo is fully equal to the emergency; building, upon a soil which yields him little or no material, three classes of dwellings. Penetrating the frozen earth, or casting around him a frozen wall, he compels the very elements from which he seeks protection to protect him. For his yourt or winter 51 residence he digs a hole of the required dimensions, to a depth of about six feet.[31] Within this excavation he erects a frame, either of wood or whalebone, lashing his timbers with thongs instead of nailing them. This frame is carried upward to a distance of two or three feet above the ground,[32] when it is covered by a dome-shaped roof of poles or whale-ribs turfed and earthed over.[33] In the centre of the roof is left a hole for the admission of light and the emission of smoke. In absence of fire, a translucent covering of whale-intestine confines the warmth of putrifying filth, and completes the Eskimo's sense of comfort. To gain admittance to this snug retreat, without exposing the inmates to the storms without, another and a smaller hole is dug to the same depth, a short distance from the first. From one to the other, an underground passage-way is then opened, through which entrance is made on hands and knees. The occupants descend by means of a ladder, and over the entrance a shed is erected, to protect it from the snow.[34] Within the entrance is hung a deer-skin door, and anterooms are arranged in which to deposit frozen outer garments before entering the heated room. Around the sides of the dwelling, sleeping-places are marked out; for bedsteads, boards are placed upon logs one or two feet in diameter, and covered with willow branches and skins. A little heap of stones in the centre of the room, under the smoke-hole, forms the fireplace. In the corners of the room are stone lamps, which answer all domestic 52 purposes in the absence of fire-wood.[35] In the better class of buildings, the sides and floor are boarded. Supplies are kept in a store house at a little distance from the dwelling, perched upon four posts, away from the reach of the dogs, and a frame is always erected on which to hang furs and fish. Several years are sometimes occupied in building a hut.[36]

Mark how nature supplies this treeless coast with wood. The breaking-up of winter in the mountains of Alaska is indeed a breaking-up. The accumulated masses of ice and snow, when suddenly loosened by the incessant rays of the never-setting sun, bear away all before them. Down from the mountain-sides comes the avalanche, uprooting trees, swelling rivers, hurrying with its burden to the sea. There, casting itself into the warm ocean current, the ice soon disappears, and the driftwood which accompanied it is carried northward and thrown back upon the beach by the October winds. Thus huge forest-trees, taken up bodily, as it were, in the middle of a continent, and carried by the currents to the incredible distance, sometimes, of three thousand miles, are deposited all along the Arctic seaboard, laid at the very door of these people, a people whose store of this world's benefits is none of the most abundant.[37] True, wood is not an absolute necessity with them, as many of their houses in the coldest weather 53 have no fire; only oil-lamps being used for cooking and heating. Whale-ribs supply the place of trees for house and boat timbers, and hides are commonly used for boards. Yet a bountiful supply of wood during their long, cold, dark winter comes in no wise amiss.[38] Their summer tents are made of seal or untanned deer skins with the hair outward, conical or bell-shaped, and without a smoke-hole as no fires are ever kindled within them. The wet or frozen earth is covered with a few coarse skins for a floor.[39]

But the most unique system of architecture in America is improvised by the Eskimos during their seal-hunting expeditions upon the ice, when they occupy a veritable crystal palace fit for an Arctic fairy. On the frozen river or sea, a spot is chosen free from irregularities, and a circle of ten or fifteen feet in diameter drawn on the snow. The snow within the circle is then cut into slabs from three to four inches in thickness, their length being the depth of the snow, and these slabs are formed into a wall enclosing the circle and carried up in courses similar to those of brick or stone, terminating in a dome-shaped roof. A wedge-like slab keys the arch; and this principle in architecture may have first been known to the Assyrians, Egyptians, Chinese or Eskimos.[40] Loose snow is then thrown into the crevices, which quickly congeals; an aperture is cut in the side for a door; and if the thin wall is not sufficiently 54 translucent, a piece of ice is fitted into the side for a window. Seats, tables, couches, and even fireplaces are made with frozen snow, and covered with reindeer or seal skin. Out-houses connect with the main room, and frequently a number of dwellings are built contiguously, with a passage from one to another. These houses are comfortable and durable, resisting alike the wind and the thaw until late in the season. Care must be taken that the walls are not so thick as to make them too warm, and so cause a dripping from the interior. A square block of snow serves as a stand for the stone lamp which is their only fire.[41]

"The purity of the material," says Sir John Franklin, who saw them build an edifice of this kind at Coppermine River, "of which the house was framed, the elegance of its construction, and the translucency of its walls, which transmitted a very pleasant light, gave it an appearance far superior to a marble building, and one might survey it with feelings somewhat akin to those produced by the contemplation of a Grecian temple, reared by Phidias; both are triumphs of art, inimitable in their kind."[42]

Eskimos, fortunately, have not a dainty palate. Everything which sustains life is food for them. Their substantials comprise the flesh of land and marine animals, fish and birds; venison, and whale and seal blubber being chief. Choice dishes, tempting to the appetite, Arctic epicurean dishes, Eskimo nectar and ambrosia, are daintily prepared, hospitably placed before strangers, and eaten and drunk with avidity. Among 55 them are: a bowl of coagulated blood, mashed cranberries with rancid train-oil, whortleberries and walrus-blubber, alternate streaks of putrid black and white whale-fat; venison steeped in seal-oil, raw deer's liver cut in small pieces and mixed with the warm half-digested contents of the animal's stomach; bowls of live maggots, a draught of warm blood from a newly killed animal.[43] Fish are sometimes eaten alive. Meats are kept in seal-skin bags for over a year, decomposing meanwhile, but never becoming too rancid for our Eskimos. Their winter store of oil they secure in seal-skin bags, which are buried in the frozen ground. Charlevoix remarks that they are the only race known who prefer food raw. This, however, is not the case. They prefer their food cooked, but do not object to it raw or rotten. They are no lovers of salt.[44]

In mid-winter, while the land is enveloped in darkness, the Eskimo dozes torpidly in his den. Early in September the musk-oxen and reindeer retreat southward, and the fish are confined beneath the frozen covering of the rivers. It is during the short summer, when food is abundant, that they who would not perish must lay up a supply for the winter. When spring opens, and the rivers are cleared of ice, the natives follow the fish, which at that time ascend the streams to spawn, and spear them at the falls and rapids that impede their progress. Small wooden fish are sometimes made and thrown into holes in the ice for a decoy; salmon are taken in a whalebone seine. At this season also reindeer are captured on their way to the coast, whither they resort in the spring to drop their young. Multitudes 56 of geese, ducks, and swans visit the ocean during the same period to breed.[45]

August and September are the months for whales. When a whale is discovered rolling on the water, a boat starts out, and from the distance of a few feet a weapon is plunged into its blubbery carcass. The harpoons are so constructed that when this blow is given, the shaft becomes disengaged from the barbed ivory point. To this point a seal-skin buoy or bladder is attached by means of a cord. The blows are repeated; the buoys encumber the monster in diving or swimming, and the ingenious Eskimo is soon able to tow the carcass to the shore. A successful chase secures an abundance of food for the winter.[46] Seals are caught during the winter, and considerable skill is required in taking them. Being a warm-blooded respiratory animal, they are obliged to have air, and in order to obtain it, while the surface of the water is undergoing the freezing process, they keep open a breathing-hole by constantly gnawing away the ice. They produce their young in March, and soon afterward the natives abandon their villages and set out on the ice in pursuit of them. Seals, like whales, are also killed with a harpoon to which is attached a bladder. The seal, when struck, may draw the float under water for a time, but is soon obliged to rise to the surface from exhaustion and for air, when he is again attacked and soon obliged to yield.

The Eskimos are no less ingenious in catching wild-fowl, which they accomplish by means of a sling or net made of woven sinews, with ivory balls attached. They also snare birds by means of whalebone nooses, round which fine gravel is scattered as a bait. They manœuvre 57 reindeer to near the edge of a cliff, and, driving them into the sea, kill them from canoes. They also waylay them at the narrow passes, and capture them in great numbers. They construct large reindeer pounds, and set up two diverging rows of turf so as to represent men; the outer extremities of the line being sometimes two miles apart, and narrowing to a small enclosure. Into this trap the unsuspecting animals are driven, when they are easily speared.[47]

To overcome the formidable polar bear the natives have two strategems. One is by imitating the seal, upon which the bear principally feeds, and thereby enticing it within gunshot. Another is by bending a piece of stiff whalebone, encasing it in a ball of blubber, and freezing the ball, which then holds firm the bent whalebone. Armed with these frozen blubber balls, the natives approach their victim, and, with a discharge of arrows, open the engagement. The bear, smarting with pain, turns upon his tormentors, who, taking to their heels, drop now and then a blubber ball. Bruin, as fond of food as of revenge, pauses for a moment, hastily swallows one, then another, and another. Soon a strange sensation is felt within. The thawing blubber, melted by the heat of the animal's stomach, releases the pent-up whalebone, which, springing into place, plays havoc with the intestines, and brings the bear to a painful and ignominious end. To vegetables, the natives are rather indifferent; berries, acid sorrel leaves, and certain roots, are used as a relish. There is no native intoxicating liquor, but in eating they get gluttonously stupid.

Notwithstanding his long, frigid, biting winter, the Eskimo never suffers from the cold so long as he has an abundance of food. As we have seen, a whale or a moose supplies him with food, shelter, and raiment. With an internal fire, fed by his oily and animal food, glowing 58 in his stomach, his blood at fever heat, he burrows comfortably in ice and snow and frozen ground, without necessity for wood or coal.[48] Nor are those passions which are supposed to develop most fully under a milder temperature, wanting in the half-frozen Hyperborean.[49] One of the chief difficulties of the Eskimo during the winter is to obtain water, and the women spend a large portion of their time in melting snow over oil-lamps. In the Arctic regions, eating snow is attended with serious consequences. Ice or snow, touched to the lips or tongue, blisters like caustic. Fire is obtained by striking sparks from iron pyrites with quartz. It is a singular fact that in the coldest climate inhabited by man, fire is less used than anywhere else in the world, equatorial regions perhaps excepted. Caloric for the body is supplied by food and supplemented by furs. Snow houses, from their nature, prohibit the use of fire; but cooking with the Eskimo is a luxury, not a necessity. He well understands how to utilize every part of the animals so essential to his existence. With their skins he clothes himself, makes houses, boats, and oil-bags; their flesh and fat he eats. He even devours the contents of the intestines, and with the skin makes water-proof clothing. Knives, arrow-points, house, boat, and sledge frames, fish-hooks, domestic utensils, ice-chisels, and in fact almost all their implements, are made from the horns and bones of the deer, whale, and seal. Bowstrings are made of the sinews of musk-oxen, and ropes of seal-skin.[50] The Eskimo's arms are not very formidable. 59 Backed by his ingenuity, they nevertheless prove sufficient for practical purposes; and while his neighbor possesses none better, all are on an equal footing in war. Their most powerful as well as most artistic weapon is the bow. It is made of beech or spruce, in three pieces curving in opposite directions and ingeniously bound by twisted sinews, so as to give the greatest possible strength. Richardson affirms that "in the hands of a native hunter it will propel an arrow with sufficient force to pierce the heart of a musk-ox, or break the leg of a reindeer." Arrows, as well as spears, lances, and darts, are of white spruce, and pointed with bone, ivory, flint, and slate.[51] East of the Mackenzie, copper enters largely into the composition of Eskimo utensils.[52] Before the introduction of iron by Europeans, stone hatchets were common.[53]

The Hyperboreans surpass all American nations in their facilities for locomotion, both upon land and water. In their skin boats, the natives of the Alaskan seaboard from Point Barrow to Mount St Elias, made long voyages, crossing the strait and sea of Bering, and held commercial intercourse with the people of Asia. Sixty miles is an ordinary day's journey for sledges, while Indians on snow-shoes have been known to run down and capture deer. Throughout this entire border, including the Aleutian Islands, boats are made wholly of the skins of seals or sea-lions, excepting the frame of wood 60 or whale-ribs. In the interior, as well as on the coast immediately below Mount St Elias, skin boats disappear, and canoes or wooden boats are used.

Two kinds of skin boats are employed by the natives of the Alaskan coast, a large and a small one. The former is called by the natives oomiak, and by the Russians baidar. This is a large, flat-bottomed, open boat; the skeleton of wood or whale-ribs, fastened with seal-skin thongs or whale's sinews, and covered with oiled seal or sea-lion skins, which are first sewed together and then stretched over the frame. The baidar is usually about thirty feet in length, six feet in extreme breadth, and three feet in depth. It is propelled by oars, and will carry fifteen or twenty persons, but its capacity is greatly increased by lashing inflated seal-skins to the outside. In storms at sea, two or three baidars are sometimes tied together.[54] The small boat is called by the natives kyak, and by the Russians baidarka. It is constructed of the same material and in the same manner as the baidar, except that it is entirely covered with skins, top as well as bottom, save one hole left in the deck, which is filled by the navigator. After 61 taking his seat, and thereby filling this hole, the occupant puts on a water-proof over-dress, the bottom of which is so secured round the rim of the hole that not a drop of water can penetrate it. This dress is provided with sleeves and a hood. It is securely fastened at the wrists and neck, and when the hood is drawn over the head, the boatman may bid defiance to the water. The baidarka is about sixteen feet in length, and two feet in width at the middle, tapering to a point at either end.[55] It is light and strong, and when skillfully handled is considered very safe. The native of Norton Sound will twirl his kyak completely over, turn an aquatic somersault, and by the aid of his double-bladed paddle come up safely on the other side, without even losing his seat. So highly were these boats esteemed by the Russians, that they were at once universally adopted by them in navigating these waters. They were unable to invent any improvement in either of them, although they made a baidarka with two and three seats, which they employed in addition to the one-seated kyak. The Kadiak baidarka is a little shorter and wider than the Aleutian.[56]

Sleds, sledges, dogs, and Arctic land-boats play an important part in Eskimo economy. The Eskimo sled is framed of spruce, birch, or whalebone, strongly bound with thongs, and the runners shod with smooth strips of 62 whale's jaw-bone. This sled is heavy, and fit only for traveling over ice or frozen snow. Indian sleds of the interior are lighter, the runners being of thin flexible boards better adapted to the inequalities of the ground. Sledges, such as are used by the voyagers of Hudson Bay, are of totally different construction. Three boards, each about one foot in width and twelve feet in length, thinned, and curved into a semicircle at one end, are placed side by side and firmly lashed together with thongs. A leathern bag or blanket of the full size of the sled is provided, in which the load is placed and lashed down with strings.[57] Sleds and sledges are drawn by dogs, and they will carry a load of from a quarter to half a ton, or about one hundred pounds to each dog. The dogs of Alaska are scarcely up to the average of Arctic canine nobility.[58] They are of various colors, hairy, short-legged, with large bushy tails curved over the back; they are wolfish, suspicious, yet powerful, sagacious, and docile, patiently performing an incredible amount of ill-requited labor. Dogs are harnessed to the sledge, sometimes by separate thongs at unequal distances, sometimes in pairs to a single line. They are guided by the voice accompanied by a whip, and to the best trained and most sagacious is given the longest tether, that he may act as leader. An eastern dog will carry on his back a weight of thirty pounds. The dogs of the northern coast are larger and stronger 63 than those of the interior. Eskimo dogs are used in hunting reindeer and musk-oxen, as well as in drawing sledges.[59] Those at Cape Prince of Wales appear to be of the same species as those used upon the Asiatic coast for drawing sledges.

Snow-shoes, or foot-sledges, are differently made according to the locality. In traveling over soft snow they are indispensable. They consist of an open light wooden frame, made of two smooth pieces of wood each about two inches wide and an inch thick; the inner part sometimes straight, and the outer curved out to about one foot in the widest part. They are from two to six feet in length, some oval and turned up in front, running to a point behind; others flat, and pointed at both ends, the space within the frame being filled with a network of twisted deer-sinews or fine seal-skin.[60] The Hudson Bay snow-shoe is only two and a half feet in length. The Kutchin shoe is smaller than that of the Eskimo.

The merchantable wealth of the Eskimos consists of peltries, such as wolf, deer, badger, polar-bear, otter, hare, musk-rat, Arctic-fox, and seal skins; red ochre, plumbago, and iron pyrites; oil, ivory, whalebone; in short, all parts of all species of beasts, birds, and fishes that they can secure and convert into an exchangeable shape.[61] The articles they most covet are tobacco, iron, and beads. They are not particularly given to strong drink. On the shore of Bering Strait the natives have constant commercial 64 intercourse with Asia. They cross easily in their boats, carefully eluding the vigilance of the fur company. They frequently meet at the Gwosdeff Islands, where the Tschuktschi bring tobacco, iron, tame-reindeer skins, and walrus-ivory; the Eskimos giving in exchange wolf and wolverine skins, wooden dishes, seal-skins and other peltries. The Eskimos of the American coast carry on quite an extensive trade with the Indians of the interior,[62] exchanging with them Asiatic merchandise for peltries. They are sharp at bargains, avaricious, totally devoid of conscience in their dealings; will sell their property thrice if possible, and, if caught, laugh it off as a joke. The rights of property are scrupulously respected among themselves, but to steal from strangers, which they practice on every occasion with considerable dexterity, is considered rather a mark of merit than otherwise. A successful thief, when a stranger is the victim, receives the applause of the entire tribe.[63] Captain Kotzebue thus describes the manner of trading with the Russo-Indians of the south and of Asia.

"The stranger first comes, and lays some goods on the shore and then retires; the American then comes, looks at the things, puts as many things near them as he thinks proper to give, and then also goes away. Upon this the stranger approaches, and examines what is offered him; if he is satisfied with it, he takes the skins and leaves the goods instead; but if not, then he lets all the things lie, retires a second time, and expects 65 an addition from the buyer." If they cannot agree, each retires with his goods.

Their government, if it can be called a government, is patriarchal. Now and then some ancient or able man gains an ascendency in the tribe, and overawes his fellows. Some tribes even acknowledge an hereditary chief, but his authority is nominal. He can neither exact tribute, nor govern the movements of the people. His power seems to be exercised only in treating with other tribes. Slavery in any form is unknown among them. Caste has been mentioned in connection with tattooing, but, as a rule, social distinctions do not exist.[64]

The home of the Eskimo is a model of filth and freeness. Coyness is not one of their vices, nor is modesty ranked among their virtues. The latitude of innocency marks all their social relations; they refrain from doing in public nothing that they would do in private. Female chastity is little regarded. The Kutchins, it is said, are jealous, but treat their wives kindly; the New Caledonians are jealous, and treat them cruelly; but the philosophic Eskimos are neither jealous nor unkind. Indeed, so far are they from espionage or meanness in marital affairs, that it is the duty of the hospitable host to place at the disposal of his guest not only the house and its contents, but his wife also.[65] The lot of the 66 women is but little better than slavery. All the work, except the nobler occupations of hunting, fishing, and fighting, falls to them. The lesson of female inferiority is at an early age instilled into the mind of youth. Nevertheless, the Eskimo mother is remarkably affectionate, and fulfills her low destiny with patient kindness. Polygamy is common; every man being entitled to as many wives as he can get and maintain. On the other hand, if women are scarce, the men as easily adapt themselves to circumstances, and two of them marry one woman. Marriages are celebrated as follows: after gaining the consent of the mother, the lover presents a suit of clothes to the lady, who arrays herself therein and thenceforth is his wife.[66] Dancing, accompanied by singing and violent gesticulation, is their chief amusement. In all the nations of the north, every well-regulated village aspiring to any degree of respectability has its public or town house, which among the Eskimos is called the Casine or Kashim. It consists of one large subterranean room, better built than the common dwellings, and occupying a central position, where the people congregate on feast-days.[67] This house is also used as a public work-shop, where are manufactured boats, sledges, and snow-shoes. A large portion of the winter is devoted to dancing. Feasting and visiting commence in November. On festive occasions, a dim light and a strong odor are thrown over the scene 67 by means of blubber-lamps. The dancers, who are usually young men, strip themselves to the waist, or even appear in puris naturalibus, and go through numberless burlesque imitations of birds and beasts, their gestures being accompanied by tambourine and songs. Sometimes they are fantastically arrayed in seal or deer skin pantaloons, decked with dog or wolf tails behind, and wear feathers or a colored handkerchief on the head. The ancients, seated upon benches which encircle the room, smoke, and smile approbation. The women attend with fish and berries in large wooden bowls; and, upon the opening of the performance, they are at once relieved of their contributions by the actors, who elevate the provisions successively to the four cardinal points and once to the skies above, when all partake of the feast. Then comes another dance. A monotonous refrain, accompanied by the beating of an instrument made of seal-intestines stretched over a circular frame, brings upon the ground one boy after another, until about twenty form a circle. A series of pantomimes then commences, portraying love, jealousy, hatred, and friendship. During intervals in the exercises, presents are distributed to strangers. In their national dance, one girl after another comes in turn to the centre, while the others join hands and dance and sing, not unmusically, about her. The most extravagant motions win the greatest applause.[68]

Among other customs of the Eskimo may be mentioned the following. Their salutations are made by rubbing noses together. No matter how oily the skin, nor how rank the odor, he who would avoid offense 68 must submit his nose to the nose of his Hyperborean brother,[69] and his face to the caressing hand of his polar friend. To convey intimations of friendship at a distance, they extend their arms, and rub and pat their breast. Upon the approach of visitors they form a circle, and sit like Turks, smoking their pipes. Men, women, and children are inordinately fond of tobacco. They swallow the smoke and revel in a temporary elysium. They are called brave, simple, kind, intelligent, happy, hospitable, respectful to the aged. They are also called cruel, ungrateful, treacherous, cunning, dolorously complaining, miserable.[70] They are great mimics, and, in order to terrify strangers, they accustom themselves to the most extraordinary contortions of features and body. As a measure of intellectual capacity, it is claimed for them that they divide time into days, lunar months, seasons, and years; that they estimate accurately by the sun or stars the time of day or night; that they can count several hundred and draw maps. They also make rude drawings on bone, representing dances, deer-hunting, animals, and all the various pursuits followed by them from the cradle to the grave.

But few diseases are common to them, and a deformed person is scarcely ever seen. Cutaneous eruptions, resulting from their antipathy to water, and ophthalmia, arising from the smoke of their closed huts and the glare of sun-light upon snow and water, constitute their chief disorders.[71] For protection to their eyes in hunting and 69 fishing, they make goggles by cutting a slit in a piece of soft wood, and adjusting it to the face.

The Eskimos do not, as a rule, bury their dead; but double the body up, and place it on the side in a plank box, which is elevated three or four feet from the ground, and supported by four posts. The grave-box is often covered with painted figures of birds, fishes, and animals. Sometimes it is wrapped in skins, placed upon an elevated frame, and covered with planks, or trunks of trees, so as to protect it from wild beasts. Upon the frame or in the grave-box are deposited the arms, clothing, and sometimes the domestic utensils of the deceased. Frequent mention is made by travelers of burial places where the bodies lie exposed, with their heads placed towards the north.[72]

The Koniagas derive their name from the inhabitants of the island of Kadiak, who, when first discovered, called themselves Kanagist.[73] They were confounded 70 by early Russian writers with the Aleuts. English ethnologists sometimes call them Southern Eskimos. From Kadiak they extend along the coast in both directions; northward across the Alaskan Peninsula to Kotzebue Sound, and eastward to Prince William Sound. The Koniagan family is divided into nations as follows: the Koniagas proper, who inhabit the Koniagan Archipelago; the Chugatshes,[74] who occupy the islands and shores of Prince William Sound; the Aglegmutes, of Bristol Bay; the Keyataigmutes, who live upon the river Nushagak and the coast as far as Cape Newenham; the Agulmutes, dwelling upon the coast between the Kuskoquim and Kishunak rivers; the Kuskoquigmutes,[75] occupying the banks of the river Kuskoquim; the Magemutes, in the neighborhood of Cape Romanzoff; the Kwichpagmutes, Kwichluagmutes, and Pashtoliks, on the Kwichpak, Kwickluak, and Pashtolik rivers; the Chnagmutes, near Pashtolik Bay; the Anlygmutes, of Golovnin Bay, and the Kaviaks and Malemutes, of Norton Sound.[76] "All of these people," says Baron von Wrangell, "speak one language and belong to one stock."

The most populous district is the Kuskoquim Valley.[77] The small islands in the vicinity of Kadiak were once well peopled; but as the Russians depopulated them, and hunters became scarce, the natives were not allowed to scatter, but were forced to congregate in towns.[78] Schelikoff, the first settler on Kadiak, reported, in that and contiguous isles, thirty thousand natives. Thirty years later, Saritsheff visited the island and found but three 71 thousand. The Chugatshes not long since lived upon the island of Kadiak, but, in consequence of dissensions with their neighbors, they were obliged to emigrate and take up their residence on the main land. They derived their manners originally from the northern nations; but, after having been driven from their ancient possessions, they made raids upon southern nations, carried off their women, and, from the connections thus formed, underwent a marked change. They now resemble the southern rather than the northern tribes. The Kadiaks, Chugatshes, Kuskoquims, and adjacent tribes, according to their own traditions, came from the north, while the Unalaskas believe themselves to have originated in the west. The Kaviaks intermingle to a considerable extent with the Malemutes, and the two are often taken for one people; but their dialects are quite distinct.

The country of the Koniagas is a rugged wilderness, into many parts of which no white man has ever penetrated. Mountainous forests, glacial cañons, down which flow innumerable torrents, hills interspersed with lakes and marshy plains; ice-clad in winter, covered with luxuriant vegetation in summer. Some sheltered inlets absorb an undue proportion of oceanic warmth. Thus the name Aglegmutes signifies the inhabitants of a warm climate.

Travelers report chiefs among the Koniagas seven feet in height, but in general they are of medium stature.[79] Their complexion may be a shade darker 72 than that of the Eskimos of the northern coast, but it is still very light.[80] The Chugatshes are remarkable for their large heads, short necks, broad faces, and small eyes. Holmberg claims for the Koniagas a peculiar formation of the skull; the back, as he says, being not arched but flat. They pierce the septum of the nose and the under lip, and in the apertures wear ornaments of various materials; the most highly prized being of shell or of amber. It is said that at times amber is thrown up in large quantities by the ocean, on the south side of Kadiak, generally after a heavy earthquake, and that at such times it forms an important article of commerce with the natives. The more the female chin is riddled with holes, the greater the respectability. Two ornaments are usually worn, but by very aristocratic ladies as many as six.[81] Their favorite colors in face-painting are red and blue, though black and leaden colors are common.[82] Young Kadiak wives secure the affectionate admiration of their husbands by tattooing the breast and adorning the face with black lines; while the Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. The hair is worn long by men as well as women. On state occasions, it is elaborately dressed; first saturated in train-oil, then powdered with red clay or oxide of iron, and finished off with a shower of white feathers. Both sexes wear beads wherever they can find a place for them, round the neck, wrists, and ankles, 73 besides making a multitude of holes for them in the ears, nose, and chin. Into these holes they will also insert buttons, nails, or any European trinket which falls into their possession.[83]

The aboriginal dress of a wealthy Kadiak was a bird-skin parka, or shirt, fringed at the top and bottom, with long wide sleeves out of which the wearer slipped his arms in an emergency. This garment was neatly sewed with bird-bone needles, and a hundred skins were sometimes used in the making of a single parka. It was worn with the feathers outside during the day, and inside during the night. Round the waist was fastened an embroidered girdle, and over all, in wet weather, was worn an intestine water-proof coat. The Kadiak breeches and stockings were of otter or other skins, and the boots, when any were worn, were of seal-neck leather, with whale-skin soles. The Russians in a measure prohibited the use of furs among the natives, compelling them to purchase woolen goods from the company, and deliver up all their peltries. The parkas and stockings of the Kuskoquims are of reindeer-skin, covered with embroidery, and trimmed with valuable furs. They also make stockings of swamp grass, and cloaks of sturgeon-skin. The Malemute and Kaviak dress is similar to that of the northern Eskimo.[84] 74

The Chugatshes, men, women, and children, dress alike in a close fur frock, or robe, reaching sometimes to the knees, but generally to the ankles. Their feet and legs are commonly bare, notwithstanding the high latitude in which they live; but they sometimes wear skin stockings and mittens. They make a truncated conic hat of straw or wood, in whimsical representation of the head of some fish or bird, and garnished with colors.[85]

The Koniagas build two kinds of houses; one a large, winter village residence, called by the Russians barabara, and the other a summer hunting-hut, placed usually upon the banks of a stream whence they draw food. Their winter houses are very large, accommodating three or four families each. They are constructed by digging a square space of the required area to a depth of two feet, placing a post, four feet high above the surface of the ground, at every corner, and roofing the space over to constitute a main hall, where eating is done, filth deposited, and boats built. The sides are of planks, and the roof of boards, poles, or whale-ribs, thickly covered with grass. In the roof is a smoke-hole, and on the eastern side a door-hole about three feet square, through which entrance is made on hands and knees, and which is protected by a seal or other skin. Under the opening in the roof, a hole is dug for fire; and round the sides of the room, tomb-like excavations are made, or boards put up, for sleeping-places, where the occupant reposes on his back with his knees drawn up to the chin. Adjoining 75 rooms are sometimes made, with low underground passages leading off from the main hall. The walls are adorned with implements of the chase and bags of winter food; the latter of which, being in every stage of decay, emits an odor most offensive to unhabituated nostrils. The ground is carpeted with straw. When the smoke-hole is covered by an intestine window, the dwellings of the Koniagas are exceedingly warm, and neither fire nor clothing is required.[86] The kashim, or public house of the Koniagas, is built like their dwellings, and is capable of accommodating three or four hundred people.[87] Huts are built by earthing over sticks placed in roof-shape; also by erecting a frame of poles, and covering it with bark or skins.

The Koniagas will eat any digestible substance in nature except pork; from which fact Kingsborough might have proven incontestably a Jewish origin. I should rather give them swinish affinities, and see in this singularity a hesitancy to feed upon the only animal, except themselves, which eats with equal avidity bear's excrements, carrion birds, maggoty fish, and rotten sea-animals.[88] When a whale is taken, it is literally stripped of everything to the bare bones, and these also are used for building huts and boats.[89] These people can dispose 76 of enormous quantities of food; or, if necessary, they can go a long time without eating.[90] Before the introduction of intoxicating drinks by white men, they made a fermented liquor from the juice of raspberries and blueberries. Tobacco is in general use, but chewing and snuffing are more frequent than smoking. Salmon are very plentiful in the vicinity of Kadiak, and form one of the chief articles of diet. During their periodical ascension of the rivers, they are taken in great quantities by means of a pole pointed with bone or iron. Salmon are also taken in nets made of whale-sinews. Codfish are caught with a bone hook. Whales approach the coast of Kadiak in June, when the inhabitants pursue them in baidarkas. Their whale-lance is about six feet in length, and pointed with a stone upon which is engraved the owner's mark. This point separates from the handle and is left in the whale's flesh, so that when the body is thrown dead upon the beach, the whaler proves his property by his lance-point. Many superstitions are mentioned in connection with the whale-fishery. When a whaler dies, the body is cut into small pieces and distributed among his fellow-craftsmen, each of whom, after rubbing the point of his lance upon it, dries and preserves his piece as a sort of talisman. Or the body is placed in a distant cave, where, before setting out upon a chase, the whalers all congregate, take it out, carry it to a stream, immerse it and then drink of the water. During the season, whalers bear a charmed existence. No one may eat out of the same dish with them, nor even approach them. When the season is over, they hide their weapons in the mountains.

In May, the Koniagas set out in two-oared baidarkas 77 for distant islands, in search of sea-otter. As success requires a smooth sea, they can hunt them only during the months of May and June, taking them in the manner following. Fifty or one hundred boats proceed slowly through the water, so closely together that it is impossible for an otter to escape between them. As soon as the animal is discovered, the signal is given, the area within which he must necessarily rise to the surface for air, is surrounded by a dozen boats, and when he appears upon the surface he is filled with arrows. Seals are hunted with spears ten or twelve feet in length, upon the end of which is fastened an inflated bladder, in order to float the animal when dead.

The Kuskokwigmutes are less nomadic than their neighbors; being housed in permanent settlements during the winter, although in summer they are obliged to scatter in various directions in quest of food. Every morning before break of day, during the hunting-season, a boy lights the oil-lamps in all the huts of the village, when the women rise and prepare the food. The men, excepting old men and boys, all sleep in the kashim, whither they retire at sunset. In the morning they are aroused by the appearance of the shamán, arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, and beating his sacred drum. After morning worship, the women carry breakfast to their husbands in the kashim. At day-break the men depart for their hunting or fishing, and when they return, immediately repair to the kashim, leaving the women to unload and take care of the products of the day's work. During the hunting-season the men visit their wives only during the night, returning to the kashim before daylight.

The Malemutes leave their villages upon the coast regularly in February, and, with their families, resort to the mountains, where they follow the deer until snow melts, and then return to catch water-fowl and herring, and gather eggs upon the cliffs and promontories of the coast and islands. In July is their salmon feast. The fawns of reindeer are caught upon the hills by the 78 women in August, either by chasing them down or by snaring them. Deer are stalked, noosed in snares, or driven into enclosures, where they are easily killed. At Kadiak, hunting begins in February, and in April they visit the smaller islands for sea-otter, seals, sea-lions, and eggs. Their whale and other fisheries commence in June and continue till October, at which time they abandon work and give themselves up to festivities. The seal is highly prized by them for its skin, blubber, and oil. One method of catching seals illustrates their ingenuity. Taking an air-tight seal-skin, they blow it up like a bladder, fasten to it a long line, and, concealing themselves behind the rocks, they throw their imitation seal among the live ones and draw it slowly to the shore. The others follow, and are speared or killed with bow and arrows. Blueberries and huckleberries are gathered in quantities and dried for winter use; they are eaten mixed with seal-oil. The Koniagas are also very fond of raw reindeer-fat. They hunt with guns, and snare grouse, marten, and hares. A small white fish is taken in great quantities from holes in the ice. They are so abundant and so easily caught that the natives break off the barbs from their fish-hooks in order to facilitate their operations.

The white polar bear does not wander south of the sixty-fifth parallel, and is only found near Bering Strait. Some were found on St Matthew Island, in Bering Sea, but were supposed to have been conveyed thither upon floating ice. The natives approach the grizzly bear with great caution. When a lair is discovered, the opening is measured, and a timber barricade constructed, with an aperture through which the bear may put his head. The Indians then quietly approach and secure their timbers against the opening of the den with stones, and throw a fire-brand into the den to arouse the animal, who thereupon puts his head out through the hole and meets with a reception which brings him to an untimely end.[91] 79

In former times, the Koniagas went to war behind a huge wooden shield a foot thick and twelve feet in width. It was made of three thicknesses of larch-wood, bound together with willows, and with it they covered thirty or forty lancers.[92] They poisoned their arrow and lance points with a preparation of aconite, by drying and pulverizing the root, mixing the powder with water, and, when it fermented, applying it to their weapons.[93] They made arrow-points of copper, obtaining a supply from the Kenai of Copper River;[94] and the wood was as finely finished as if turned in a lathe.

The boats of the Koniagas are similar to those of the north, except that the bow and stem are not alike, the one turning up to a point and the other cut off square.[95] Needles made of birds' bones, and thread from whale-sinews, in the hands of a Kadiak woman, produced work, "many specimens of which," says Lisiansky, "would do credit to our best seamstresses."[96] They produced fire by revolving with a bow-string a hard dry stick upon a soft dry board, one end of the stick being held in a mouth-piece of bone or ivory. Their implements 80 were few—a stone adze, a shell or flint knife, a polishing stone, and a handled tooth.[97] Yet they excel in carving, and in working walrus-teeth and whalebone, the former being supplied them mostly by the Aglegmutes of the Alaskan Peninsula. The tools used in these manufactures were of stone, and the polishing tools of shell. Traces of the stone age are found in lamps, hammers and cutting instruments, wedges and hatchets. Carving is done by the men, while the women are no less skillful in sewing, basket-making, crocheting, and knitting. The women tan, and make clothing and boat-covers from skins and intestines.[98] The Agulmutes are skilled in the carving of wood and ivory; the Kuskoquims excel in wood and stone carving. They make in this manner domestic utensils and vases, with grotesque representations of men, animals, and birds, in relief.

Authority is exercised only by heads of households, but chiefs may, by superior ability, acquire much influence.[99] Before they became broken up and demoralized by contact with civilization, there was a marked division of communities into castes; an hereditary nobility and commonalty. In the former was embodied all authority; but the rule of American chieftains is nowhere of a very arbitrary character. Slavery existed to a limited extent, the thralls being mostly women and children. Their male prisoners of war, they either killed immediately or reserved to torture for the edification and improvement of their children.[100] Upon the arrival of 81 the Russians, the slaves then held by the natives, thinking to better their condition, left their barbaric masters and placed themselves under the protection of the new comers. The Russians accepted the trust, and set them to work. The poor creatures, unable to perform the imposed tasks, succumbed; and, as their numbers were diminished by ill treatment, their places were supplied by such of the inhabitants as had been guilty of some misdemeanor; and singularly enough, misdemeanors happened to be about in proportion to the demand for slaves.[101]

The domestic manners of the Koniagas are of the lowest order. In filth they out-do, if possible, their neighbors of the north.[102] Thrown together in little bands under one roof, they have no idea of morality, and the marriage relation sits so loosely as hardly to excite jealousy in its abuse. Female chastity is deemed a thing of value only as men hold property in it. A young unmarried woman may live uncensured in the freest intercourse with the men; though, as soon as she belongs to one man, it is her duty to be true to him. Sodomy is common; the Kaviaks practice polygamy and incest; the Kadiaks cohabit promiscuously, brothers and sisters, parents and children.[103] The Malemutes are content with one wife, but they have no marriage ceremony, and can put her away at pleasure. They prize boy babies, but frequently kill the girls, taking them out into the wilderness, stuffing grass into their mouth and abandoning them; yet children are highly esteemed, and the barren woman is a reproach among her people. Such persons even go so far as to make a doll or image of the offspring which they 82 so greatly desire, and fondle it as if it were a real child.[104] Two husbands are also allowed to one woman; one the chief or principal husband, and the other a deputy, who acts as husband and master of the house during the absence of the true lord; and who, upon the latter's return, not only yields to him his place, but becomes in the meantime his servant.

But the most repugnant of all their practices is that of male concubinage. A Kadiak mother will select her handsomest and most promising boy, and dress and rear him as a girl, teaching him only domestic duties, keeping him at woman's work, associating him only with women and girls, in order to render his effeminacy complete. Arriving at the age of ten or fifteen years, he is married to some wealthy man, who regards such a companion as a great acquisition. These male wives are called achnutschik or schopans.[105]

A most cruel superstition is enforced upon maidens at the age of puberty; the victim being confined for six months in a hut built for the purpose, apart from the others, and so small that the poor inmate cannot straighten her back while upon her knees. During the six months following, she is allowed a room a little larger, but is still permitted no intercourse with any one. Daughters of principal men obtain the right of access to the kashim by undergoing a ceremonial yielding up of 83 their virginity to the shamán.[106] Marriage ceremonies are few, and marriage engagements peculiar. The consent of the father of the intended bride being obtained, the aspirant for nuptial honors brings wood and builds a fire in the bath-room; after which, he and the father take a bath together. The relatives meanwhile congregate, a feast is held, presents are made, the bridegroom takes the name of the bride's father, the couple are escorted to a heated vapor-bath and there left together. Although extremely filthy in their persons and habits, all Indians attach great importance to their sweat-baths. This peculiar institution extends through most of the nations of our territory, from Alaska to Mexico, with wonderful uniformity. Frequently one of the side subterranean apartments which open off from the main hall, is devoted to the purposes of a sweat-house. Into one of these caverns a Kadiak will enter stripped. Steam is generated by throwing water upon heated stones. After sweltering for a time in the confined and heated atmosphere, and while yet in a profuse perspiration, the bather rushes out and plunges into the nearest stream or into the sea, frequently having to break the ice before being able to finish his bath. Sometimes all the occupants of the house join in a bath. They then clear the floor of the main room from obstructions, and build a hot fire under the smoke-hole. When the fire is reduced to coals, a covering is placed over the smoke-hole, and the bathers proceed to wash themselves in a certain liquid, which is carefully saved for this and other cleansing purposes, and also for tanning. The alkali of the fluid combines with the grease upon their persons, and thus a lather is formed which removes dirt as effectually as soap would. They then wash in water, wrap themselves in deer-skins, and repose upon shelves until the lassitude occasioned by perspiration passes away. 84

Festivals of various kinds are held; as, when one village is desirous of extending hospitality to another village, or when an individual becomes ambitious of popularity, a feast is given. A ceremonial banquet takes place a year after the death of a relative; or an entertainment may be announced as a reparation for an injury done to one's neighbor. At some of these feasts only men dance, and at others the women join. Upon these occasions, presents are exchanged, and the festivities sometimes continue for several days. The men appear upon the scene nearly or quite naked, with painted faces, and the hair fantastically decorated with feathers, dancing to the music of the tambourine, sometimes accompanied by sham fights and warlike songs. Their faces are marked or fantastically painted, and they hold a knife or lance in one hand and a rattle in the other. The women dance by simply hopping forward and backward upon their toes.[107] A visitor, upon entering a dwelling, is presented with a cup of cold water; afterward, fish or flesh is set before him, and it is expected that he will leave nothing uneaten. The more he eats, the greater the honor to the host; and, if it be impossible to eat all that is given him, he must take away with him whatever remains. After eating, he is conducted to a hot bath and regaled with a drink of melted fat.

Sagoskin assisted at a ceremony which is celebrated annually about the first of January at all the villages on the coast. It is called the festival of the immersion of the bladders in the sea. More than a hundred bladders, taken only from animals which have been killed with arrows, and decorated with fantastic paintings, are hung upon a cord stretched horizontally along the wall of the kashim. Four birds carved from wood, a screech-owl 85 with the head of a man, a sea-gull, and two partridges, are so disposed that they can be moved by strings artfully arranged; the owl flutters his wings and moves his head; the gull strikes the boards with his beak as if he were catching fish, and the partridges commence to peck each other. Lastly, a stake enveloped in straw is placed in the centre of the fire-place. Men and women dance before these effigies in honor of Jug-jak, the spirit of the sea. Every time the dancing ceases, one of the assistants lights some straw, burning it like incense before the birds and the bladders. The principal ceremony of the feast consists, as its name indicates, in the immersion of the bladders in the sea. It was impossible to discover the origin of this custom; the only answer given to questions was, that their ancestors had done so before them.

The shamán, or medicine-man of the Koniagas, is the spiritual and temporal doctor of the tribe; wizard, sorcerer, priest, or physician, as necessity demands. In the execution of his offices, the shamán has several assistants, male and female, sages and disciples; the first in rank being called kaseks, whose duty it is to superintend festivals and teach the children to dance. When a person falls sick, some evil spirit is supposed to have taken possession of him, and it is the business of the shamán to exorcise that spirit, to combat and drive it out of the man. To this end, armed with a magic tambourine, he places himself near the patient and mutters his incantations. A female assistant accompanies him with groans and growls. Should this prove ineffectual, the shamán approaches the bed and throws himself upon the person of the sufferer; then, seizing the demon, he struggles with it, overpowers and casts it out, while the assistants cry, "He is gone! he is gone!" If the patient recovers, the physician is paid, otherwise he receives nothing.[108] 86 Colds, consumption, rheumatism, itch, boils, ulcers, syphilis, are among their most common diseases. Blood-letting is commonly resorted to as a curative, and except in extreme cases the shamán is not called. The Koniagas bleed one another by piercing the arm with a needle, and then cutting away the flesh above the needle with a flint or copper instrument. Beaver's oil is said to relieve their rheumatism.

"The Kadiak people," says Lisiansky, "seem more attached to their dead than to their living." In token of their grief, surviving friends cut the hair, blacken the face with soot, and the ancient custom was to remain in mourning for a year. No work may be done for twenty days, but after the fifth day the mourner may bathe. Immediately after death, the body is arrayed in its best apparel, or wrapped with moss in seal or sea-lion skins, and placed in the kashim, or left in the house in which the person died, where it remains for a time in state. The body, with the arms and implements of the deceased, is then buried. It was not unfrequent in former times to sacrifice a slave upon such an occasion. The grave is covered over with blocks of wood and large stones.[109] A mother, upon the death of a child, retires for a time from the camp; a husband or wife withdraws and joins another tribe.[110]

The character of the Koniagas may be drawn as peaceable, industrious, serviceable to Europeans, adapted to labor and commerce rather than to war and hunting. They are not more superstitious than civilized nations; and their immorality, though to a stranger most rank, is not to them of that socially criminal sort which loves darkness and brings down the avenger. In their own eyes, their abhorrent practices are as sinless as the ordinary, 87 openly conducted avocations of any community are to the members thereof.

The Aleuts are the inhabitants of the Aleutian Archipelago. The origin of the word is unknown;[111] the original name being Kagataya Koung'ns, or 'men of the east,' indicating an American origin.[112] The nation consists of two tribes speaking different dialects; the Unalaskans, occupying the south-western portion of the Alaskan Peninsula, the Shumagin Islands, and the Fox Islands; and the Atkhas, inhabiting the Andreanovski, Rat, and Near Islands. Migrations and intermixtures with the Russians have, however, nearly obliterated original distinctions.

The earliest information concerning the Aleutian Islanders was obtained by Michael Nevodtsikoff, who sailed from Kamchatka in 1745. Other Russian voyagers immediately followed, attracted thither in search of sea-animal skins, which at that time were very plentiful.[113] Tribute was levied upon the islanders by the Russians, and a system of cruelty commenced which soon reduced the natives from ten thousand to but little more than one thousand.

The Aleuts, to Langsdorff, "appear to be a sort of middle race between the mongrel Tartars and the North 88 Americans." John Ledyard, who visited Unalaska with Captain Cook, saw "two different kinds of people; the one we knew to be the aborigines of America, while we supposed the others to have come from the opposite coasts of Asia."[114] Their features are strongly marked, and those who saw them as they originally existed, were impressed with the intelligent and benevolent expression of their faces.[115] They have an abundance of lank hair, which they cut with flints—the men from the crown, and the women in front.[116] Both sexes undergo the usual face-painting and ornamentations. They extend their nostrils by means of a bow-cylinder. The men wear a bone about the size of a quill in the nose, and the women insert pieces of bone in the under lip.[117] Their legs are bowed, from spending so much of their time in boats; they frequently sitting in them fifteen or twenty hours at a time. Their figure is awkward and uncouth, yet robust, active, capable of carrying heavy burdens and undergoing great fatigue.[118]

The hat of the Aleut is the most peculiar part of his dress. It consists of a helmet-shaped crown of wood or leather, with an exceedingly long brim in front, so as 89 to protect the eyes from the sun's reflection upon the water and snow. Upon the apex is a small carving, down the back part hang the beards of sea-lions, while carved strips of bone and paint ornament the whole. This hat also serves as a shield against arrows. The Fox Islanders have caps of bird-skin, on which are left the bright-colored feathers, wings, and tail.[119] As a rule, the men adopt bird-skin clothing, and the women furs, the latter highly ornamented with beads and fringes.[120]

The habitations of the Fox Islanders are called Ullaa, and consist of immense holes from one to three hundred feet in length, and from twenty to thirty feet wide. They are covered with poles and earthed over, leaving several openings at the top through which descent is made by ladders. The interior is partitioned by stakes, and three hundred people sometimes occupy one of these places in common. They have no fire-place, since lamps hollowed from flat stones answer every purpose for cooking and light.[121] A boat turned bottom upward is the summer house of the Aleut.[122] 90

Raw seal and sea-otter, whale and sea-lion blubber, fish, roots, and berries are staple articles of food among the Aleuts. To procure vegetable food is too much trouble. A dead, half-putrefied whale washed ashore is always the occasion of great rejoicing. From all parts the people congregate upon the shore, lay in their winter supplies, and stuff themselves until not a morsel remains. November is their best hunting-season. Whale-fishing is confined to certain families, and the spirit of the craft descends from father to son. Birds are caught in a net attached to the end of a pole; sea-otter are shot with arrows; spears, bone hooks, and nets are used in fishing.[123] After the advent of the Russians, the natives were not allowed to kill fur-animals without accounting to them therefor.[124]

Their weapons are darts with single and double barbs, which they throw from boards; barbed, bone-pointed lances; spears, harpoons, and arrows, with bone or stone points. At their side is carried a sharp stone knife ten or twelve inches long, and for armor they wear a coat of plaited rushes, which covers the whole body.[125] An 91 Aleut bear-trap consists of a board two feet square and two inches thick, planted with barbed spikes, placed in bruin's path and covered with dust. The unsuspecting victim steps firmly upon the smooth surface offered, when his foot sinks into the dust. Maddened with pain, he puts forward another foot to assist in pulling the first away, when that too is caught. Soon all four of the feet are firmly spiked to the board; the beast rolls over on his back, and his career is soon brought to an end.

Notwithstanding their peaceful character, the occupants of the several islands were almost constantly at war. Blood, the only atonement for offense, must be washed out by blood, and the line of vengeance becomes endless. At the time of discovery, the Unimak Islanders held the supremacy.

The fabrications of the Aleuts comprise household utensils of stone, bone, and wood; missiles of war and the chase; mats and baskets of grass and the roots of trees, neat and strong; bird-beak rattles, tambourines or drums, wooden hats and carved figures. From the wing-bone of the sea-gull, the women make their needles; from sinews, they make thread and cord.[126] To obtain glue for mending or manufacturing purposes, they strike the nose until it bleeds.[127] To kindle a fire, they make use of sulphur, in which their volcanic islands abound, and the process is very curious. First they prepare some dry grass to catch the fire; then they take two pieces of quartz, and, holding them over the grass, rub them well with native sulphur. A few feathers are scattered over the grass to catch the particles of sulphur, and, when all is ready, holding the stones over the grass, 92 they strike them together; a flash is produced by the concussion, the sulphur ignites, and the straw blazes up.[128]

The Aleuts have no marriage ceremony. Every man takes as many women to wife as he can support, or rather as he can get to support him. Presents are made to the relatives of the bride, and when she ceases to possess attractions or value in the eyes of her proprietor, she is sent back to her friends. Wives are exchanged by the men, and rich women are permitted to indulge in two husbands. Male concubinage obtains throughout the Aleutian Islands, but not to the same extent as among the Koniagas.[129] Mothers plunge their crying babies under water in order to quiet them. This remedy performed in winter amid broken ice, is very effectual.[130]

Every island, and, in the larger islands, every village, has its toyon, or chief, who decides differences, is exempt from work, is allowed a servant to row his boat, but in other respects possesses no power. The office is elective.[131]

The Aleuts are fond of dancing and given to hospitality. The stranger guest, as he approaches the village, is met by dancing men and dancing women, who conduct him to the house of the host, where food is given him. After supper, the dancing, now performed by naked men, continues until all are exhausted, when the hospitalities of 93 the dwelling are placed at the disposal of the guest, and all retire.[132] A religious festival used to be held in December, at which all the women of the village assembled by moonlight, and danced naked with masked faces, the men being excluded under penalty of death. The men and women of a village bathe together, in aboriginal innocency, unconscious of impropriety. They are fond of pantomimic performances; of representing in dances their myths and their legends; of acting out a chase, one assuming the part of hunter, another of a bird or beast trying to escape the snare, now succeeding, now failing—the piece ending in the transformation of a captive bird into a lovely woman, who falls exhausted into the arms of the hunter.

The dead are clothed and masked, and either placed in the cleft of a rock, or swung in a boat or cradle from a pole in the open air. They seem to guard the body as much as possible from contact with the ground.[133]

In their nature and disposition, these islanders are sluggish but strong. Their sluggishness gives to their character a gentleness and obsequiousness often remarked by travelers; while their inherent strength, when roused by brutal passions, drives them on to the greatest enormities. They are capable of enduring great fatigue, and, when roused to action by necessity, they will perform an incredible amount of work, suffering the severest cold or heat or hunger with the most stoical calmness. They are very quiet in their demeanor; sometimes sitting in companies within their dens, or on their house-tops 94 gazing at the sea for hours, without speaking a word. It is said that formerly they were much more gay and cheerful, but that an acquaintance with civilization has been productive of the usual misfortune and misery.[134]

It does not appear that the Russians were behind the Spaniards in their barbarous treatment of the natives.[135] Notwithstanding their interest lay in preserving life, and holding the natives in a state of serfdom as fishers and hunters, the poor people were soon swept away. Father Innocentius Veniaminoff, a Russian missionary who labored among the islanders long and faithfully, gives them the highest character for probity and propriety. Among other things, he affirms that during a residence of ten years in Unalaska, there did not occur a single fight among the natives. Proselytes were made by the Russians with the same facility as by the Spaniards. Tribute was levied by the Russians upon all the islanders, but, for three years after their conversion, neophytes were exempt; a cheap release from hateful servitude, thought the poor Aleut; and a polity which brought into the folds of the church pagan multitudes.

The Thlinkeets, as they call themselves, or Kolosches, as they are designated by the Russians, inhabit the coast and islands from Mount St Elias to the river Nass. The name Thlinkeet signifies 'man,' or 'human being.' 95 Kolosch,[136] or more properly Kaluga, is the Aleutian word for 'dish,' and was given to this people by Aleutian seal-hunters whom the Russians employed during their first occupation of the Island of the Sitkas. Perceiving a resemblance in the shape of the Thlinkeet lip-ornament, to the wooden vessels of their own country, they applied to this nation the name Kaluga, whence the Kolosches of the Russians.

Holmberg carries their boundaries down to the Columbia River; and Wrangell perceives a likeness, real or imaginary, to the Aztecs.[137] Indeed the differences between the Thlinkeets and the inhabitants of New Caledonia, Washington, and Oregon, are so slight that the whole might without impropriety be called one people. The Thlinkeets have, however, some peculiarities not found elsewhere; they are a nation distinct from the Tinneh upon their eastern border, and I therefore treat of them separately.

The three families of nations already considered, namely, the Eskimos, the Koniagas, and the Aleuts, are all designated by most writers as Eskimos. Some even include the Thlinkeets, notwithstanding their physical and philological differences, which, as well as their traditions, are as broadly marked as those of nations that these same ethnologists separate into distinct families. Nomadic nations, occupying lands by a precarious tenure, with ever-changing boundaries, engaged in perpetual hostilities with conterminous tribes that frequently annihilate or absorb an entire community, so graduate into one another that the dividing line is often with difficulty determined. Thus the Thlinkeets, now almost universally held to be North American Indians proper, and distinct from the Eskimos, possess, perhaps, as many affinities to their neighbors on the north, as to those upon the south and east. The conclusion is obvious. The native races of America, by their geographical position and the climatic 96 influences which govern them, are of necessity to a certain degree similar; while a separation into isolated communities which are acted upon by local causes, results in national or tribal distinctions. Thus the human race in America, like the human race throughout the world, is uniform in its variety, and varied in its unity.

The Thlinkeet family, commencing at the north, comprises the Ugalenzes,[138] on the shore of the continent between Mount St Elias and Copper River; the Yakutats, of Bering Bay; the Chilkats, at Lynn Canal; the Hoodnids, at Cross Sound; the Hoodsinoos, of Chatham Strait; and, following down the coast and islands, the Takoos, the Auks, the Kakas, the Sitkas,[139] the Stikines,[140] and the Tungass. The Sitkas on Baranoff Island[141] are the dominant tribe.

Descending from the north into more genial climes, the physical type changes, and the form assumes more graceful proportions. With the expansion of nature and a freer play of physical powers, the mind expands, native character becomes intensified, instinct keener, savage nature more savage, the nobler qualities become more noble; cruelty is more cruel, torture is elevated into an art, stoicism is cultivated,[142] human sacrifice and human slavery begin, and the oppression and degradation of woman is systematized. "If an original American race is accepted," says Holmberg, "the Thlinkeets must be classed with them." They claim to have migrated from the interior of the continent, opposite Queen Charlotte Island.

The Ugalenzes spend their winters at a small bay east 97 from Kadiak, and their summers near the mouth of Copper River, where they take fish in great quantities. Their country also abounds in beaver. The Chilkats make two annual trading excursions into the interior. The Tacully tribes, the Sicannis and Nehannes, with whom the Chilkats exchange European goods for furs, will allow no white man to ascend their streams.

Naturally, the Thlinkeets are a fine race; the men better formed than the boatmen of the north;[143] the women modest, fair, and handsome;[144] but the latter have gone far out of their way to spoil the handiwork of nature. Not content with daubing the head and body with filthy coloring mixtures; with adorning the neck with copper-wire collars, and the face with grotesque wooden masks; with scarring their limbs and breast with keen-edged instruments; with piercing the nose and ears, and filling the apertures with bones, shells, sticks, pieces of copper, nails, or attaching to them heavy pendants, which drag down the organs and pull the features out of place;[145] 98 they appear to have taxed their inventive powers to the utmost, and with a success unsurpassed by any nation in the world, to produce a model of hideous beauty.

This success is achieved in their wooden lip-ornament, the crowning glory of the Thlinkeet matron, described by a multitude of eye-witnesses; and the ceremony of its introduction may be not inappropriately termed, the baptism of the block. At the age of puberty,—some say during infancy or childhood,—in the under lip of all free-born female Thlinkeets,[146] a slit is made parallel with the mouth, and about half an inch below it.[147] If the incision is made during infancy, it is only a small hole, into which a needle of copper, a bone, or a stick is inserted, the size being increased as the child grows. If the baptism is deferred until the period when the maiden merges into womanhood, the operation is necessarily upon a larger scale, and consequently more painful.[148] When 99 the incision is made, a copper wire, or a piece of shell or wood, is introduced, which keeps the wound open and the aperture extended; and by enlarging the object and keeping up a continuous but painful strain, an artificial opening in the face is made of the required dimensions. On attaining the age of maturity, this wire or other incumbrance is removed and a block of wood inserted. This block is oval or elliptical in shape, concaved or hollowed dish-like on the sides, and grooved like the wheel of a pulley on the edge in order to keep it in place.[149] The dimensions of the block are from two to six inches in length, from one to four inches in width, and about half an inch thick round the edge, and highly polished.[150] Old age has little terror in the eyes of a Thlinkeet belle, for larger lip-blocks are introduced as years advance, and each enlargement adds to the lady's social status, if not to her facial charms. When the block is withdrawn, the lip drops down upon the chin like a piece of leather, displaying the teeth, and presenting altogether 100 a ghastly spectacle.[151] This custom is evidently associated in their minds with womanly modesty, for when La Pérouse asked them to remove their block, some refused; those who complied manifesting the same embarrassment shown by a European woman who uncovers her bosom. The Yakutats alone of all the Thlinkeet nation have never adopted this fashion.

Their dress, which is made from wolf, deer, bear, or other skin, extends from the shoulder to the knee, and consists of a mantle, or cape, with sleeves, which reaches down to the waist, and to which the women attach a skirt, or gown, and the men a belt and apron. A white blanket is made from the wool of the wild sheep, embroidered with figures, and fringed with furs, all of native work. This garment is most highly prized by the men. They wear it thrown over the shoulder so as to cover the whole body.

Vancouver thus describes the dress of a chief at Lynn Canal. His "external robe was a very fine large garment, 101 that reached from his neck down to his heels, made of wool from the mountain sheep, neatly variegated with several colors, and edged and otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarn, dyed of various colors. His head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass plates, from whence hung a number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur, wrought together, dyed of various colors, and each terminating in a whole ermine skin. The whole exhibited a magnificent appearance, and indicated a taste for dress and ornament that we had not supposed the natives of these regions to possess."

The men make a wooden mask, which rests on a neckpiece, very ingeniously carved, and painted in colors, so as to represent the head of some bird or beast or mythological being. This was formerly worn in battle, probably, as La Pérouse suggests, in order to strike terror into the hearts of enemies, but is now used only on festive occasions.[152]

A small hat of roots and bark, woven in the shape of a truncated cone, ornamented with painted figures and pictures of animals, is worn by both sexes.[153] Ordinarily, however, the men wear nothing on the head; their thick hair, greased and covered with ochre and birds' down, forming a sufficient covering. The hat is designed especially for rainy weather, as a protection to the elaborately 102 dressed hair.[154] Besides their every-day dress, they have a fantastic costume for tribal holidays.

For their winter habitations, a little back from the ocean, the Thlinkeets build substantial houses of plank or logs, sometimes of sufficient strength to serve as a fortress. They are six or eight feet in height, the base in the form of a square or parallelogram, the roof of poles placed at an angle of forty-five degrees and covered with bark. The entrance is by a small side door. The fire, which is usually kept burning night and day, occupies the centre of the room; over it is a smoke-hole of unusual size, and round the sides of the room are apartments or dens which are used as store-houses, sweat-houses, and private family rooms. The main room is very public and very filthy.[155] Summer huts are light portable buildings, thrown up during hunting excursions in the interior, or on the sea-beach in the fishing-season. A frame is made of stakes driven into the ground, supporting a roof, and the whole covered with bark, or with green or dry branches, and skins or bark over all. The door is closed by bark or a curtain of skins. Each hut 103 is the rendezvous for a small colony, frequently covering twenty or thirty persons, all under the direction of one chief.[156]

The food of the Thlinkeets is derived principally from the ocean, and consists of fish, mussels, sea-weeds, and in fact whatever is left upon the beach by the ebbing tide—which at Sitka rises and falls eighteen feet twice a day—or can be caught by artificial means. Holmberg says that all but the Yakutats hate whale as the Jews hate pork. Roots, grasses, berries, and snails are among their summer luxuries. They chew a certain plant as some chew tobacco, mixing with it lime to give it a stronger effect,[157] and drink whale-oil as a European drinks beer. Preferring their food cooked, they put it in a tight wicker basket, pouring in water, and throwing in heated stones, until the food is boiled.[158] For 104 winter, they dry large quantities of herring, roes, and the flesh of animals.

For catching fish, they stake the rivers, and also use a hook and line; one fisherman casting from his canoe ten or fifteen lines, with bladders for floats. For herring, they fasten to the end of a pole four or five pointed bones, and with this instrument strike into a shoal, spearing a fish on every point. They sometimes make the same instrument in the shape of a rake, and transfix the fish with the teeth. The Sitkas catch halibut with large, wooden, bone-pointed hooks.[159]

The arms of the Thlinkeets denote a more warlike people than any we have hitherto encountered. Bows and arrows; hatchets of flint, and of a hard green stone which cuts wood so smoothly that no marks of notches are left; great lances, six or eight varas in length, if Bodega y Quadra may be trusted, hardened in the fire or pointed with copper, or later with iron; a large, broad, double-ended dagger, or knife,—are their principal weapons. The knife is their chief implement and constant companion. The handle is nearer one end than the other, so that it has a long blade and a short blade, the latter being one quarter the length of the former. The handle is covered with leather, and a strap fastens it to the hand when fighting. Both blades have leathern sheaths, one of which is suspended from the neck by a strap.[160] 105

They also encase almost the entire body in a wooden and leathern armor. Their helmets have curiously carved vizors, with grotesque representations of beings natural or supernatural, which, when brilliantly or dismally painted, and presented with proper yells, and brandishings of their ever-glittering knives, are supposed to strike terror into the heart of their enemies. They make a breast-plate of wood, and an arrow-proof coat of thin flexible strips, bound with strings like a woman's stays.[161]

When a Thlinkeet arms for war, he paints his face and powders his hair a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with white eagle-feathers, a token of stern, vindictive determination. During war they pitch their camp in strong positions, and place the women on guard. Trial by combat is frequently resorted to, not only to determine private disputes, but to settle quarrels between petty tribes. In the latter case, each side chooses a champion, the warriors place themselves in 106 battle array, the combatants armed with their favorite weapon, the dagger, and well armored, step forth and engage in fight; while the people on either side engage in song and dance during the combat. Wrangell and Laplace assert that brave warriors killed in battle are devoured by the conquerors, in the belief that the bravery of the victim thereby enters into the nature of the partaker.[162]

Coming from the north, the Thlinkeets are the first people of the coast who use wooden boats. They are made from a single trunk; the smaller ones about fifteen feet long, to carry from ten to twelve persons; and the larger ones, or war canoes, from fifty to seventy feet long; these will carry forty or fifty persons. They have from two and a half to three feet beam; are sharp fore and aft, and have the bow and stern raised, the former rather more than the latter. Being very light and well modeled, they can be handled with ease and celerity. Their paddles are about four feet in length, with crutch-like handles and wide, shovel-shaped blades. Boats as well as paddles are ornamented with painted figures, and the family coat-of-arms. Bodega y Quadra, in contradiction to all other authorities, describes these canoes as being built in three parts; with one hollowed piece, which forms the bottom and reaches well up the sides, and with two side planks. Having hollowed the trunk of a tree to the required depth, the Thlinkeet builders fill it with water, which they heat with hot stones to soften the wood, and in this state bend it to the desired shape. When they land, they draw their boats up on the beach, out of reach of the tide, and take great care in preserving them.[163] 107

The Thlinkeets manifest no less ingenuity in the manufacture of domestic and other implements than in their arms. Rope they make from sea-weed, water-tight baskets and mats from withes and grass; and pipes, bowls, and figures from a dark clay. They excel in the working of stone and copper, making necklaces, bracelets, and rings; they can also forge iron. They spin thread, use the needle, and make blankets from the white native wool. They exhibit considerable skill in carving and painting, ornamenting the fronts of their houses with heraldic symbols, and allegorical and historical figures; while in front of the principal dwellings, and on their canoes, are carved parts representing the human face, the heads of crows, eagles, sea-lions, and bears.[164] La Pérouse asserts that, except in agriculture, which was not entirely unknown to them, the Thlinkeets were farther advanced in industry than the South Sea Islanders.

Trade is carried on between Europeans and the interior Indians, in which no little skill is manifested. 108 Every article which they purchase undergoes the closest scrutiny, and every slight defect, which they are sure to discover, sends down the price. In their commercial intercourse they exhibit the utmost decorum, and conduct their negotiations with the most becoming dignity. Nevertheless, for iron and beads they willingly part with anything in their possession, even their children. In the voyage of Bodega y Quadra, several young Thlinkeets thus became the property of the Spaniards, as the author piously remarks, for purposes of conversion. Sea-otter skins circulate in place of money.[165]

The office of chief is elective, and the extent of power wielded depends upon the ability of the ruler. In some this authority is nominal; others become great despots.[166] Slavery was practiced to a considerable extent; and not only all prisoners of war were slaves, but a regular slave-trade was carried on with the south. When first known to the Russians, according to Holmberg, most of their slaves were Flatheads from Oregon. Slaves are not allowed to hold property or to marry, and when old and worthless they are killed. Kotzebue says that a rich man "purchases male and female slaves, who must labor and fish for him, and strengthen his force when he is engaged in warfare. The slaves are prisoners of war, and their descendants; the master's power over them is unlimited, and he even puts them to death without scruple. When the master dies, two slaves are murdered on his grave that he may not want attendance in the other world; these are chosen long before the event 109 occurs, but meet the destiny that awaits them very philosophically." Simpson estimates the slaves to be one third of the entire population. Interior tribes enslave their prisoners of war, but, unlike the coast tribes, they have no hereditary slavery, nor systematic traffic in slaves.

With the superior activity and intelligence of the Thlinkeets, social castes begin to appear. Besides an hereditary nobility, from which class all chiefs are chosen, the whole nation is separated into two great divisions or clans, one of which is called the Wolf, and the other the Raven. Upon their houses, boats, robes, shields, and wherever else they can find a place for it, they paint or carve their crest, an heraldic device of the beast or the bird designating the clan to which the owner belongs. The Raven trunk is again divided into sub-clans, called the Frog, the Goose, the Sea-Lion, the Owl, and the Salmon. The Wolf family comprises the Bear, Eagle, Dolphin, Shark, and Alca. In this clanship some singular social features present themselves. People are at once thrust widely apart, and yet drawn together. Tribes of the same clan may not war on each other, but at the same time members of the same clan may not marry with each other. Thus the young Wolf warrior must seek his mate among the Ravens, and, while celebrating his nuptials one day, he may be called upon the next to fight his father-in-law over some hereditary feud. Obviously this singular social fancy tends greatly to keep the various tribes of the nation at peace.[167]

Although the Thlinkeet women impose upon themselves the most painful and rigorous social laws, there are few savage nations in which the sex have greater influence or command greater respect. Whether it be the superiority of their intellects, their success in rendering their hideous charms available, or the cruel penances 110 imposed upon womanhood, the truth is that not only old men, but old women, are respected. In fact, a remarkably old and ugly crone is accounted almost above nature—a sorceress. One cause of this is that they are much more modest and chaste than their northern sisters.[168] As a rule, a man has but one wife; more, however, being allowable. A chief of the Nass tribe is said to have had forty.

A young girl arrived at the age of maturity is deemed unclean; and everything she comes in contact with, or looks upon, even the clear sky or pure water, is thereby rendered unpropitious to man. She is therefore thrust from the society of her fellows, and confined in a dark den as a being unfit for the sun to shine upon. There she is kept sometimes for a whole year. Langsdorff suggests that it may be during this period of confinement that the foundation of her influence is laid; that in modest reserve, and meditation, her character is strengthened, and she comes forth cleansed in mind as well as body. This infamous ordeal, coming at a most critical period, and in connection with the baptism of the block, cannot fail to exert a powerful influence upon her character.

It is a singular idea that they have of uncleanness. During all this time, according to Holmberg, only the girl's mother approaches her, and that only to place food within her reach. There she lies, wallowing in her filth, scarcely able to move. It is almost incredible that human beings can bring themselves so to distort nature. To this singular custom, as well as to that of the block, female slaves do not conform. After the girl's immurement 111 is over, if her parents are wealthy, her old clothing is destroyed, she is washed and dressed anew, and a grand feast given in honor of the occasion.[169] The natural sufferings of mothers during confinement are also aggravated by custom. At this time they too are considered unclean, and must withdraw into the forest or fields, away from all others, and take care of themselves and their offspring. After the birth of a child, the mother is locked up in a shed for ten days.

A marriage ceremony consists in the assembling of friends and distribution of presents. A newly married pair must fast for two days thereafter, in order to insure domestic felicity. After the expiration of that time they are permitted to partake of a little food, when a second two days' fast is added, after which they are allowed to come together for the first time; but the mysteries of wedlock are not fully unfolded to them until four weeks after marriage.

Very little is said by travelers regarding the bath-houses of the Thlinkeets, but I do not infer that they used them less than their neighbors. In fact, notwithstanding their filth, purgations and purifications are commenced at an early age. As soon as an infant is born, and before it has tasted food, whatever is in the stomach must be squeezed out. Mothers nurse their children from one to two and a half years. When the child is able to leave its cradle, it is bathed in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept up by both sexes through life. Those that survive the first year of filth, and the succeeding years of applied ice water and exposure, are very justly held to be well toughened.

The Thlinkeet child is frequently given two names, one from the father's side and one from the mother's; and when a son becomes more famous than his father, the 112 latter drops his own name, and is known only as the father of his son. Their habits of life are regular. In summer, at early dawn they put out to sea in their boats, or seek for food upon the beach, returning before noon for their first meal. A second one is taken just before night. The work is not unequally divided between the sexes, and the division is based upon the economical principles of civilized communities. The men rarely conclude a bargain without consulting their wives.

Marchand draws a revolting picture of their treatment of infants. The little bodies are so excoriated by fermented filth, and so scarred by their cradle, that they carry the marks to the grave. No wonder that when they grow up they are insensible to pain. Nor are the mothers especially given to personal cleanliness and decorum.[170]

Music, as well as the arts, is cultivated by the Thlinkeets, and, if we may believe Marchand, ranks with them as a social institution. "At fixed times," he says, "evening and morning, they sing in chorus, every one takes part in the concert, and from the pensive air which they assume while singing, one would imagine that the song has some deep interest for them." The men do the dancing, while the women, who are rather given to fatness and flaccidity, accompany them with song and tambourine.[171]

Their principal gambling game is played with thirty small sticks, of various colors, and called by divers names, as the crab, the whale, and the duck. The player shuffles together all the sticks, then counting out seven, he hides them under a bunch of moss, keeping 113 the remainder covered at the same time. The game is to guess in which pile is the whale, and the crab, and the duck. During the progress of the game, they present a perfect picture of melancholic stoicism.[172]

The Thlinkeets burn their dead. An exception is made when the deceased is a shamán or a slave; the body of the former is preserved, after having been wrapped in furs, in a large wooden sarcophagus; and the latter is thrown out into the ocean or anywhere, like a beast. The ashes of the burned Thlinkeet are carefully collected in a box covered with hieroglyphic figures, and placed upon four posts. The head of a warrior killed in battle is cut off before the body is burned, and placed in a box supported by two poles over the box that holds his ashes.[173] Some tribes preserve the bodies of those who die during the winter, until forced to get rid of them by the warmer weather of spring. Their grandest feasts are for the dead. Besides the funeral ceremony, which is the occasion of a festival, they hold an annual 'elevation of the dead,' at which times they erect monuments to the memory of their departed.

The shamáns possess some knowledge of the medicinal properties of herbs, but the healing of the body does not constitute so important a part of their vocation as do their dealings with supernatural powers.

To sum up the character of the Thlinkeets, they may be called bold, brave, shrewd, intelligent, industrious, lovers 114 of art and music, respectful to women and the aged; yet extremely cruel, scalping and maiming their prisoners out of pure wantonness, thievish, lying, and inveterate gamblers. In short they possess most of the virtues and vices incident to savagism.

The Tinneh, the fifth and last division of our Hyperborean group, occupy the 'Great Lone Land,' between Hudson Bay and the conterminous nations already described; a land greater than the whole of the United States, and more 'lone,' excepting absolute deserts, than any part of America. White men there are scarcely any; wild men and wild beasts there are few; few dense forests, and little vegetation, although the grassy savannahs sustain droves of deer, buffalo, and other animals. The Tinneh are, next to the Eskimos, the most northern people of the continent. They inhabit the unexplored regions of Central Alaska, and thence extend eastward, their area widening towards the south to the shores of Hudson Bay. Within their domain, from the north-west to the south-east, may be drawn a straight line measuring over four thousand miles in length.

The Tinneh,[174] may be divided into four great families of nations; namely, the Chepewyans, or Athabascas, living between Hudson Bay and the Rocky Mountains; the Tacullies, or Carriers, of New Caledonia or North-western British America; the Kutchins, occupying both banks of the upper Yukon and its tributaries, from near its mouth to the Mackenzie River; and the Kenai, inhabiting the interior from the lower Yukon to Copper River.

The Chepewyan family is composed of the Northern Indians, so called by the fur-hunters at Fort Churchill as lying along the shores of Hudson Bay, directly to their north; the Copper Indians, on Coppermine River; the Horn Mountain and Beaver Indians, farther to the west; the Strong-bows, Dog-ribs, Hares, Red-knives, Sheep, 115 Sarsis, Brush-wood, Nagailer, and Rocky-Mountain Indians, of the Mackenzie River and Rocky Mountains.[175]

The Tacully[176] nation is divided into a multitude of petty tribes, to which different travelers give different names according to fancy. Among them the most important are the Talkotins and Chilkotins, Nateotetains and Sicannis, of the upper branches of Fraser River and vicinity. It is sufficient for our purpose, however, to treat them as one nation.

The Kutchins,[177] a large and powerful nation, are composed of the following tribes. Commencing at the Mackenzie River, near its mouth, and extending westward across the mountains to and down the Yukon; the Loucheux or Quarrellers, of the Mackenzie River; the Vanta Kutchin, Natche Kutchin, and Yukuth Kutchin, of Porcupine River and neighborhood; the Tutchone Kutchin, Han Kutchin, Kutcha Kutchin, Gens de Bouleau, Gens de Milieu, Tenan Kutchin, Nuclukayettes, and Newicarguts, of the Yukon River. Their strip of territory is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty miles in width, lying immediately south of the Eskimos, and extending westward from the Mackenzie River about eight hundred miles.[178] 116

The Kenai[179] nation includes the Ingaliks, of the Lower Yukon; the Koltchanes, of the Kuskoquim River; and to the south-eastward, the Kenais, of the Kenai Peninsula, and the Atnas, of Copper River.[180]

Thus we see that the Tinneh are essentially an inland people, barred out from the frozen ocean by a thin strip of Eskimo land, and barely touching the Pacific at Cook Inlet. Philologists, however, find dialectic resemblances, imaginary or real, between them and the Umpquas[181] and Apaches.[182]

The name Chepewyan signifies 'pointed coat,' and derives its origin from the parka, coat, or outer garment, so universally common throughout this region. It is made of several skins differently dressed and ornamented in different localities, but always cut with the skirt pointed before and behind. The Chepewyans believe that their ancestors migrated from the east, and therefore those of them who are born nearest their eastern boundary, are held in the greatest estimation. The Dog-ribs alone refer their origin to the west.

The Chepewyans are physically characterized by a long full face,[183] tall slim figure;[184] in complexion they are darker than coast tribes,[185] and have small piercing black eyes,[186] 117 flowing hair,[187] and tattooed cheeks and forehead.[188] Altogether they are pronounced an inferior race.[189] Into the composition of their garments enter beaver, moose, and deer-skin, dressed with and without the hair, sewed with sinews and ornamented with claws, horns, teeth, and feathers.[190]

The Northern Indian man is master of his household.[191] He marries without ceremony, and divorces his wife at his pleasure.[192] A man of forty buys or fights for a spouse of twelve,[193] and when tired of her whips her and sends her away. Girls on arriving at the age of womanhood 118 must retire from the village and live for a time apart.[194] The Chepewyans inhabit huts of brush and portable skin tents. They derive their origin from a dog. At one time they were so strongly imbued with respect for their canine ancestry that they entirely ceased to employ dogs in drawing their sledges, greatly to the hardship of the women upon whom this laborious task fell.

Their food consists mostly of fish and reindeer, the latter being easily taken in snares. Much of their land is barren, but with sufficient vegetation to support numerous herds of reindeer, and fish abound in their lakes and streams. Their hunting grounds are held by clans, and descend by inheritance from one generation to another, which has a salutary effect upon the preservation of game. Indian law requires the successful hunter to share the spoils of the chase with all present. When game is abundant, their tent-fires never die, but are surrounded during all hours of the day and night by young and old cooking their food.[195]

Superabundance of food, merchandise, or anything which they wish to preserve without the trouble of carrying it about with them while on hunting or foraging expeditions, is cached, as they term it; from the French, cacher, to conceal. Canadian fur-hunters often resorted to this artifice, but the practice was common among the natives before the advent of Europeans. A sudden necessity often arises in Indian countries for the traveler 119 to relieve himself from burdens. This is done by digging a hole in the earth and depositing the load therein, so artfully covering it as to escape detection by the wily savages. Goods may be cached in a cave, or in the branches of a tree, or in the hollow of a log. The camp-fire is frequently built over the spot where stores have been deposited, in order that the disturbance of the surface may not be detected.

Their weapons[196] and their utensils[197] are of the most primitive kind—stone and bone being used in place of metal.

Their dances, which are always performed in the night, are not original, but are borrowed from the Southern and Dog-rib Indians. They consist in raising the feet alternately in quick succession, as high as possible without moving the body, to the sound of a drum or rattle.[198]

They never bury their dead, but leave the bodies where they fall, to be devoured by the birds and beasts of prey.[199] Their religion consists chiefly in songs and speeches to these birds and beasts and to imaginary beings, 120 for assistance in performing cures of the sick.[200] Old age is treated with disrespect and neglect, one half of both sexes dying before their time for want of care. The Northern Indians are frequently at war with the Eskimos and Southern Indians, for whom they at all times entertain the most inveterate hatred. The Copper Indians, bordering on the southern boundary of the Eskimos at the Coppermine River, were originally the occupants of the territory south of Great Slave Lake.

The Dog-ribs, or Slavés as they are called by neighboring nations, are indolent, fond of amusement, but mild and hospitable. They are so debased, as savages, that the men do the laborious work, while the women employ themselves in household affairs and ornamental needlework. Young married men have been known to exhibit specimens of their wives' needle-work with pride. From their further advancement in civilization, and the tradition which they hold of having migrated from the westward, were it not that their language differs from that of contiguous tribes only in accent, they might naturally be considered of different origin. Bands of Dog-ribs meeting after a long absence greet each other with a dance, which frequently continues for two or three days. First clearing a spot of ground, they take an arrow in the right hand and a bow in the left, and turning their backs each band to the other, they approach dancing, and when close together they feign to perceive each other's presence for the first time; the bow and arrow are instantly transferred from one hand to the other, in token of their non-intention to use them against friends. They are very improvident, and frequently are driven to cannibalism and suicide.[201] 121

The Hare Indians, who speak a dialect of the Tinneh scarcely to be distinguished from that of the Dog-ribs, are looked upon by their neighbors as great conjurers. The Hare and Sheep Indians look upon their women as inferior beings. From childhood they are inured to every description of drudgery, and though not treated with special cruelty, they are placed at the lowest point in the scale of humanity. The characteristic stoicism of the red race is not manifested by these tribes. Socialism is practiced to a considerable extent. The hunter is allowed only the tongue and ribs of the animal he kills, the remainder being divided among the members of the tribe.

The Hares and Dog-ribs do not cut the finger-nails of female children until four years of age, in order that they may not prove lazy; the infant is not allowed food until four days after birth, in order to accustom it to fasting in the next world.

The Sheep Indians are reported as being cannibals. The Red-knives formerly hunted reindeer and musk-oxen at the northern end of Great Bear Lake, but they were finally driven eastward by the Dog-ribs. Laws and government are unknown to the Chepewyans.[202]

The Tacullies, or, as they were denominated by the fur-traders, 'Carriers,' are the chief tribe of New Caledonia, or North-western British America. They call themselves Tacullies, or 'men who go upon water,' as their travels from one village to another are mostly accomplished in canoes. This, with their sobriquet of 122 'Carriers,' clearly indicates their ruling habitudes. The men are more finely formed than the women, the latter being short, thick, and disproportionately large in their lower limbs. In their persons they are slovenly; in their dispositions, lively and contented. As they are able to procure food[203] with but little labor, they are naturally indolent, but appear to be able and willing to work when occasion requires it. Their relations with white people have been for the most part amicable; they are seldom quarrelsome, though not lacking bravery. The people are called after the name of the village in which they dwell. Their primitive costume consists of hare, musk-rat, badger, and beaver skins, sometimes cut into strips an inch broad, and woven or interlaced. The nose is perforated by both sexes, the men suspending therefrom a brass, copper, or shell ornament, the women a wooden one, tipped with a bead at either end.[204] Their avarice lies in the direction of hiaqua shells, which find their way up from the sea-coast through other tribes. In 1810, these beads were the circulating medium of the country, and twenty of them would buy a good beaver-skin. Their paint is made of vermilion obtained from the traders, or of a pulverized red stone mixed with grease. They are greatly addicted to gambling, and do not appear at all dejected by ill fortune, spending days and nights in the winter season at their games, frequently gambling away every rag of clothing and every trinket in their possession. They also stake parts of a garment or other article, and if losers, cut off a piece of coat-sleeve or a foot of gun-barrel. Native cooking vessels 123 are made of bark, or of the roots or fibres of trees, woven so as to hold water, in which are placed heated stones for the purpose of cooking food.[205] Polygamy is practiced, but not generally. The Tacullies are fond of their wives, performing the most of the household drudgery in order to relieve them, and consequently they are very jealous of them. But to their unmarried daughters, strange as it may seem, they allow every liberty without censure or shame. The reason which they give for this strange custom is, that the purity of their wives is thereby better preserved.[206]

During a portion of every year the Tacullies dwell in villages, conveniently situated for catching and drying salmon. In April they visit the lakes and take small fish; and after these fail, they return to their villages and subsist upon the fish they have dried, and upon herbs and berries. From August to October, salmon are plentiful again. Beaver are caught in nets made from strips of cariboo-skins, and also in cypress and steel traps. They are also sometimes shot with guns or with bows and arrows. Smaller game they take in various kinds of traps.

The civil polity of the Tacullies is of a very primitive character. Any person may become a miuty or chief who will occasionally provide a village feast. A malefactor may find protection from the avenger in the dwelling of a chief, so long as he is permitted to remain there, or even afterwards if he has upon his back any one of the chief's garments. Disputes are usually adjusted by some old man of the tribe. The boundaries of the territories belonging to the different villages are designated by 124 mountains, rivers, or other natural objects, and the rights of towns, as well as of individuals, are most generally respected; but broils are constantly occasioned by murders, abduction of women, and other causes, between these separate societies.[207]

When seriously ill, the Carriers deem it an indispensable condition to their recovery that every secret crime should be confessed to the magician. Murder, of any but a member of the same village, is not considered a heinous offense. They at first believed reading and writing to be the exercise of magic art. The Carriers know little of medicinal herbs. Their priest or magician is also the doctor, but before commencing his operations in the sick room, he must receive a fee, which, if his efforts prove unsuccessful, he is obliged to restore. The curative process consists in singing a melancholy strain over the invalid, in which all around join. This mitigates pain, and often restores health. Their winter tenements are frequently made by opening a spot of earth to the depth of two feet, across which a ridge-pole is placed, supported at either end by posts; poles are then laid from the sides of the excavation to the ridge-pole and covered with hay. A hole is left in the top for purposes of entrance and exit, and also in order to allow the escape of smoke.[208]

Slavery is common with them; all who can afford it keeping slaves. They use them as beasts of burden, and 125 treat them most inhumanly. The country of the Sicannis in the Rocky Mountains is sterile, yielding the occupants a scanty supply of food and clothing. They are nevertheless devotedly attached to their bleak land, and will fight for their rude homes with the most patriotic ardor.

The Nehannes usually pass the summer in the vicinity of the sea-coast, and scour the interior during the winter for furs, which they obtain from inland tribes by barter or plunder, and dispose of to the European traders. It is not a little remarkable that this warlike and turbulent horde was at one time governed by a woman. Fame gives her a fair complexion, with regular features, and great intelligence. Her influence over her fiery people, it is said, was perfect; while her warriors, the terror and scourge of the surrounding country, quailed before her eye. Her word was law, and was obeyed with marvelous alacrity. Through her influence the condition of the women of her tribe was greatly raised.

Great ceremonies, cruelty, and superstition attend burning the dead, which custom obtains throughout this region,[209] and, as usual in savagism, woman is the sufferer. When the father of a household dies, the entire family, or, if a chief, the tribe, are summoned to present themselves.[210] Time must be given to those most distant to reach the village before the ceremony begins.[211] The Talkotin wife, when all is ready, is compelled to ascend the funeral pile, throw herself upon her husband's body and there remain until nearly suffocated, when she is permitted to descend. Still she must keep her place near the burning corpse, keep it in a proper position, tend the fire, and 126 if through pain or faintness she fails in the performance of her duties, she is held up and pressed forward by others; her cries meanwhile are drowned in wild songs, accompanied by the beating of drums.[212]

When the funeral pile of a Tacully is fired, the wives of the deceased, if there are more than one, are placed at the head and foot of the body. Their duty there is to publicly demonstrate their affection for the departed; which they do by resting their head upon the dead bosom, by striking in frenzied love the body, nursing and battling the fire meanwhile. And there they remain until the hair is burned from their head, until, suffocated and almost senseless, they stagger off to a little distance; then recovering, attack the corpse with new vigor, striking it first with one hand and then with the other, until the form of the beloved is reduced to ashes. Finally these ashes are gathered up, placed in sacks, and distributed one sack to each wife, whose duty it is to carry upon her person the remains of the departed for the space of two years. During this period of mourning the women are clothed in rags, kept in a kind of slavery, and not allowed to marry. Not unfrequently these poor creatures avoid their term of servitude by suicide. At the expiration of the time, a feast is given them, and they are again free. Structures are erected as repositories for the ashes of their dead,[213] in which the bag or box containing the remains is placed. These grave-houses are of split boards about one inch in thickness, six feet high, and decorated with painted representations of various heavenly and earthly objects.

The Indians of the Rocky Mountains burn with the deceased all his effects, and even those of his nearest relatives, so that it not unfrequently happens that a family is reduced to absolute starvation in the dead of 127 winter, when it is impossible to procure food. The motive assigned to this custom is, that there may be nothing left to bring the dead to remembrance.

A singular custom prevails among the Nateotetain women, which is to cut off one joint of a finger upon the death of a near relative. In consequence of this practice some old women may be seen with two joints off every finger on both hands. The men bear their sorrows more stoically, being content in such cases with shaving the head and cutting their flesh with flints.[214]

The Kutchins are the flower of the Tinneh family. They are very numerous, numbering about twenty-two tribes. They are a more noble and manly people than either the Eskimos upon the north or the contiguous Tinneh tribes upon their own southern boundary. The finest specimens dwell on the Yukon River. The women tattoo the chin with a black pigment, and the men draw a black stripe down the forehead and nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines, and streaking the chin alternately with red and black. Their features are more regular than those of their neighbors, more expressive of boldness, frankness, and candor; their foreheads higher, and their complexions lighter. The Tenan Kutchin of the Tananah River, one of the largest tribes of the Yukon Valley, are somewhat wilder and more ferocious in their appearance. The boys are precocious, and the girls marry at fifteen.[215] The Kutchins of Peel River, as observed by Mr Isbister, "are an athletic and fine-looking race; considerable above the average 128 stature, most of them being upwards of six feet in height and remarkably well proportioned."

Their clothing is made from the skins of reindeer, dressed with the hair on; their coat cut after the fashion of the Eskimos, with skirts peaked before and behind, and elaborately trimmed with beads and dyed porcupine-quills. The Kutchins, in common with the Eskimos, are distinguished by a similarity in the costume of the sexes. Men and women wear the same description of breeches. Some of the men have a long flap attached to their deer-skin shirts, shaped like a beaver's tail, and reaching nearly to the ground.[216] Of the coat, Mr Whymper says: "If the reader will imagine a man dressed in two swallow-tailed coats, one of them worn as usual, the other covering his stomach and buttoned behind, he will get some idea of this garment." Across the shoulders and breast they wear a broad band of beads, with narrower bands round the forehead and ankles, and along the seams of their leggins. They are great traders; beads are their wealth, used in the place of money, and the rich among them literally load themselves with necklaces and strings of various patterns.[217] The nose and ears are adorned with shells.[218] The hair is worn in a long cue, ornamented with feathers, and bound with strings of beads and shells at the head, with flowing ends, and so saturated with grease and birds' down as to swell it sometimes to the thickness of the neck. They pay considerable attention to personal cleanliness. 129 The Kutchins construct both permanent underground dwellings and the temporary summer-hut or tent.[219]

On the Yukon, the greatest scarcity of food is in the spring. The winter's stores are exhausted, and the bright rays of the sun upon the melting snow almost blind the eyes of the deer-hunter. The most plentiful supply of game is in August, September, and October, after which the forming of ice on the rivers prevents fishing until December, when the winter traps are set. The reindeer are in good condition in August, and geese are plentiful. Salmon ascend the river in June, and are taken in great quantities until about the first of September; fish are dried or smoked without salt, for winter use. Fur-hunting begins in October; and in December, trade opens with the Eskimos, with whom furs are exchanged for oil and seal-skins.

The Kutchin of the Yukon are unacquainted with nets, but catch their fish by means of weirs or stakes planted across rivers and narrow lakes, having openings for wicker baskets, by which they intercept the fish. They hunt reindeer in the mountains and take moose-deer in snares.[220]

Both Kutchins and Eskimos are very jealous regarding their boundaries; but the incessant warfare which is maintained between the littoral and interior people of the 130 northern coast near the Mackenzie river, is not maintained by the north-western tribes. One of either people, however, if found hunting out of his own territory, is very liable to be shot. Some Kutchin tribes permit the Eskimos to take the meat of the game which they kill, provided they leave the skin at the nearest village.[221]

The Kutchins of the Yukon River manufacture cups and pots from clay, and ornament them with crosses, dots, and lines; moulding them by hand after various patterns, first drying them in the sun and then baking them. The Eskimo lamp is also sometimes made of clay. The Tinneh make paint of pulverized colored stones or of earth, mixed with glue. The glue is made from buffalo feet and applied by a moose-hair brush.

In the manufacture of their boats the Kutchins of the Yukon use bark as a substitute for the seal-skins of the coast. They first make a light frame of willow or birch, from eight to sixteen feet in length. Then with fine spruce-fir roots they sew together strips of birch bark, cover the frame, and calk the seams with spruce gum. They are propelled by single paddles or poles. Those of the Mackenzie River are after the same pattern.[222]

In absence of law, murder and all other crimes are compounded for.[223] A man to be well married must be either 131 rich or strong. A good hunter, who can accumulate beads, and a good wrestler, who can win brides by force, may have from two to five wives. The women perform all domestic duties, and eat after the husband is satisfied, but the men paddle the boats, and have even been known to carry their wives ashore so that they might not wet their feet. The women carry their infants in a sort of bark saddle, fastened to their back; they bandage their feet in order to keep them small.[224] Kutchin amusements are wrestling, leaping, dancing, and singing. They are great talkers, and etiquette forbids any interruption to the narrative of a new comer.[225]

The Tenan Kutchin, 'people of the mountains,' inhabiting the country south of Fort Yukon which is drained by the river Tananah, are a wild, ungovernable horde, their territory never yet having been invaded by white people. The river upon which they dwell is supposed to take its rise near the upper Yukon. They allow no women in their deer-hunting expeditions. They smear their leggins and hair with red ochre and grease. The men part their hair in the middle and separate it into locks, which, when properly dressed, look like rolls of red mud about the size of a finger; one bunch of locks is secured in a mass which falls down the neck, by a band of dentalium shells, and two smaller rolls hang down either side of the face. After being soaked in 132 grease and tied, the head is powdered with finely cut swan's down, which adheres to the greasy hair. The women wear few ornaments, perform more than the ordinary amount of drudgery, and are treated more like dogs than human beings. Chastity is scarcely known among them. The Kutcha Kutchin, 'people of the lowland,' are cleaner and better mannered.

The Kutchins have a singular system of totems. The whole nation is divided into three castes, called respectively Chitcheah, Tengratsey, and Natsahi, each occupying a distinct territory. Two persons of the same caste are not allowed to marry; but a man of one caste must marry a woman of another. The mother gives caste to the children, so that as the fathers die off the caste of the country constantly changes. This system operates strongly against war between tribes; as in war, it is caste against caste, and not tribe against tribe. As the father is never of the same caste as the son, who receives caste from his mother, there can never be intertribal war without ranging fathers and sons against each other. When a child is named, the father drops his former name and substitutes that of the child, so that the father receives his name from the child, and not the child from the father.

They have scarcely any government; their chiefs are elected on account of wealth or ability, and their authority is very limited.[226] Their custom is to burn the dead, and enclose the ashes in a box placed upon posts; some tribes enclose the body in an elevated box without burning.[227]

The Kenai are a fine, manly race, in which Baer distinguishes characteristics decidedly American, and clearly 133 distinct from the Asiatic Eskimos. One of the most powerful Kenai tribes is the Unakatanas, who dwell upon the Koyukuk River, and plant their villages along the banks of the lower Yukon for a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. They are bold and ferocious, dominative even to the giving of fashion in dress.

That part of the Yukon which runs through their territory abounds with moose, which during the summer frequent the water in order to avoid the mosquitos, and as the animals are clumsy swimmers, the Indians easily capture them. Their women occupy a very inferior position, being obliged to do more drudgery and embellish their dress with fewer ornaments than those of the upper tribes. The men wear a heavy fringe of beads or shells upon their dress, equal sometimes to two hundred marten-skins in value.

At Nuklukahyet, where the Tananah River joins the Yukon, is a neutral trading-ground to which all the surrounding tribes resort in the spring for traffic. Skins are their moneyed currency, the beaver-skin being the standard; one 'made' beaver-skin represents two marten-skins.

The Ingaliks inhabiting the Yukon near its mouth call themselves Kaeyah Khatana. Their dialect is totally distinct from the Malemutes, their neighbors on the west, but shows an affinity with that of the Unakatanas to their east. Tobacco they both smoke and snuff. The smoke they swallow; snuff is drawn into the nostrils through a wooden tube. They manufacture snuff from leaf tobacco by means of a wooden mortar and pestle, and carry bone or wooden snuff-boxes. They are described by travelers as a timid, sensitive people, and remarkably honest. Ingalik women are delivered kneeling, and without pain, being seldom detained from their household duties for more than an hour. The infant is washed, greased, and fed, and is seldom weaned under two or three years. The women live longer than the men; some of them reaching sixty, while the men rarely attain more than forty-five years. 134

The Koltschanes, whose name in the dialect of the Kenai signifies 'guest,' and in that of the Atnas of Copper River, 'stranger,' have been charged with great cruelty, and even cannibalism, but without special foundation. Wrangell believes the Koltschanes, Atnas, and Kolosches to be one people.

The Kenai, of the Kenaian peninsula, upon recovery from dangerous illness, give a feast to those who expressed sympathy during the affliction. If a bounteous provision is made upon these occasions, a chieftainship may be obtained thereby; and although the power thus acquired does not descend to one's heir, he may be conditionally recognized as chief. Injuries are avenged by the nearest relative, but if a murder is committed by a member of another clan, all the allied families rise to avenge the wrong. When a person dies, the whole community assemble and mourn. The nearest kinsman, arrayed in his best apparel, with blackened face, his nose and head decked with eagle's feathers, leads the ceremony. All sit round a fire and howl, while the master of the lamentation recounts the notable deeds of the departed, amidst the ringing of bells, and violent stampings, and contortions of his body. The clothing is then distributed to the relatives, the body is burned, the bones collected and interred, and at the expiration of a year a feast is held to the memory of the deceased, after which it is not lawful for a relative to mention his name.

The lover, if his suit is accepted, must perform a year's service for his bride. The wooing is in this wise: early some morning he enters the abode of the fair one's father, and without speaking a word proceeds to bring water, prepare food, and to heat the bath-room. In reply to the question why he performs these services, he answers that he desires the daughter for a wife. At the expiration of the year, without further ceremony, he takes her home, with a gift; but if she is not well treated by her husband, she may return to her father, and take with her the dowry. The wealthy may have several wives, but the property of each wife is distinct. They 135 are nomadic in their inclinations and traverse the interior to a considerable distance in pursuit of game.

The Atnas are a small tribe inhabiting the Atna or Copper River. They understand the art of working copper, and have commercial relations with surrounding tribes. In the spring, before the breaking up of ice upon the lakes and rivers, they hunt reindeer, driving them into angle-shaped wicker-work corrals, where they are killed. In the autumn another general hunt takes place, when deer are driven into lakes, and pursued and killed in boats. Their food and clothing depend entirely upon their success in these forays, as they are unable to obtain fish in sufficient quantities for their sustenance; and when unsuccessful in the chase, whole families die of starvation. Those who can afford it, keep slaves, buying them from the Koltschanes. They burn their dead, then carefully collect the ashes in a new reindeer-skin, enclose the skin in a box, and place the box on posts or in a tree. Every year they celebrate a feast in commemoration of their dead. Baer asserts that the Atnas divide the year into fifteen months, which are designated only by their numbers; ten of them belong to autumn and winter, and five to spring and summer.

The Tinneh character, if we may accept the assertions of various travelers, visiting different parts under widely different circumstances, presents a multitude of phases. Thus it is said of the Chepewyans by Mackenzie, that they are "sober, timorous, and vagrant, with a selfish disposition which has sometimes created suspicions of their integrity. They are also of a quarrelous disposition, and are continually making complaints which they express by a constant repetition of the word edmy, 'it is hard,' in a whiny and plaintive tone of voice. So indolent that numbers perish every year from famine. Suicide is not uncommon among them." Hearne asserts that they are morose and covetous; that they have no gratitude; are great beggars; are insolent, if any respect is shown them; that they cheat on all opportunities; yet they are mild, rarely get drunk; and "never proceed to 136 violence beyond bad language;" that they steal on every opportunity from the whites, but very rarely from each other; and although regarding all property, including wives, as belonging to the strongest, yet they only wrestle, and rarely murder. Of the same people Sir John Franklin says, that they are naturally indolent, selfish, and great beggars. "I never saw men," he writes, "who either received or bestowed a gift with such bad grace." The Dog-ribs are "of a mild, hospitable, but rather indolent disposition," fond of dancing and singing. According to the same traveler the Copper Indians are superior, in personal character, to any other Chepewyans. "Their delicate and humane attentions to us," he remarks, "in a period of great distress, are indelibly engraven on our memories." Simpson says that it is a general rule among the traders not to believe the first story of an Indian. Although sometimes bearing suffering with fortitude, the least sickness makes them say, "I am going to die," and the improvidence of the Indian character is greatly aggravated by the custom of destroying all the property of deceased relatives. Sir John Richardson accuses the Hare Indians of timidity, standing in great fear of the Eskimos, and being always in want of food. They are practical socialists, 'great liars,' but 'strictly honest.' Hospitality is not a virtue with them. According to Richardson, neither the Eskimos, Dog-ribs, nor Hare Indians, feel the least shame in being detected in falsehood, and invariably practice it if they think that they can thereby gain any of their petty ends. Even in their familiar intercourse with each other, the Indians seldom tell the truth in the first instance, and if they succeed in exciting admiration or astonishment, their invention runs on without check. From the manner of the speaker, rather than by his words, is his truth or falsehood inferred, and often a very long interrogation is necessary to elicit the real fact. The comfort, and not unfrequently even the lives of parties of the timid Hare Indians are sacrificed by this miserable propensity. The Hare and Dog-rib women are certainly at the 137 bottom of the scale of humanity in North America. Ross thinks that they are "tolerably honest; not bloodthirsty, nor cruel;" "confirmed liars, far from being chaste."

According to Harmon, one of the earliest and most observing travelers among them, the Tacullies "are a quiet, inoffensive people," and "perhaps the most honest on the face of the earth." They "are unusually talkative," and "take great delight in singing or humming or whistling a dull air." "Murder is not considered as a crime of great magnitude." He considers the Sicannis the bravest of the Tacully tribes.

But the Kutchins bear off the palm for honesty. Says Whymper: "Finding the loads too great for our dogs, we raised an erection of poles, and deposited some bags thereon. I may here say, once for all, that our men often left goods, consisting of tea, flour, molasses, bacon, and all kinds of miscellaneous articles, scattered in this way over the country, and that they remained untouched by the Indians, who frequently traveled past them." Simpson testifies of the Loucheux that "a bloody intent with them lurks not under a smile." Murray reports the Kutchins treacherous; Richardson did not find them so. Jones declares that "they differ entirely from the Tinneh tribes of the Mackenzie, being generous, honest, hospitable, proud, high-spirited, and quick to revenge an injury."

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER III.

COLUMBIANS.

Habitat of the Columbian Group—Physical Geography—Sources of Food-Supply—Influence of Food and Climate—Four extreme Classes—Haidahs—Their Home—Physical Peculiarities—Clothing—Shelter—Sustenance—Implements—Manufactures—Arts—Property—Laws—Slavery—Women—Customs—Medicine—Death—The Nootkas—The Sound Nations—The Chinooks—The Shushwaps—The Salish—The Sahaptins—Tribal Boundaries.

The term Columbians, or, as Scouler[228] and others have called them, Nootka-Columbians, is, in the absence of a native word, sufficiently characteristic to distinguish the aboriginal nations of north-western America between the forty-third and fifty-fifth parallels, from those of the other great divisions of this work. The Columbia River, which suggests the name of this group, and Nootka Sound on the western shore of Vancouver Island, were originally the chief centres of European settlement on the North-west Coast; and at an early period these names were compounded to designate the natives of the Anglo-American possessions on the Pacific, which lay between the discoveries of the Russians on the north and those of the Spaniards on the south. As a simple name is always preferable to a complex one, and as no more pertinent name suggests itself than that of the great river which, with its tributaries, drains a large portion of this 151 territory, I drop 'Nootka' and retain only the word 'Columbian.'[229] These nations have also been broadly denominated Flatheads, from a custom practiced more or less by many of their tribes, of compressing the cranium during infancy;[230] although the only Indians in the whole area, tribally known as Flatheads, are those of the Salish family, who do not flatten the head at all.

In describing the Columbian nations it is necessary, as in the other divisions, to subdivide the group; arbitrarily this may have been done in some instances, but as naturally as possible in all. Thus the people of Queen Charlotte Islands, and the adjacent coast for about a hundred miles inland, extending from 55° to 52° of north latitude, are called Haidahs from the predominant tribe of the islands. The occupants of Vancouver Island and the opposite main, with its labyrinth of inlets from 52° to 49°, I term Nootkas. The Sound Indians inhabit the region drained by streams flowing into Puget Sound, and the adjacent shores of the strait and ocean; the Chinooks occupy the banks of the Columbia from the Dalles to the sea, extending along the coast northward to Gray Harbor, and southward nearly to the Californian line. The interior of British Columbia, between the Cascade and Rocky Mountains, and south of the territory occupied by the Hyperborean Carriers, is peopled by the Shushwaps, the Kootenais, and the Okanagans. Between 49° and 47°, 152 extending west from the Cascade to the Rocky Mountains, chiefly on the Columbia and Clarke Fork, is the Salish or Flathead family. The nations dwelling south of 47° and east of the Cascade range, on the Columbia, the lower Snake, and their tributary streams, may be called Sahaptins, from the name of the Nez Percé tribes.[231] The great Shoshone family, extending south-east from the upper waters of the Columbia, and spreading out over nearly the whole of the Great Basin, although partially included in the Columbian limits, will be omitted in this, and included in the Californian Group, which follows. These divisions, as before stated, are geographic rather than ethnographic.[232] Many attempts have been made by practical ethnologists, to draw partition lines between these peoples according to race, all of which have proved signal failures, the best approximation to a scientific division being that of philologists, the results of whose researches are given in the third volume of this series; but neither the latter division, nor that into coast and inland tribes—in many respects the most natural and clearly defined of all[233]—is adapted to my present purpose. In treating of the Columbians, I shall first take up the coast families, going from north to south, and afterward follow the same order with those east of the mountains.

No little partiality was displayed by the Great Spirit of the Columbians in the apportionment of their dwelling-place. The Cascade Mountains, running from north to south throughout their whole territory, make of it two distinct climatic divisions, both highly but unequally favored by nature. On the coast side—a strip which 153 may be called one hundred and fifty miles wide and one thousand miles long—excessive cold is unknown, and the earth, warmed by Asiatic currents and watered by numerous mountain streams, is thickly wooded; noble forests are well stocked with game; a fertile soil yields a great variety of succulent roots and edible berries, which latter means of subsistence were lightly appreciated by the indolent inhabitants, by reason of the still more abundant and accessible food-supply afforded by the fish of ocean, channel, and stream. The sources of material for clothing were also bountiful far beyond the needs of the people.

Passing the Cascade barrier, the climate and the face of the country change. Here we have a succession of plains or table-lands, rarely degenerating into deserts, with a good supply of grass and roots; though generally without timber, except along the streams, until the heavily wooded western spurs of the Rocky Mountains are reached. The air having lost much of its moisture, affords but a scanty supply of rain, the warming and equalizing influence of the ocean stream is no longer felt, and the extremes of heat and cold are undergone according to latitude and season. Yet are the dwellers in this land blessed above many other aboriginal peoples, in that game is plenty, and roots and insects are at hand in case the season's hunt prove unsuccessful.

Ethnologically, no well-defined line can be drawn to divide the people occupying these two widely different regions. Diverse as they certainly are in form, character, and customs, their environment, the climate, and their methods of seeking food may well be supposed to have made them so. Not only do the pursuit of game in the interior and the taking of fish on the coast, develop clearly marked general peculiarities of character and life in the two divisions, but the same causes produce grades more or less distinct in each division. West of the Cascade range, the highest position is held by the tribes who in their canoes pursue the whale upon the ocean, and in the effort to capture Leviathan become themselves great 154 and daring as compared with the lowest order who live upon shell-fish and whatever nutritious substances may be cast by the tide upon the beach. Likewise in the interior, the extremes are found in the deer, bear, elk, and buffalo hunters, especially when horses are employed, and in the root and insect eaters of the plains. Between these four extreme classes may be traced many intermediate grades of physical and intellectual development, due to necessity and the abilities exercised in the pursuit of game.

The Columbians hitherto have been brought in much closer contact with the whites than the Hyperboreans, and the results of the association are known to all. The cruel treacheries and massacres by which nations have been thinned, and flickering remnants of once powerful tribes gathered on government reservations or reduced to a handful of beggars, dependent for a livelihood on charity, theft, or the wages of prostitution, form an unwritten chapter in the history of this region. That this process of duplicity was unnecessary as well as infamous, I shall not attempt to show, as the discussion of Indian policy forms no part of my present purpose. Whatever the cause, whether from an inhuman civilized policy, or the decrees of fate, it is evident that the Columbians, in common with all the aborigines of America, are doomed to extermination. Civilization and savagism will not coalesce, any more than light and darkness; and although it may be necessary that these things come, yet are those by whom they are unrighteously accomplished none the less culpable.

Once more let it be understood that the time of which this volume speaks, was when the respective peoples were first known to Europeans. It was when, throughout this region of the Columbia, nature's wild magnificence was yet fresh; primeval forests unprofaned; lakes, and rivers, and rolling plains unswept; it was when countless villages dotted the luxuriant valleys; when from the warrior's camp-fire the curling smoke never ceased to ascend, nor the sounds of song and dance to be heard; when bands of gaily dressed savages roamed over every 155 hill-side; when humanity unrestrained vied with bird and beast in the exercise of liberty absolute. This is no history; alas! they have none; it is but a sun-picture, and to be taken correctly must be taken quickly. Nor need we pause to look back through the dark vista of unwritten history, and speculate, who and what they are, nor for how many thousands of years they have been coming and going, counting the winters, the moons, and the sleeps; chasing the wild game, basking in the sunshine, pursuing and being pursued, killing and being killed. All knowledge regarding them lies buried in an eternity of the past, as all knowledge of their successors remains folded in an eternity of the future. We came upon them unawares, unbidden, and while we gazed they melted away. The infectious air of civilization penetrated to the remotest corner of their solitudes. Their ignorant and credulous nature, unable to cope with the intellect of a superior race, absorbed only its vices, yielding up its own simplicity and nobleness for the white man's diseases and death.

In the Haidah family I include the nations occupying the coast and islands from the southern extremity of Prince of Wales Archipelago to the Bentinck Arms in about 52°. Their territory is bounded on the north and east by the Thlinkeet and Carrier nations of the Hyperboreans, and on the south by the Nootka family of the Columbians. Its chief nations, whose boundaries however can rarely be fixed with precision, are the Massets, the Skiddegats, and the Cumshawas, of Queen Charlotte Islands; the Kaiganies, of Prince of Wales Archipelago; the Chimsyans, about Fort Simpson, and on Chatham Sound; the Nass and the Skeenas, on the rivers of the same names; the Sebassas, on Pitt Archipelago and the shores of Gardner Channel; and the Millbank Sound Indians, including the Hailtzas and the Bellacoolas, the most southern of this family. These nations, the orthography of whose names is far from uniform among different writers, are still farther subdivided into numerous indefinite tribes, as specified at the end of this chapter. 156

The Haidah territory, stretching on the mainland three hundred miles in length, and in width somewhat over one hundred miles from the sea to the lofty Chilkoten Plain, is traversed throughout its length by the northern extension of the Cascade Range. In places its spurs and broken foot-hills touch the shore, and the very heart of the range is penetrated by innumerable inlets and channels, into which pour short rapid streams from interior hill and plain. The country, though hilly, is fertile and covered by an abundant growth of large, straight pines, cedars, and other forest trees. The forest abounds with game, the waters with fish. The climate is less severe than in the middle United States; and notwithstanding the high latitude of their home, the Haidahs have received no small share of nature's gifts. Little has been explored, however, beyond the actual coast, and information concerning this nation, coming from a few sources only, is less complete than in the case of the more southern Nootkas.

Favorable natural conditions have produced in the Haidahs a tall, comely, and well-formed race, not inferior to any in North-western America;[234] the northern nations of 157 the family being generally superior to the southern,[235] and having physical if not linguistic affinities with their Thlinkeet neighbors, rather than with the Nootkas. Their faces are broad, with high cheek bones;[236] the eyes small, generally black, though brown and gray with a reddish tinge have been observed among them.[237] The few who have seen their faces free from paint pronounce their complexion light,[238] and instances of Albino characteristics are sometimes found.[239] The hair is not uniformly coarse and black, but often soft in texture, and of varying shades of brown, worn by some of the tribes cut close to the head.[240] The beard is usually plucked out with great care, but moustaches are raised sometimes as strong as those of Europeans;[241] indeed there seems to 158 be little authority for the old belief that the North-western American Indians were destitute of hair except on the head.[242] Dr Scouler, comparing Chimsyan skulls with those of the Chinooks, who are among the best known of the north-western nations, finds that in a natural state both have broad, high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead, but the Chimsyan skull, between the parietal and temporal bones, is broader than that of the Chinook, its vertex being remarkably flat.[243] Swollen and deformed legs are common from constantly doubling them under the body while sitting in the canoe. The teeth are frequently worn down to the gums by eating sanded salmon.[244]

The Haidahs have no methods of distortion peculiar to themselves, by which they seek to improve their fine physique; but the custom of flattening the head in infancy obtains in some of the southern nations of this family, as the Hailtzas and Bellacoolas,[245] and the Thlinkeet lip-piece, already sufficiently described, is in use throughout a larger part of the whole territory. It was observed by Simpson as far south as Millbank Sound, where it was highly useful as well as ornamental, affording a firm hold for the fair fingers of the sex in their drunken fights. These ornaments, made of either wood, bone, or metal, are worn particularly large in Queen 159 Charlotte Islands, where they seem to be not a mark of rank, but to be worn in common by all the women.[246] Besides the regular lip-piece, ornaments, various in shape and material, of shell, bone, wood, or metal, are worn stuck in the lips, nose, and ears, apparently according to the caprice or taste of the wearer, the skin being sometimes, though more rarely, tattooed to correspond.[247] Both for ornament and as a protection against the weather, the skin is covered with a thick coat of paint, a black polish being a full dress uniform. Figures of birds and beasts, and a coat of grease are added in preparation for a feast, with fine down of duck or goose—a stylish coat of tar and feathers—sprinkled over the body as an extra attraction.[248] When the severity of the weather makes additional protection desirable, a blanket, formerly woven by themselves from dog's hair, and stained in varied colors, but now mostly procured from Europeans, is thrown loosely over the shoulders. Chiefs, especially in times of feasting, wear richer robes of skins.[249] The styles of dress and ornament adopted around the forts from contact with the whites need not be described. Among the more unusual articles that have been noticed by travelers are, "a large hat, resembling the top of a small parasol, made of the twisted fibres of the roots of trees, with an aperture in the inside, at the broader end" for the head, worn by a Sebassa chief; and at Millbank Sound, "masks set with 160 seals' whiskers and feathers, which expand like a fan," with secret springs to open the mouth and eyes.[250] Mackenzie and Vancouver, who were among the earliest visitors to this region, found fringed robes of bark-fibre, ornamented with fur and colored threads. A circular mat, with an opening in the centre for the head, was worn as a protection from the rain; and war garments consisted of several thicknesses of the strongest hides procurable, sometimes strengthened by strips of wood on the inside.[251]

The Haidahs use as temporary dwellings, in their frequent summer excursions for war and the hunt, simple lodges of poles, covered, among the poorer classes by cedar mats, and among the rich by skins. Their permanent villages are usually built in strong natural positions, guarded by precipices, sometimes on rocks detached from the main land, but connected with it by a narrow platform. Their town houses are built of light logs, or of thick split planks, usually of sufficient size to accommodate a large number of families. Poole mentions a house on Queen Charlotte Islands, which formed a cube of fifty feet, ten feet of its height being dug in the ground, and which accommodated seven hundred Indians. The buildings are often, however, raised above the ground on a platform supported by posts, sometimes carved into human or other figures. Some of these raised buildings seen by the earlier visitors were twenty-five or thirty feet from the ground, solidly and neatly constructed, an inclined log with notches serving as a ladder. These houses were found only in the southern part of the Haidah 161 territory. The fronts were generally painted with figures of men and animals. There were no windows or chimney; the floors were spread with cedar mats, on which the occupants slept in a circle round a central fire, whose smoke in its exit took its choice between the hole which served as a door and the wall-cracks. On the south-eastern boundary of this territory, Mackenzie found in the villages large buildings of similar but more careful construction, and with more elaborately carved posts, but they were not dwellings, being used probably for religious purposes.[252]

Although game is plentiful, the Haidahs are not a race of hunters, but derive their food chiefly from the innumerable multitude of fish and sea animals, which, each 162 variety in its season, fill the coast waters. Most of the coast tribes, and all who live inland, kill the deer and other animals, particularly since the introduction of firearms, but it is generally the skin and not the flesh that is sought. Some tribes about the Bentinck channels, at the time of Mackenzie's visit, would not taste flesh except from the sea, from superstitious motives. Birds that burrow in the sand-banks are enticed out by the glare of torches, and knocked down in large numbers with clubs. They are roasted without plucking or cleaning, the entrails being left in to improve the flavor. Potatoes, and small quantities of carrots and other vegetables, are now cultivated throughout this territory, the crop being repeated until the soil is exhausted, when a new place is cleared. Wild parsnips are abundant on the banks of lakes and streams, and their tender tops, roasted, furnish a palatable food; berries and bulbs abound, and the inner tegument of some varieties of the pine and hemlock is dried in cakes and eaten with salmon-oil. The varieties of fish sent by nature to the deep inlets and streams for the Haidah's food, are very numerous; their standard reliance for regular supplies being the salmon, herring, eulachon or candle-fish, round-fish, and halibut. Salmon are speared; dipped up in scoop-nets; entangled in drag-nets managed between two canoes and forced by poles to the bottom; intercepted in their pursuit of smaller fish by gill-nets with coarse meshes, made of cords of native hemp, stretched across the entrance of the smaller inlets; and are caught in large wicker baskets, placed at openings in weirs and embankments which are built across the rivers. The salmon fishery differs little in different parts of the Northwest. The candle-fish, so fat that in frying they melt almost completely into oil, and need only the insertion of a pith or bark wick to furnish an excellent lamp, are impaled on the sharp teeth of a rake, or comb. The handle of the rake is from six to eight feet long, and it is swept through the water by the Haidahs in their canoes by moonlight. Herring in immense numbers are taken in April 163 by similar rakes, as well as by dip-nets, a large part of the whole take being used for oil. Seals are speared in the water or shot while on the rocks, and their flesh is esteemed a great delicacy. Clams, cockles, and shell-fish are captured by squaws, such an employment being beneath manly dignity. Fish, when caught, are delivered to the women, whose duty it is to prepare them for winter use by drying. No salt is used, but the fish are dried in the sun, or smoke-dried by being hung from the top of dwellings, then wrapped in bark, or packed in rude baskets or chests, and stowed on high scaffolds out of the reach of dogs and children. Salmon are opened, and the entrails, head, and back-bone removed before drying. During the process of drying, sand is blown over the fish, and the teeth of the eater are often worn down by it nearly even with the gums. The spawn of salmon and herring is greatly esteemed, and besides that obtained from the fish caught, much is collected on pine boughs, which are stuck in the mud until loaded with the eggs. This native caviare is dried for preservation, and is eaten prepared in various ways; pounded between two stones, and beaten with water into a creamy consistency; or boiled with sorrel and different berries, and moulded into cakes about twelve inches square and one inch thick by means of wooden frames. After a sufficient supply of solid food for the winter is secured, oil, the great heat-producing element of all northern tribes, is extracted from the additional catch, by boiling the fish in wooden vessels, and skimming the grease from the water or squeezing it from the refuse. The arms and breast of the women are the natural press in which the mass, wrapped in mats, is hugged; the hollow stalks of an abundant sea-weed furnish natural bottles in which the oil is preserved for use as a sauce, and into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. When the stock of food is secured, it is rarely infringed upon until the winter sets in, but then such is the Indian appetite—ten pounds of flour in the pancake-form at a meal being nothing for the stomach of a Haidah, according to Poole—that 164 whole tribes frequently suffer from hunger before spring.[253]

The Haidah weapons are spears from four to sixteen feet long, some with a movable head or barb, which comes off when the seal or whale is struck; bows and arrows; hatchets of bone, horn, or iron, with which their planks are made; and daggers. Both spears and arrows are frequently pointed with iron, which, whether it found its way across the continent from the Hudson-Bay settlements, down the coast from the Russians, or was obtained from wrecked vessels, was certainly used in British Columbia for various purposes before the coming of the whites. Bows are made of cedar, with sinew glued along one side. Poole states that before the introduction of fire-arms, the Queen Charlotte Islanders had no weapon but a club. Brave as the Haidah warrior is admitted to be, open fair fight is unknown to him, and in true Indian style he resorts to night attacks, superior numbers, and treachery, to defeat his foe. Cutting off the head as a trophy is practiced instead of scalping, but though unmercifully cruel to all sexes and ages in the heat of battle, prolonged torture of captives seems to be unknown. Treaties of peace are arranged by delegations from the hostile tribes, following set forms, and the ceremonies terminate with a many days' feast.[254] Nets are made of native wild hemp and of cedar-bark fibre; hooks, of two pieces of wood or bone fastened together at an obtuse angle; boxes, troughs, and household dishes, of wood; ladles and spoons, of wood, horn, and bone. Candle-fish, with a wick of bark or pith, serve as 165 lamps; drinking vessels and pipes are carved with great skill from stone. The Haidahs are noted for their skill in the construction of their various implements, particularly for sculptures in stone and ivory, in which they excel all the other tribes of Northern America.[255]

The cedar-fibre and wild hemp were prepared for use by the women by beating on the rocks; they were then spun with a rude distaff and spindle, and woven on a frame into the material for blankets, robes, and mats, or twisted by the men into strong and even cord, between 166 the hand and thigh. Strips of otter-skin, bird-feathers, and other materials, were also woven into the blankets. Dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year, furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar, made the best cloth. By dyeing the materials, regular colored patterns were produced, each tribe having had, it is said, a peculiar pattern by which its matting could be distinguished. Since the coming of Europeans, blankets of native manufacture have almost entirely disappeared. The Bellacoolas made very neat baskets, called zeilusqua, as well as hats and water-tight vessels, all of fine cedar-roots. Each chief about Fort Simpson kept an artisan, whose business it was to repair canoes, make masks, etc.[256]

The Haidah canoes are dug out of cedar logs, and are sometimes sixty feet long, six and a half wide, and four and a half deep, accommodating one hundred men. The prow and stern are raised, and often gracefully curved like a swan's neck, with a monster's head at the extremity. Boats of the better class have their exteriors carved and painted, with the gunwale inlaid in some cases with otter-teeth. Each canoe is made of a single log, except the raised extremities of the larger boats. They are impelled rapidly and safely over the often rough waters of the coast inlets, by shovel-shaped paddles, and when on shore, are piled up and covered with mats for protection against the rays of the sun. Since the coming of Europeans, sails have been added to the native boats, and other foreign features imitated.[257] 167

Rank and power depend greatly upon wealth, which consists of implements, wives, and slaves. Admission to alliance with medicine-men, whose influence is greatest in the tribe, can only be gained by sacrifice of private property. Before the disappearance of sea-otters from the Haidah waters, the skins of that animal formed the chief element of their trade and wealth; now the potatoes cultivated in some parts, and the various manufactures of Queen Charlotte Islands, supply their slight necessities. There is great rivalry among the islanders in supplying the tribes on the main with potatoes, fleets of forty or fifty canoes engaging each year in the trade from Queen Charlotte Islands. Fort Simpson is the great commercial rendezvous of the surrounding nations, who assemble from all directions in September, to hold a fair, dispose of their goods, visit friends, fight enemies, feast, and dance. Thus continue trade and merry-making for several weeks. Large fleets of canoes from the north also visit Victoria each spring for trading purposes.[258]

Very little can be said of the government of the Haidahs in distinction from that of the other nations of the Northwest Coast. Among nearly all of them rank is nominally hereditary, for the most part by the female line, but really depends to a great extent on wealth and ability in war. Females often possess the right of chieftainship. In early intercourse with whites the chief traded for the whole tribe, subject, however, to the approval of the several families, each of which seemed to form a kind of subordinate government by itself. In some parts the power of the 168 chief seems absolute, and is wantonly exercised in the commission of the most cruel acts according to his pleasure. The extensive embankments and weirs found by Mackenzie, although their construction must have required the association of all the labor of the tribe, were completely under the chief's control, and no one could fish without his permission. The people seemed all equal, but strangers must obey the natives or leave the village. Crimes have no punishment by law; murder is settled for with relatives of the victim, by death or by the payment of a large sum; and sometimes general or notorious offenders, especially medicine-men, are put to death by an agreement among leading men.[259] Slavery is universal, and as the life of the slave is of no value to the owner except as property, they are treated with extreme cruelty. Slaves the northern tribes purchase, kidnap, or capture in war from their southern neighbors, who obtain them by like means from each other, the course of the slave traffic being generally from south to north, and from the coast inland.[260]

Polygamy is everywhere practiced, and the number of wives is regulated only by wealth, girls being bought of parents at any price which may be agreed upon, and returned, and the price recovered, when after a proper trial they are not satisfactory. The transfer of the presents or price to the bride's parents is among some tribes accompanied by slight ceremonies nowhere fully described. The marriage ceremonies at Millbank Sound are performed on a platform over the water, supported by canoes. While jealousy is not entirely unknown, chastity appears to be so, as women who can earn the 169 greatest number of blankets win great admiration for themselves and high position for their husbands. Abortion and infanticide are not uncommon. Twin births are unusual, and the number of children is not large, although the age of bearing extends to forty or forty-six years. Women, except in the season of preparing the winter supply of fish, are occupied in household affairs and the care of children, for whom they are not without some affection, and whom they nurse often to the age of two or three years. Many families live together in one house, with droves of filthy dogs and children, all sleeping on mats round a central fire.[261]

The Haidahs, like all Indians, are inveterate gamblers, the favorite game on Queen Charlotte Islands being odd and even, played with small round sticks, in which the game is won when one player has all the bunch of forty or fifty sticks originally belonging to his opponent. Farther south, and inland, some of the sticks are painted with red rings, and the player's skill or luck consists in naming the number and marks of sticks previously wrapped by his antagonist in grass. All have become fond of whisky since the coming of whites, but seem to have had no intoxicating drink before. At their annual trading fairs, and on other occasions, they are fond of visiting and entertaining friends with ceremonious interchange of presents, a suitable return being expected for each gift. At these reception feasts, men and women 170 are seated on benches along opposite walls; at wedding feasts both sexes dance and sing together. In dancing, the body, head, and arms are thrown into various attitudes to keep time with the music, very little use being made of the legs. On Queen Charlotte Islands the women dance at feasts, while the men in a circle beat time with sticks, the only instruments, except a kind of tambourine. For their dances they deck themselves in their best array, including plenty of birds' down, which they delight to communicate to their partners in bowing, and which they also blow into the air at regular intervals, through a painted tube. Their songs are a simple and monotonous chant, with which they accompany most of their dances and ceremonies, though Mackenzie heard among them some soft, plaintive tones, not unlike church music. The chiefs in winter give a partly theatrical, partly religious entertainment, in which, after preparation behind a curtain, dressed in rich apparel and wearing masks, they appear on a stage and imitate different spirits for the instruction of the hearers, who meanwhile keep up their songs.[262]

After the salmon season, feasting and conjuring are in order. The chief, whose greatest authority is in his character of conjurer, or tzeetzaiak as he is termed in the Hailtzuk tongue, pretends at this time to live alone in the forest, fasting or eating grass, and while there is known as taamish. When he returns, clad in bear-robe, chaplet, and red-bark collar, the crowd flies at his approach, except a few brave spirits, who boldly present their naked arms, from which he bites and swallows large mouthfuls. This, skillfully done, adds to the reputation of both biter and bitten, and is perhaps all the foundation that exists for the report that these people are 171 cannibals; although Mr Duncan, speaking of the Chimsyans in a locality not definitely fixed, testifies to the tearing to pieces and actual devouring of the body of a murdered slave by naked bands of cannibal medicine-men. Only certain parties of the initiated practice this barbarism, others confining their tearing ceremony to the bodies of dogs.[263]

None of these horrible orgies are practiced by the Queen Charlotte Islanders. The performances of the Haidah magicians, so far as they may differ from those of the Nootkas have not been clearly described by travelers. The magicians of Chatham Sound keep infernal spirits shut up in a box away from the vulgar gaze, and possess great power by reason of the implicit belief on the part of the people, in their ability to charm away life. The doctor, however, is not beyond the reach of a kinsman's revenge, and is sometimes murdered.[264] With their ceremonies and superstitions there seems to be mixed very little religion, as all their many fears have reference to the present life. Certain owls and squirrels are regarded with reverence, and used as charms; salmon must not be cut across the grain, or the living fish will leave the river; the mysterious operations with astronomical and other European instruments about their rivers caused great fear that the fisheries would be ruined; fogs are conjured away without the slightest suspicion of the sun's agency.[265] European navigators they welcome by paddling their boats several times round the ship, making long speeches, scattering birds' down, and singing.[266] 172 Ordinary presents, like tobacco or trinkets, are gladly received, but a written testimonial is most highly prized by the Haidahs, who regard writing as a great and valuable mystery. They have absolutely no methods of recording events. Although living so constantly on the water, I find no mention of their skill in swimming, while Poole states expressly that they have no knowledge of that art.[267]

Very slight accounts are extant of the peculiar methods of curing diseases practiced by the Haidahs. Their chief reliance, as in the case of all Indian tribes, is on the incantations and conjurings of their sorcerers, who claim supernatural powers of seeing, hearing, and extracting disease, and are paid liberally when successful. Bark, herbs, and various decoctions are used in slight sickness, but in serious cases little reliance is placed on them. To the bites of the sorcerer-chiefs on the main, eagle-down is applied to stop the bleeding, after which a pine-gum plaster or sallal-bark is applied. On Queen Charlotte Islands, in a case of internal uneasiness, large quantities of sea-water are swallowed, shaken up, and ejected through the mouth for the purpose, as the natives say, of 'washing themselves inside out.'[268]

Death is ascribed to the ill will and malign influence of an enemy, and one suspected of causing the death of a prominent individual, must make ready to die. As a rule, the bodies of the dead are burned, though exceptions are noted in nearly every part of the territory. In the disposal of the ashes and larger bones which remain unburned, there seems to be no fixed usage. Encased in boxes, baskets, or canoes, or wrapped in 173 mats or bark, they are buried in or deposited on the ground, placed in a tree, on a platform, or hung from a pole. Articles of property are frequently deposited with the ashes, but not uniformly. Slaves' bodies are simply thrown into the river or the sea. Mourning for the dead consists usually of cutting the hair and blackening anew the face and neck for several months. Among the Kaiganies, guests at the burning of the bodies are wont to lacerate themselves with knives and stones. A tribe visited by Mackenzie, kept their graves free from shrubbery, a woman clearing that of her husband each time she passed. The Nass Indians paddle a dead chief, gaily dressed, round the coast villages.[269]

The Haidahs, compared with other North American Indians, may be called an intelligent, honest, and brave race, although not slow under European treatment to become drunkards, gamblers, and thieves. Acts of unprovoked cruelty or treachery are rare; missionaries have been somewhat successful in the vicinity of Fort Simpson, finding in intoxicating liquors their chief obstacle.[270] 174

The Nootkas, the second division of the Columbian group, are immediately south of the Haidah country; occupying Vancouver Island, and the coast of the main land, between the fifty-second and the forty-ninth parallels. The word nootka is not found in any native dialect of the present day. Captain Cook, to whom we are indebted for the term, probably misunderstood the name given by the natives to the region of Nootka Sound.[271] 175 The first European settlement in this region was on the Sound, which thus became the central point of early English and Spanish intercourse with the Northwest Coast; but it was soon abandoned, and no mission or trading post has since taken its place, so that no tribes of this family have been less known in later times than those on the west coast of Vancouver Island. The chief tribes of the Nootka family, or those on whose tribal existence, if not on the orthography of their names authors to some extent agree, are as follows.[272] The Nitinats, Clayoquots, and Nootkas, on the sounds of the same names along the west coast of Vancouver Island; the Quackolls and Newittees,[273] in the north; the Cowichins, Ucletas, and Comux, on the east coast of Vancouver and on the opposite main; the Saukaulutuchs[274], in the interior of the island; the Clallums,[275] Sokes, and Patcheena, on the south end; and the Kwantlums and Teets,[276] on the lower Fraser River. These tribes differ but little in physical peculiarities, or manners and customs, but by their numerous dialects they have been classed in nations. No comprehensive or satisfactory names have, however, been applied to them as national divisions.[277] 176

Between the Nootka family and its fish-eating neighbors on the north and south, the line of distinction is not clearly marked, but the contrast is greater with the interior hunting tribes on the east. Since their first intercourse with whites, the Nootkas have constantly decreased in numbers, and this not only in those parts where they have been brought into contact with traders and miners, but on the west coast, where they have retained in a measure their primitive state. The savage fades before the superior race, and immediate intercourse is not necessary to produce in native races those 'baleful influences of civilization,' which like a pestilence are wafted from afar, as on the wings of the wind.[278]

The Nootkas are of less than medium height, smaller than the Haidahs, but rather strongly built; usually plump, but rarely corpulent;[279] their legs, like those of 177 all the coast tribes, short, small, and frequently deformed, with large feet and ankles;[280] the face broad, round, and full, with the usual prominent cheek-bone, a low forehead, flat nose, wide nostrils, small black eyes, round thickish-lipped mouth, tolerably even well-set teeth; the whole forming a countenance rather dull and expressionless, but frequently pleasant.[281] The Nootka complexion, 178 so far as grease and paint have allowed travelers to observe it, is decidedly light, but apparently a shade darker than that of the Haidah family.[282] The hair, worn long, 179 is as a rule black or dark brown, coarse, and straight, though instances are not wanting where all these qualities are reversed.[283] The beard is carefully plucked out by the young men, and this operation, repeated for generations, has rendered the beard naturally thin. Old men often allow it to grow on the chin and upper lip.

To cut the hair short is to the Nootka a disgrace. Worn at full length, evened at the ends, and sometimes cut straight across the forehead, it is either allowed to hang loosely from under a band of cloth or fillet of bark, or is tied in a knot on the crown. On full-dress occasions the top-knot is secured with a green bough, and after being well saturated with whale-grease, the hair is powdered plentifully with white feathers, which are regarded as the crowning ornament for manly dignity in all these regions. Both sexes, but particularly the women, take great pains with the hair, carefully combing and plaiting their long tresses, fashioning tasteful head-dresses of bark-fibre, decked with beads and shells, attaching 180 leaden weights to the braids to keep them straight. The bruised root of a certain plant is thought by the Ahts to promote the growth of the hair.[284]

The custom of flattening the head is practiced by the Nootkas, in common with the Sound and Chinook families, but is not universal, nor is so much importance attached to it as elsewhere; although all seem to admire a flattened forehead as a sign of noble birth, even among tribes that do not make this deformity a sign of freedom. Among the Quatsinos and Quackolls of the north, the head, besides being flattened, is elongated into a conical sugar-loaf shape, pointed at the top. The flattening process begins immediately after birth, and is continued until the child can walk. It is effected by compressing the head with tight bandages, usually attached to the log cradle, the forehead being first fitted with a soft pad, a fold of soft bark, a mould of hard wood, or a flat stone. Observers generally agree that little or no harm is done to the brain by this infliction, the traces of which to a great extent disappear later in life. Many tribes, including the Aht nations, are said to have abandoned the custom since they have been brought into contact with the whites.[285]

The body is kept constantly anointed with a reddish clayey earth, mixed in train oil, and consequently little affected by their frequent baths. In war and mourning the whole body is blackened; on feast days the head, limbs, and body are painted in fantastic figures with various colors, apparently according to individual fancy, although the chiefs monopolize the fancy figures, the 181 common people being restricted to plain colors. Solid grease is sometimes applied in a thick coating, and carved or moulded in alto-rilievo into ridges and figures afterwards decorated with red paint, while shining sand or grains of mica are sprinkled over grease and paint to impart a glittering appearance. The women are either less fond of paint than the men, or else are debarred by their lords from the free use of it; among the Ahts, at least of late, the women abandon ornamental paint after the age of twenty-five. In their dances, as in war, masks carved from cedar to represent an endless variety of monstrous faces, painted in bright colors, with mouth and eyes movable by strings, are attached to their heads, giving them a grotesquely ferocious aspect.[286] The nose 182 and ears are regularly pierced in childhood, with from one to as many holes as the feature will hold, and from the punctures are suspended bones, shells, rings, beads, or in fact any ornament obtainable. The lip is sometimes, though more rarely, punctured. Bracelets and anklets of any available material are also commonly worn.[287]

The aboriginal dress of the Nootkas is a square blanket, of a coarse yellow material resembling straw matting, made by the women from cypress bark, with a mixture of dog's hair. This blanket had usually a border of fur; it sometimes had arm-holes, but was ordinarily thrown over the shoulders, and confined at the waist by a belt. Chiefs wore it painted in variegated colors or unpainted, but the common people wore a coarser material painted uniformly red. Women wore the garment longer and fastened under the chin, binding an additional strip of cloth closely about the middle, and showing much modesty about disclosing the person, while the men often went entirely naked. Besides the blanket, garments of many kinds of skin were in use, particularly by the chiefs on public days. In war, a heavy skin dress was worn as a protection against arrows. The Nootkas usually went bareheaded, but sometimes wore a conical hat plaited of rushes, bark, or flax. European blankets have replaced those of native manufacture, and many Indians about the settlements have adopted also the shirt and breeches.[288] 183

The Nootkas choose strong positions for their towns and encampments. At Desolation Sound, Vancouver found a village built on a detached rock with perpendicular sides, only accessible by planks resting on the branches of a tree, and protected on the sea side by a projecting platform resting on timbers fixed in the crevices of the precipice. The Nimkish tribe, according to Lord, build their homes on a table-land overhanging the sea, and reached by ascending a vertical cliff on a bark-rope ladder. Each tribe has several villages in favorable locations for fishing at different seasons. The houses, when more than one is needed for a tribe, are placed with regularity along streets; they vary in size according to the need or wealth of the occupants, and are held in common under the direction of the chief. They are constructed in the manner following. A row of large posts, from ten to fifteen feet high, often grotesquely carved, supports an immense ridge-pole, sometimes two and a half feet thick and one hundred feet long. Similar but smaller beams, on shorter posts, are placed on either side of the central row, distant from it fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet, according to the dimensions required. This frame is then covered with split cedar planks, about two inches thick, and from three to eight feet wide. The 184 side planks are tied together with bark, and supported by slender posts in couples just far enough apart to receive the thickness of the plank. A house like this, forty by one hundred feet, accommodates many families, each of which has its allotted space, sometimes partitioned off like a double row of stalls, with a wide passage in the middle. In the centre of each stall is a circle of stones for a fire-place, and round the walls are raised couches covered with mats. In rainy weather, cracks in the roof and sides are covered with mats. No smoke or window holes are left, and when smoke becomes troublesome a roof-plank is removed. The entrance is at one end. These dwellings furnish, according to Nootka ideas, a comfortable shelter, except when a high wind threatens to unroof them, and then the occupants go out and sit on the roof to keep it in place. Frequently the outside is painted in grotesque figures of various colors. Only the frame is permanent; matting, planks, and all utensils are several times each year packed up and conveyed in canoes to another locality where a frame belonging to the tribe awaits covering. The odor arising from fish-entrails and other filth, which they take no pains to remove, appears to be inoffensive, but the Nootkas are often driven by mosquitos to sleep on a stage over the water.[289] 185

The Nootkas, like the Haidahs, live almost wholly on the products of the sea, and are naturally expert fishermen. Salmon, the great staple, are taken in August and September, from sea, inlet, and river, by nets, spears, pots or baskets, and even by hooks. Hooks consist of sharp barbed bones bound to straight pieces of hard wood; sea-wrack, maple-bark, and whale-sinew furnish lines, which in salmon-fishing are short and attached to the paddles. The salmon-spear is a forked pole, some fifteen feet long, the detachable head having prongs pointed with fish-bone or iron, and the fish in deep water is sometimes attracted within its reach by a wooden decoy, forced down by a long pole, and then detached and allowed to ascend rapidly to the surface. Spearing is carried on mostly by torch-light. A light-colored stone pavement is sometimes laid upon the bottom of the stream, which renders the fish visible in their passage over it. Nets are made of nettles or of wild flax, found along Fraser River. They are small in size, and used as dip-nets, or sunk between two canoes and lifted as the fish pass over. A pot or basket fifteen to twenty feet long, three to five feet in diameter at one end, and tapering to a point at the other, is made of pine splinters one or two inches apart, with twig-hoops; and placed, large end up stream, at the foot of a fall or at an opening in an embankment. The salmon are driven down the fall with poles, and entering the basket are taken out by a door in the small end. This basket is sometimes enclosed in another one, similar but of uniform diameter, and closed at one end. Fences of stakes across the river oblige the salmon to enter the open mouth in their passage up, and passing readily through 186 an opening left in the point of the inner basket, they find themselves entrapped. In March, herring appear on the coast in great numbers, and in April and May they enter the inlets and streams, where they are taken with a dip-net, or more commonly by the fish-rake—a pole armed with many sharp bones or nails. Early in the season they can be taken only by torch-light. Halibut abound from March to June, and are caught with hooks and long lines, generally at some distance from shore. For all other fish, European hooks were early adopted, but the halibut, at least among the Ahts, must still be taken with the native hook. Many other varieties of fish, caught by similar methods, are used as food, but those named supply the bulk of the Nootka's provision. In May or June, whales appear and are attacked in canoes by the chief, with the select few from each tribe who alone have the right to hunt this monarch of the sea. The head of their harpoon is made of two barbed bones and pointed with muscle-shell; it is fastened to a whale-sinew line of a few feet in length, and this short line to a very long bark rope, at one end of which are seal-skin air-bags and bladders, to keep it afloat. The point is also fastened to a shaft from ten to twenty-five feet in length, from which it is easily detached. With many of these buoys in tow the whale cannot dive, and becomes an easy prey. Whale-blubber and oil are great delicacies, the former being preferred half putrid, while the oil with that of smaller denizens of the sea preserved in bladders, is esteemed a delicious sauce, and eaten with almost everything. Sea-otters and seals are also speared, the former with a weapon more barbed and firmly attached to the handle, as they are fierce fighters; but when found asleep on the rocks, they are shot with arrows. Seals are often attracted within arrow-shot by natives disguised as seals in wooden masks.

Clams and other shell-fish, which are collected in great numbers by the women, are cooked, strung on cypress-bark cords, and hung in the houses to dry for winter use. Fish are preserved by drying only, the use of salt 187 being unknown. Salmon, after losing their heads and tails, which are eaten in the fishing season, are split open and the back-bone taken out before drying; smaller fry are sometimes dried as they come from their element; but halibut and cod are cut up and receive a partial drying in the sun. The spawn of all fish, but particularly of salmon and herring, is carefully preserved by stowing it away in baskets, where it ferments. Bear, deer, and other land animals, as well as wild fowl, are sometimes taken for food, by means of rude traps, nets, and covers, successful only when game is abundant, for the Nootkas are but indifferent hunters. In the time of Jewitt, three peculiarities were observable in the Nootka use of animal food, particularly bear-meat. When a bear was killed, it was dressed in a bonnet, decked with fine down, and solemnly invited to eat in the chief's presence, before being eaten; after partaking of bruin's flesh, which was appreciated as a rarity, the Nootka could not taste fresh fish for two months; and while fish to be palatable must be putrid, meat when tainted was no longer fit for food. The Nootka cuisine furnished food in four styles; namely, boiled—the mode par excellence, applicable to every variety of food, and effected, as by the Haidahs, by hot stones in wooden vessels; steamed—of rarer use, applied mostly to heads, tails, and fins, by pouring water over them on a bed of hot stones, and covering the whole tightly with mats; roasted—rarely, in the case of some smaller fish and clams; and raw—fish-spawn and most other kinds of food, when conveniences for cooking were not at hand. Some varieties of sea-weed and lichens, as well as the camass, and other roots, were regularly laid up for winter, while berries, everywhere abundant, were eaten in great quantities in their season, and at least one variety preserved by pressing in bunches. In eating, they sit in groups of five or six, with their legs doubled under them round a large wooden tray, and dip out the food nearly always boiled to a brothy consistency, with their fingers or clam-shells, paying little or no attention to cleanliness. Chiefs and slaves have trays apart, and 188 the principal meal, according to Cook, was about noon. Feasting is the favorite way of entertaining friends, so long as food is plentiful; and by a curious custom, of the portion allotted them, guests must carry away what they cannot eat. Water in aboriginal days was the only Nootka drink; it is also used now when whisky is not to be had.[290]

Lances and arrows, pointed with shell, slate, flint, or bone, and clubs and daggers of wood and bone, were the weapons with which they met their foes; but firearms and metallic daggers, and tomahawks, have long since displaced them, as they have to a less degree the original hunting and fishing implements.[291] The Nootka tribes were always at war with each other, hereditary 189 quarrels being handed down for generations. According to their idea, loss of life in battle can be forgotten only when an equal number of the hostile tribe are killed. Their military tactics consist of stratagem and surprise in attack, and watchfulness in defense. Before engaging in war, some weeks are spent in preparation, which consists mainly of abstinence from women, bathing, scrubbing the skin with briers till it bleeds, and finally painting the whole body jet-black. All prisoners not suitable for slaves are butchered or beheaded. In an attack the effort is always made to steal into the adversary's camp at night and kill men enough to decide the victory before the alarm can be given. When they fail in this, the battle is seldom long continued, for actual hand-to-hand fighting is not to the Nootka taste. On the rare occasions when it is considered desirable to make overtures of peace, an ambassador is sent with an ornamented pipe, and with this emblem his person is safe. Smoking a pipe together by hostile chiefs also solemnizes a treaty.[292]

Nootka boats are dug out each from a single pine-tree, and are made of all sizes from ten to fifty feet long, the largest accommodating forty or fifty men. Selecting a proper tree in the forest, the aboriginal Nootka fells it with a sort of chisel of flint or elk-horn, three by six inches, fastened in a wooden handle, and struck by a smooth stone mallet. Then the log is split with wooden wedges, and the better piece being selected, it is hollowed out with the aforesaid chisel, a mussel-shell adze, and a bird's-bone gimlet worked between the two hands. Sometimes, but not always, fire is used as an assistant. The 190 exterior is fashioned with the same tools. The boat is widest in the middle, tapers toward each end, and is strengthened by light cross-pieces extending from side to side, which, being inserted after the boat is soaked in hot water, modify and improve the original form. The bow is long and pointed, the stern square-cut or slightly rounded; both ends are raised higher than the middle by separate pieces of wood painted with figures of birds or beasts, the head on the bow and the tail on the stern. The inside is painted red; the outside, slightly burned, is rubbed smooth and black, and for the whale fishery is ornamented along the gunwales with a row of small shells or seal-teeth, but for purposes of war it is painted with figures in white. Paddles are neatly made of hard wood, about five and a half feet long with a leaf-shaped blade of two feet, sharp at the end, and used as a weapon in canoe-fighting. A cross-piece is sometimes added to the handle like the top of a crutch.[293]

In addition to the implements already named are chests and boxes, buckets, cups and eating-troughs, all of wood, either dug out or pinned together; baskets of twigs and bags of matting; all neatly made, and many of the articles painted or carved, or ornamented with shell work. As among the Haidahs, the dried eulachon is often used as a lamp.[294] The matting and coarser kinds 191 of cloth are made of rushes and of pine or cedar bark, which after being soaked is beaten on a plank with a grooved instrument of wood or bone until the fibres are separated. The threads are twisted into cords between the hand and thigh; these cords, hung to a horizontal beam and knotted with finer thread at regular intervals, form the cloth. Thread of the same bark is used with a sharpened twig for a needle. Intercourse with Europeans has modified their manufactures, and checked the development of their native ingenuity.[295]

Captain Cook found among the Ahts very "strict notions of their having a right to the exclusive property of everything that their country produces," so that they claimed pay for even wood, water, and grass. The limits of tribal property are very clearly defined, but individuals rarely claim any property in land. Houses belong to the men who combine to build them. Private wealth consists of boats and implements for obtaining food, domestic utensils, slaves, and blankets, the latter being generally the standard by which wealth or price is computed. Food is not regarded as common property, yet any man may help himself to his neighbor's store when needy. The accumulation of property beyond the necessities of life is considered desirable only for the purpose of distributing it in presents on great feast-days, and thereby acquiring a reputation for wealth and liberality; and as these feasts occur frequently, an unsuccessful man may often take a fresh start in the race. Instead of being given away, canoes and blankets are often destroyed, which proves that the motive in this disposal of property is not to favor friends, but merely to appear indifferent to wealth. It is certainly a most 192 remarkable custom, and one that exerts a great influence on the whole people. Gifts play an important part in procuring a wife, and a division of property accompanies a divorce. To enter the ranks of the medicine-men or magicians, or to attain rank of any kind, property must be sacrificed; and a man who receives an insult or suffers any affliction must tear up the requisite quantity of blankets and shirts, if he would retain his honor.[296] Trade in all their productions was carried on briskly between the different Nootka tribes before the coming of the whites. They manifest much shrewdness in their exchanges; even their system of presents is a species of trade, the full value of each gift being confidently expected in a return present on the next festive occasion. In their intertribal commerce, a band holding a strong position where trade by canoes between different parts may be stopped, do not fail to offer and enforce the acceptance of their services as middlemen, thereby greatly increasing market prices.[297]

The system of numeration, sufficiently extensive for the largest numbers, is decimal, the numbers to ten having names which are in some instances compounds but not multiples of smaller numbers. The fingers are used to aid in counting. The year is divided into months with some reference to the moon, but chiefly by the fish-seasons, ripening of berries, migrations of birds, and other periodical events, for which the months are named, as: 'when the herrings spawn,' etc. The unit of measure is the span, the fingers representing its fractional parts.[298] The Nootkas display considerable taste in ornamenting 193 with sculpture and paintings their implements and houses, their chief efforts being made on the posts of the latter, and the wooden masks which they wear in war and some of their dances; but all implements may be more or less carved and adorned according to the artist's fancy. They sometimes paint fishing and hunting scenes, but generally their models exist only in imagination, and their works consequently assume unintelligible forms. There seems to be no evidence that their carved images and complicated paintings are in any sense intended as idols or hieroglyphics. A rude system of heraldry prevails among them, by which some animal is adopted as a family crest, and its figure is painted or embroidered on canoes, paddles, or blankets.[299]

To the Nootka system of government the terms patriarchal, hereditary, and feudal have been applied. There is no confederation, each tribe being independent of all the rest, except as powerful tribes are naturally dominant over the weak. In each tribe the head chief's rank is hereditary by the male line; his grandeur is displayed on great occasions, when, decked in all his finery, he is the central figure. At the frequently recurring feasts of state he occupies the seat of honor; presides at all councils of the tribe, and is respected and highly honored by all; but has no real authority over any but his slaves. Between the chief, or king, and the people is a nobility, in number about one fourth of the whole tribe, composed of several grades, the highest being partially hereditary, but also, as are all the lower grades, obtainable by feats 194 of valor or great liberality. All chieftains must be confirmed by the tribe, and some of them appointed by the king; each man's rank is clearly defined in the tribe, and corresponding privileges strictly insisted on. There are chiefs who have full authority in warlike expeditions. Harpooners also form a privileged class, whose rank is handed down from father to son. This somewhat complicated system of government nevertheless sits lightly, since the people are neither taxed nor subjected to any laws, nor interfered with in their actions. Still, long-continued custom serves as law and marks out the few duties and privileges of the Nootka citizen. Stealing is not common except from strangers; and offenses requiring punishment are usually avenged—or pardoned in consideration of certain blankets received—by the injured parties and their friends, the chiefs seeming to have little or nothing to do in the matter.[300] 195

Slavery is practiced by all the tribes, and the slave-trade forms an important part of their commerce. Slaves are about the only property that must not be sacrificed to acquire the ever-desired reputation for liberality. Only rich men—according to some authorities only the nobles—may hold slaves. War and kidnapping supply the slave-market, and no captive, whatever his rank in his own tribe, can escape this fate, except by a heavy ransom offered soon after he is taken, and before his whereabouts becomes unknown to his friends. Children of slaves, whose fathers are never known, are forever slaves. The power of the owner is arbitrary and unlimited over the actions and life of the slave, but a cruel exercise of his power seems of rare occurrence, and, save the hard labor required, the material condition of the slave is but little worse than that of the common free people, since he is sheltered by the same roof and partakes of the same food as his master. Socially the slave is despised; his hair is cut short, and his very name becomes a term of reproach. Female slaves are prostituted for hire, especially in the vicinity of white settlements. A runaway slave is generally seized and resold by the first tribe he meets.[301]

The Nootka may have as many wives as he can buy, but as prices are high, polygamy is practically restricted to the chiefs, who are careful not to form alliances with 196 families beneath them in rank. Especially particular as to rank are the chiefs in choosing their first wife, always preferring the daughters of noble families of another tribe. Courtship consists in an offer of presents by the lover to the girl's father, accompanied generally by lengthy speeches of friends on both sides, extolling the value of the man and his gift, and the attractions of the bride. After the bargain is concluded, a period of feasting follows if the parties are rich, but this is not necessary as a part of the marriage ceremony. Betrothals are often made by parents while the parties are yet children, mutual deposits of blankets and other property being made as securities for the fulfillment of the contract, which is rarely broken. Girls marry at an average age of sixteen. The common Nootka obtains his one bride from his own rank also by a present of blankets, much more humble than that of his rich neighbor, and is assisted in his overtures by perhaps a single friend instead of being followed by the whole tribe. Courtship among this class is not altogether without the attentions which render it so charming in civilized life; as when the fond girl lovingly caresses and searches her lover's head, always giving him the fattest of her discoveries. Wives are not ill treated, and although somewhat overworked, the division of labor is not so oppressive as among many Indian tribes. Men build houses, make boats and implements, hunt and fish; women prepare the fish and game for winter use, cook, manufacture cloth and clothing, and increase the stock of food by gathering berries and shell-fish; and most of this work among the richer class is done by slaves. Wives are consulted in matters of trade, and in fact seem to be nearly on terms of equality with their husbands, except that they are excluded from some public feasts and ceremonies. There is much reason to suppose that before the advent of the whites, the Nootka wife was comparatively faithful to her lord, that chastity was regarded as a desirable female quality, and offenses against it severely punished. The females so freely brought on board the vessels of early voyagers and offered 197 to the men, were perhaps slaves, who are everywhere prostituted for gain, so that the fathers of their children are never known. Women rarely have more than two or three children, and cease bearing at about twenty-five, frequently preventing the increase of their family by abortions. Pregnancy and childbirth affect them but little. The male child is named at birth, but his name is afterwards frequently changed. He is suckled by the mother until three or four years old, and at an early age begins to learn the arts of fishing by which he is to live. Children are not quarrelsome among themselves, and are regarded by both parents with some show of affection and pride. Girls at puberty are closely confined for several days, and given a little water but no food; they are kept particularly from the sun or fire, to see either of which at this period would be a lasting disgrace. At such times feasts are given by the parents. Divorces or separations may be had at will by either party, but a strict division of property and return of betrothal presents is expected, the woman being allowed not only the property she brought her husband, and articles manufactured by her in wedlock, but a certain proportion of the common wealth. Such property as belongs to the father and is not distributed in gifts during his life, or destroyed at his death, is inherited by the eldest son.[302] 198

From the middle of November to the middle of January, is the Nootka season of mirth and festivity, when nearly the whole time is occupied with public and private gaiety. Their evenings are privately passed by the family group within doors in conversation, singing, joking, boasting of past exploits, personal and tribal, and teasing the women until bed-time, when one by one they retire to rest in the same blankets worn during the day.[303] Swimming and trials of strength by hooking together the little fingers, or scuffling for a prize, seem to be the only out-door amusements indulged in by adults, while the children shoot arrows and hurl spears at grass figures of birds and fishes, and prepare themselves for future conflicts by cutting off the heads of imaginary enemies modeled in mud.[304] To gambling the Nootkas are passionately addicted, but their games are remarkably few and uniform. Small bits of wood compose their entire paraphernalia, sometimes used like dice, when the game depends on the side turned up; or passed rapidly from hand to hand, when the gamester attempts to name the hand containing the trump stick; or again concealed in dust spread over a blanket and moved about by one player that the rest may guess its location. In playing they always form a circle seated on the ground, and the women rarely if ever join the game.[305] They indulge in smoking, 199 the only pipes of their own manufacture being of plain cedar, filled now with tobacco by those who can afford it, but in which they formerly smoked, as it is supposed, the leaves of a native plant—still mixed with tobacco to lessen its intoxicating properties. The pipe is passed round after a meal, but seems to be less used in serious ceremonies than among eastern Indian nations.[306]

But the Nootka amusement par excellence is that of feasts, given by the richer classes and chiefs nearly every evening during 'the season.' Male and female heralds are employed ceremoniously to invite the guests, the house having been first cleared of its partitions, and its floor spread with mats.[307] As in countries more civilized, the common people go early to secure the best seats, their allotted place being near the door. The élite come later, after being repeatedly sent for; on arrival they are announced by name, and assigned a place according to rank. In one corner of the hall the fish and whale-blubber are boiled by the wives of the chiefs, who serve it to the guests in pieces larger or smaller, according to their rank. What can not be eaten must be carried home. Their drink ordinarily is pure water, but occasionally berries of a peculiar kind, preserved in cakes, are stirred in until a froth is formed which swells the body of the drinker nearly to bursting.[308] Eating is followed by conversation and speech-making, oratory being an art highly prized, in which, with their fine voices, they become skillful. Finally, the floor is cleared for dancing. In the dances in which the crowd participate, the dancers, with faces painted in black and vermilion, form a circle round a few leaders who give the step, which consists chiefly in jumping with 200 both feet from the ground, brandishing weapons or bunches of feathers, or sometimes simply bending the body without moving the feet. As to the participation of women in these dances, authorities do not agree.[309] In a sort of conversational dance all pass briskly round the room to the sound of music, praising in exclamations the building and all within it, while another dance requires many to climb upon the roof and there continue their motions. Their special or character dances are many, and in them they show much dramatic talent. A curtain is stretched across a corner of the room to conceal the preparations, and the actors, fantastically dressed, represent personal combats, hunting scenes, or the actions of different animals. In the seal-dance naked men jump into the water and then crawl out and over the floors, imitating the motions of the seal. Indecent performances are mentioned by some visitors. Sometimes in these dances men drop suddenly as if dead, and are at last revived by the doctors, who also give dramatic or magic performances at their houses; or they illuminate a wax moon out on the water, and make the natives believe they are communing with the man in the moon. To tell just where amusement ceases and solemnity begins in these dances is impossible.[310] Birds' down forms an important item in the decoration at dances, especially at the reception of strangers. All dances, as well as other ceremonies, are accompanied by continual music, instrumental and vocal. The instruments are: boxes and benches 201 struck with sticks; a plank hollowed out on the under side and beaten with drum-sticks about a foot long; a rattle made of dried seal-skin in the form of a fish, with pebbles; a whistle of deer-bone about an inch long with one hole, which like the rattle can only be used by chiefs; and a bunch of muscle-shells, to be shaken like castanets.[311] Their songs are monotonous chants, extending over but few notes, varied by occasional howls and whoops in some of the more spirited melodies, pleasant or otherwise, according to the taste of the hearer.[312] Certain of their feasts are given periodically by the head chiefs, which distant tribes attend, and during which take place the distributions of property already mentioned. Whenever a gift is offered, etiquette requires the recipient to snatch it rudely from the donor with a stern and surly look.[313]

Among the miscellaneous customs noticed by the different authorities already quoted, may be mentioned the following. Daily bathing in the sea is practiced, the vapor-bath not being used. Children are rolled in the snow by their mothers to make them hardy. Camps and other property are moved from place to place by piling them on a plank platform built across the canoes. Whymper saw Indians near Bute Inlet carrying burdens on the back by a strap across the forehead. In a fight they rarely strike but close and depend on pulling hair and scratching; a chance blow must be made up by a present. Invitations 202 to eat must not be declined, no matter how often repeated. Out of doors there is no native gesture of salutation, but in the houses a guest is motioned politely to a couch; guests are held sacred, and great ceremonies are performed at the reception of strangers; all important events are announced by heralds. Friends sometimes saunter along hand in hand. A secret society, independent of tribe, family, or crest, is supposed by Sproat to exist among them, but its purposes are unknown. In a palaver with whites the orator holds a long white pole in his hand, which he sticks occasionally into the ground by way of emphasis. An animal chosen as a crest must not be shot or ill-treated in the presence of any wearing its figure; boys recite portions of their elders' speeches as declamations; names are changed many times during life, at the will of the individual or of the tribe.

In sorcery, witchcraft, prophecy, dreams, evil spirits, and the transmigration of souls, the Nootkas are firm believers, and these beliefs enable the numerous sorcerers of different grades to acquire great power in the tribes by their strange ridiculous ceremonies. Most of their tricks are transparent, being deceptions worked by the aid of confederates to keep up their power; but, as in all religions, the votary must have some faith in the efficacy of their incantations. The sorcerer, before giving a special demonstration, retires apart to meditate. After spending some time alone in the forests and mountains, fasting and lacerating the flesh, he appears suddenly before the tribe, emaciated, wild with excitement, clad in a strange costume, grotesquely painted, and wearing a hideous mask. The scenes that ensue are indescribable, but the aim seems to be to commit all the wild freaks that a maniac's imagination may devise, accompanied by the most unearthly yells which can terrorize the heart. Live dogs and dead human bodies are seized and torn by their teeth; but, at least in later times, they seem not to attack the living, and their performances are somewhat less horrible and bloody than the wild orgies of the northern tribes. The sorcerer is 203 thought to have more influence with bad spirits than with good, and is always resorted to in the case of any serious misfortune. New members of the fraternity are initiated into the mysteries by similar ceremonies. Old women are not without their traditional mysterious powers in matters of prophecy and witchcraft; and all chiefs in times of perplexity practice fasting and laceration. Dreams are believed to be the visits of spirits or of the wandering soul of some living party, and the unfortunate Nootka boy or girl whose blubber-loaded stomach causes uneasy dreams, must be properly hacked, scorched, smothered, and otherwise tormented until the evil spirit is appeased.[314] Whether or not these people were cannibals, is a disputed question, but there seems to be little doubt that slaves have been sacrificed and eaten as a part of their devilish rites.[315] 204

The Nootkas are generally a long-lived race, and from the beginning to the failing of manhood undergo little change in appearance. Jewitt states that during his captivity of three years at Nootka Sound, only five natural deaths occurred, and the people suffered scarcely any disease except the colic. Sproat mentions as the commonest diseases; bilious complaints, dysentery, a consumption which almost always follows syphilis, fevers, and among the aged, ophthalmia. Accidental injuries, as cuts, bruises, sprains, and broken limbs, are treated with considerable success by means of simple salves or gums, cold water, pine-bark bandages, and wooden splints. Natural pains and maladies are invariably ascribed to the absence or other irregular conduct of the soul, or to the influence of evil spirits, and all treatment is directed to the recall of the former and to the appeasing of the latter. Still, so long as the ailment is slight, simple means are resorted to, and the patient is kindly cared for by the women; as when headache, colic, or rheumatism is treated by the application of hot or cold water, hot ashes, friction, or the swallowing of cold teas made from various roots and leaves. Nearly every disease has a specific for its cure. Oregon grape and other herbs cure syphilis; wasp-nest powder is a tonic, and blackberries an astringent; hemlock bark forms a plaster, and dog-wood bark is a strengthener; an infusion of young pine cones or the inside scrapings of a human skull prevent too rapid family increase, while certain plants facilitate abortion. When a sickness becomes serious, the sorcerer or medicine-man is called in and incantations begin, more or less noisy according to the amount of the prospective fee 205 and the number of relatives and friends who join in the uproar. A very poor wretch is permitted to die in comparative quiet. In difficult cases the doctor, wrought up to the highest state of excitement, claims to see and hear the soul, and to judge of the patient's prospects by its position and movements. The sick man shows little fortitude, and abandons himself helplessly to the doctor's ridiculous measures. Failing in a cure, the physician gets no pay, but if successful, does not fail to make a large demand. Both the old and the helplessly sick are frequently abandoned by the Ahts to die without aid in the forest.[316]

After death the Nootka's body is promptly put away; a slave's body is unceremoniously thrown into the water; that of a freeman, is placed in a crouching posture, their favorite one during life, in a deep wooden box, or in a canoe, and suspended from the branches of a tree, deposited on the ground with a covering of sticks and stones, or, more rarely, buried. Common people are usually left on the surface; the nobility are suspended from trees at heights differing, as some authorities say, according to rank. The practice of burning the dead seems also to have been followed in some parts of this region. Each tribe has a burying-ground chosen on some hill-side or small island. With chiefs, blankets, skins, and other property in large amounts are buried, hung up about the grave, or burned during the funeral ceremonies, which are not complicated except for the highest officials. The coffins are often ornamented with carvings 206 or paintings of the deceased man's crest, or with rows of shells. When a death occurs, the women of the tribe make a general howl, and keep it up at intervals for many days or months; the men, after a little speech-making, keep silent. The family and friends, with blackened faces and hair cut short, follow the body to its last resting-place with music and other manifestations of sorrow, generally terminating in a feast. There is great reluctance to explain their funeral usages to strangers; death being regarded by this people with great superstition and dread, not from solicitude for the welfare of the dead, but from a belief in the power of departed spirits to do much harm to the living.[317]

The Nootka character presents all the inconsistencies observable among other American aborigines, since there is hardly a good or bad trait that has not by some observer been ascribed to them. Their idiosyncrasies as a race are perhaps best given by Sproat as "want of observation, a great deficiency of foresight, extreme fickleness in their passions and purposes, habitual suspicion, and a love of power and display; added to which may be noticed their ingratitude and revengeful disposition, 207 their readiness for war, and revolting indifference to human suffering." These qualities, judged by civilized standards censurable, to the Nootka are praiseworthy, while contrary qualities are to be avoided. By a strict application, therefore, of 'put yourself in his place' principles, to which most 'good Indians' owe their reputation, Nootka character must not be too harshly condemned. They are not, so far as physical actions are concerned, a remarkably lazy people, but their minds, although intelligent when aroused, are averse to effort and quickly fatigued; nor can they comprehend the advantage of continued effort for any future good which is at all remote. What little foresight they have, has much in common with the instinct of beasts. Ordinarily, they are quiet and well behaved, especially the higher classes, but when once roused to anger, they rage, bite, spit and kick without the slightest attempt at self-possession. A serious offense against an individual, although nominally pardoned in consideration of presents, can really never be completely atoned for except by blood; hence private, family, and tribal feuds continue from generation to generation. Women are not immodest, but the men have no shame. Stealing is recognized as a fault, and the practice as between members of the same tribe is rare, but skillful pilfering from strangers, if not officially sanctioned, is extensively carried on and much admired; still any property confided in trust to a Nootka is said to be faithfully returned. To his wife he is kind and just; to his children affectionate. Efforts for their conversion to foreign religions have been in the highest degree unsuccessful.[318] 208

The Sound Indians, by which term I find it convenient to designate the nations about Puget Sound, constitute the third family of the Columbian group. In this division I include all the natives of that part of Washington which lies to the west of the Cascade Range, except a strip from twenty-five to forty miles wide along the north bank of the Columbia. The north-eastern section of this territory, including the San Juan group, Whidbey Island, and the region tributary to Bellingham Bay, is the home of the Nooksak, Lummi, Samish and Skagit nations, whose neighbors and constant harassers on the north are the fierce Kwantlums and Cowichins of the Nootka family about the mouth of the Fraser. The central section, comprising the shores and islands of Admiralty Inlet, Hood Canal, and Puget Sound proper, is occupied by numerous tribes with variously spelled names, mostly terminating in mish, which names, with all their orthographic diversity, have been given generally to the streams on whose banks the different nations dwelt. All these tribes may be termed the Nisqually nation, taking the name from the most numerous and best-known of the tribes located about the head of the sound. The Clallams inhabit the eastern portion of the peninsula between the sound and the Pacific. The western extremity of the same peninsula, terminating at Cape Flattery, is occupied by the Classets or Makahs; 209 while the Chehalis and Cowlitz nations are found on the Chehalis River, Gray Harbor, and the upper Cowlitz. Excepting a few bands on the headwaters of streams that rise in the vicinity of Mount Baker, the Sound family belongs to the coast fish-eating tribes rather than to the hunters of the interior. Indeed, this family has so few marked peculiarities, possessing apparently no trait or custom not found as well among the Nootkas or Chinooks, that it may be described in comparatively few words. When first known to Europeans they seem to have been far less numerous than might have been expected from the extraordinary fertility and climatic advantages of their country; and since they have been in contact with the whites, their numbers have been reduced,—chiefly through the agency of small-pox and ague,—even more rapidly than the nations farther to the north-west.[319] 210

These natives of Washington are short and thick-set, with strong limbs, but bow-legged; they have broad faces, eyes fine but wide apart; noses prominent, both of Roman and aquiline type; color, a light copper, perhaps a shade darker than that of the Nootkas, but capable of transmitting a flush; the hair usually black and almost universally worn long.[320]

All the tribes flatten the head more or less, but none carry the practice to such an extent as their neighbors on the south, unless it be the Cowlitz nation, which might indeed as correctly be classed with the Chinooks. By most of the Sound natives tattooing is not practiced, and they seem somewhat less addicted to a constant use of paint than the Nootkas; yet on festive occasions a plentiful and hideous application is made of charcoal or colored earth pulverized in grease, and the women appreciate the charms imparted to the face by the use of vermilion clay. The nose, particularly at Cape Flattery, is the grand centre of facial ornamentation. Perforating is extravagantly 211 practiced, and pendant trinkets of every form and substance are worn, those of bone or shell preferred, and, if we may credit Wilkes, by some of the women these ornaments are actually kept clean.

The native garment, when the weather makes nakedness uncomfortable, is a blanket of dog's hair, sometimes mixed with birds' down and bark-fibre, thrown about the shoulders. Some few fasten this about the neck with a wooden pin. The women are more careful in covering the person with the blanket than are the men, and generally wear under it a bark apron hanging from the waist in front. A cone-shaped, water-proof hat, woven from colored grasses, is sometimes worn on the head.[321]

Temporary hunting-huts in summer are merely cross-sticks covered with coarse mats made by laying bulrushes side by side, and knotting them at intervals with cord or grass. The poorer individuals or tribes dwell permanently in similar huts, improved by the addition of a few slabs; while the rich and powerful build substantial houses, of planks split from trees by means of bone wedges, much like the Nootka dwellings in plan, and nearly as large. These houses sometimes measure over one hundred feet in length, and are divided into rooms or 212 pens, each house accommodating many families. There are several fire-places in each dwelling; raised benches extend round the sides, and the walls are often lined with matting.[322]

In spring time they abandon their regular dwellings and resort in small companies to the various sources of food-supply. Fish is their chief dependence, though game is taken in much larger quantities than by the Nootkas; some of the more inland Sound tribes subsisting almost entirely by the chase and by root-digging. Nearly all the varieties of fish which support the northern tribes are also abundant here, and are taken substantially by the same methods, namely, by the net, hook, spear, and rake; but fisheries seem to be carried on somewhat less systematically, and I find no account of the extensive and complicated embankments and traps mentioned by travelers in British Columbia. To the salmon, sturgeon, herring, rock-cod, and candle-fish, abundant 213 in the inlets of the sound, the Classets, by venturing out to sea, add a supply of whale-blubber and otter-meat, obtained with spears, lines, and floats. At certain points on the shore tall poles are erected, across which nets are spread; and against these nets large numbers of wild fowl, dazzled by torch-lights at night, dash themselves and fall stunned to the ground, where the natives stand ready to gather in the feathery harvest. Vancouver noticed many of these poles in different localities, but could not divine their use. Deer and elk in the forests are also hunted by night, and brought within arrow-shot by the spell of torches. For preservation, fish are dried in the sun or dried and smoked by the domestic hearth, and sometimes pounded fine, as are roots of various kinds; clams are dried on strings and hung up in the houses, or occasionally worn round the neck, ministering to the native love of ornament until the stronger instinct of hunger impairs the beauty of the necklace. In the better class of houses, supplies are neatly stored in baskets at the sides. The people are extremely improvident, and, notwithstanding their abundant natural supplies in ocean, stream, and forest, are often in great want. Boiling in wooden vessels by means of hot stones is the ordinary method of cooking. A visitor to the Nooksaks thus describes their method of steaming elk-meat: "They first dig a hole in the ground, then build a wood fire, placing stones on the top of it. As it burns, the stones become hot and fall down. Moss and leaves are then placed on the top of the hot stones, the meat on these, and another layer of moss and leaves laid over it. Water is poured on, which is speedily converted into steam. This is retained by mats carefully placed over the heap. When left in this way for a night, the meat is found tender and well cooked in the morning." Fowls were cooked in the same manner by the Queniults.[323] 214

I find no mention of other weapons, offensive or defensive, than spears, and bows and arrows. The arrows and spears were usually pointed with bone; the bows were of yew, and though short, were of great power. Vancouver describes a superior bow used at Puget Sound. It was from two and a half to three feet long, made from a naturally curved piece of yew, whose concave side became the convex of the bow, and to the whole length of this side a strip of elastic hide or serpent-skin was attached so firmly by a kind of cement as to become almost a part of the wood. This lining added greatly 215 to the strength of the bow, and was not affected by moisture. The bow-string was made of sinew.[324] The tribes were continually at war with each other, and with northern nations, generally losing many of their people in battle. Sticking the heads of the slain enemy on poles in front of their dwellings, is a common way of demonstrating their joy over a victory. The Indians at Port Discovery spoke to Wilkes of scalping among their warlike exploits, but according to Kane the Classets do not practice that usage.[325] Vancouver, finding sepulchres at Penn Cove, in which were large quantities of human bones but no limb-bones of adults, suspected that the latter were used by the Indians for pointing their arrows, and in the manufacture of other implements.[326]

The Sound manufactures include only the weapons and utensils used by the natives. Their articles were made with the simplest tools of bone or shell. Blankets were made of dog's hair,—large numbers of dogs being raised for the purpose,—the wool of mountain sheep, or wild goats, found on the mountain slopes, the down of wild-fowl, cedar bark-fibre, ravellings of foreign blankets, or more commonly of a mixture of several of these materials. The fibre is twisted into yarn between the hand and thigh, and the strands arranged in perpendicular frames for weaving purposes. Willow and other twigs supply material for baskets of various forms, often neatly made and colored. Oil, both for domestic use and for barter, is extracted by boiling, except in the case of the candle-fish, when hanging in the hot sun suffices; it is preserved in bladders and skin-bottles.[327] 216

Canoes are made by the Sound Indians in the same manner as by the Nootkas already described; being always dug out, formerly by fire, from a single cedar trunk, and the form improved afterwards by stretching when soaked in hot water. Of the most elegant proportions, they are modeled by the builder with no guide but the eye, and with most imperfect tools; three months' work is sufficient to produce a medium-sized boat. The form varies among different nations according as the canoe is intended for ocean, sound, or river navigation; being found with bow or stern, or both, in various forms, pointed, round, shovel-nosed, raised or level. The raised stern, head-piece, and stern-post are usually formed of separate pieces. Like the Nootkas, they char and polish the outside and paint the interior with red. The largest and finest specimen seen by Mr. Swan was forty-six feet long and six feet wide, and crossed the bar into Shoalwater Bay with thirty Queniult Indians from the north. The paddle used in deep water has a crutch-like handle and a sharp-pointed blade.[328] 217

In their barter between the different tribes, and in estimating their wealth, the blanket is generally the unit of value, and the hiaqua, a long white shell obtained off Cape Flattery at a considerable depth, is also extensively used for money, its value increasing with its length. A kind of annual fair for trading purposes and festivities is held by the tribes of Puget Sound at Bajada Point, and here and in their other feasts they are fond of showing their wealth and liberality by disposing of their surplus property in gifts.[329]

The system of government seems to be of the simplest nature, each individual being entirely independent and master of his own actions. There is a nominal chief in each tribe, who sometimes acquires great influence and privileges by his wealth or personal prowess, but he has no authority, and only directs the movements of his band in warlike incursions. I find no evidence of hereditary rank or caste except as wealth is sometimes inherited.[330] Slaves are held by all the tribes, and are treated very much like their dogs, being looked upon as 218 property, and not within the category of humanity. For a master to kill half a dozen slaves is no wrong or cruelty; it only tends to illustrate the owner's noble disposition in so freely sacrificing his property. Slaves are obtained by war and kidnapping, and are sold in large numbers to northern tribes. According to Sproat, the Classets, a rich and powerful tribe, encourage the slave-hunting incursions of the Nootkas against their weaker neighbors.[331]

Wives are bought by presents, and some performances or ceremonies, representative of hunting or fishing scenes, not particularly described by any visitor, take place at the wedding. Women have all the work to do except hunting and fishing, while their lords spend their time in idleness and gambling. Still the females are not ill-treated; they acquire great influence in the tribe, and are always consulted in matters of trade before a bargain is closed. They are not overburdened with modesty, nor are husbands noted for jealousy. Hiring out their women, chiefly however slaves, for prostitution, has been a prominent source of tribal revenue since the country was partially settled by whites. Women are not prolific, three or four being ordinarily the limit of their offspring. Infants, properly bound up with the necessary apparatus for head-flattening, are tied to their cradle or to a piece of bark, and hung by a cord to the end of a springy pole kept in motion by a string attached to the mother's great toe. Affection for children is by no means rare, but in few tribes can they resist the temptation to sell or gamble them away.[332] 219

Feasting, gambling, and smoking are the favorite amusements; all their property, slaves, children, and even their own freedom in some cases are risked in their games. Several plants are used as substitutes for tobacco when that article is not obtainable. If any important differences exist between their ceremonies, dances, songs and feasts, and those of Vancouver Island, such variations have not been recorded. In fact, many authors describe the manners and customs of 'North-west America' as if occupied by one people.[333] There is no evidence of cannibalism; indeed, during Vancouver's visit at Puget Sound, some meat offered to the natives was refused, because it was suspected to be human flesh. Since their acquaintance with the whites they have acquired a habit of assuming great names, as Duke of York, or Jenny Lind, and highly prize scraps of paper with writing purporting to substantiate their claims to such distinctions. Their superstitions are many, and they are continually on the watch in all the commonest acts of life against the swarm of evil influences, from which they may escape only by the greatest care.[334]

Disorders of the throat and lungs, rheumatism and intermittent fevers, are among the most prevalent forms of disease, and in their methods of cure, as usual, the absurd ceremonies, exorcisms, and gesticulations of the medicine-men play the principal part; but hot and cold baths are also often resorted to without regard to the nature or stage of the malady.[335] The bodies of such as 220 succumb to their diseases, or to the means employed for cure, are disposed of in different ways according to locality, tribe, rank, or age. Skeletons are found by travelers buried in the ground or deposited in a sitting posture on its surface; in canoes or in boxes supported by posts, or, more commonly, suspended from the branches of trees. Corpses are wrapped in cloth or matting, and more or less richly decorated according to the wealth of the deceased. Several bodies are often put in one canoe or box, and the bodies of young children are found suspended in baskets. Property and implements, the latter always broken, are deposited with or near the remains, and these last resting-places of their people are religiously cared for and guarded from intrusion by all the tribes.[336] All the peculiarities and inconsistencies of the 221 Nootka character perhaps have been noted by travelers among the Indians of the Sound, but none of these peculiarities are so clearly marked in the latter people. In their character, as in other respects, they have little individuality, and both their virtues and vices are but faint reflections of the same qualities in the great families north and south of their territory. The Cape Flattery tribes are at once the most intelligent, bold, and treacherous of all, while some of the tribes east and north-east of the Sound proper have perhaps the best reputation. Since the partial settlement of their territory by the whites, the natives here as elsewhere have lost many of their original characteristics, chiefly the better ones. The remnants now for the most part are collected on government reservations, or live in the vicinity of towns, by begging and prostitution. Some tribes, especially in the region of Bellingham Bay, have been nominally converted to Christianity, have abandoned polygamy, slavery, head-flattening, gambling, and superstitious ceremonies, and pay considerable attention to a somewhat mixed version of church doctrine and ceremonies.[337] 222

The Chinooks constitute the fourth division of the Columbian group. Originally the name was restricted to a tribe on the north bank of the Columbia between Gray Bay and the ocean; afterwards, from a similarity in language and customs, it was applied to all the bands on both sides of the river, from its mouth to the Dalles.[338] It is employed in this work to designate all the Oregon tribes west of the Cascade Range, southward to the Rogue River or Umpqua Mountains. This family lies between the Sound Indians on the north and the Californian group on the south, including in addition to the tribes of the Columbia, those of the Willamette Valley and the Coast. All closely resemble each other in manners and customs, having also a general resemblance to the northern families already described, springing from their methods of obtaining food; and although probably without linguistic affinities, except along the Columbia River, they may be consistently treated as one 223 family—the last of the great coast or fish-eating divisions of the Columbian group.

Among the prominent tribes, or nations of the Chinook family may be mentioned the following: the Watlalas or upper Chinooks, including the bands on the Columbia from the Cascades to the Cowlitz, and on the lower Willamette; the lower Chinooks from the Cowlitz to the Pacific comprising the Wakiakums and Chinooks on the north bank, and the Cathlamets and Clatsops on the south; the Calapooyas occupying the Valley of the Willamette, and the Clackamas on one of its chief tributaries of the same name; with the Killamooks and Umpquas who live between the Coast Range[339] and the ocean.

With respect to the present condition of these nations, authorities agree in speaking of them as a squalid and poverty-stricken race, once numerous and powerful, now few and weak. Their country has been settled by whites much more thickly than regions farther north, and they have rapidly disappeared before the influx of strangers. Whole tribes have been exterminated by war and disease, and in the few miserable remnants collected on 224 reservations or straggling about the Oregon towns, no trace is apparent of the independent, easy-living bands of the remote past.[340] It is however to be noted that at no time since this region has been known to Europeans has the Indian population been at all in proportion to the supporting capacity of the land, while yet in a state of nature, with its fertile soil and well-stocked streams and forests.

In physique the Chinook can not be said to differ materially from the Nootka. In stature the men rarely exceed five feet six inches, and the women five feet. Both sexes are thick-set, but as a rule loosely built, although in this respect they had doubtless degenerated when described by most travelers. Their legs are bowed and otherwise deformed by a constant squatting position in and out of their canoes. Trained by constant exposure with slight clothing, they endure cold and hunger better than the white man, but to continued muscular exertion they soon succumb. Physically they improve in proportion to their distance from the Columbia and its fisheries; the Calapooyas on the upper Willamette, according to early visitors, presenting the finest specimens.[341] Descending from the north along the coast, 225 Hyperboreans, Columbians, and Californians gradually assume a more dusky hue as we proceed southward. The complexion of the Chinooks may be called a trifle darker than the natives of the Sound, and of Vancouver; though nothing is more difficult than from the vague expressions of travelers to determine shades of color.[342] Points of resemblance have been noted by many observers between the Chinook and Mongolian physiognomy, consisting chiefly in the eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner. The face is broad and round, the nose flat and fat, with large nostrils, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular and much worn, eyes black, dull and expressionless; the hair generally black and worn long, and the beard carefully plucked out; nevertheless, their features are often regular.[343] 226

It is about the mouth of the Columbia that the custom of flattening the head seems to have originated. Radiating from this centre in all directions, and becoming less universal and important as the distance is increased, the usage terminates on the south with the nations which I have attached to the Chinook family, is rarely found east of the Cascade Range, but extends, as we have seen, northward through all the coast families, although it is far from being held in the same esteem in the far north as in its apparently original centre. The origin of this deformity is unknown. All we can do is to refer it to that strange infatuation incident to humanity which lies at the root of fashion and ornamentation, and which even in these later times civilization is not able to eradicate. As Alphonso the Wise regretted not having been present at the creation—for then he would have had the world to suit him—so different ages and nations strive in various ways to remodel and improve the human form. Thus the Chinese lady compresses the feet, the European the waist, and the Chinook the head. Slaves are not allowed to indulge in this extravagance, 227 and as this class are generally of foreign tribes or families, the work of ethnologists in classifying skulls obtained by travelers, and thereby founding theories of race is somewhat complicated; but the difficulty is lessened by the fact that slaves receive no regular burial, and hence all skulls belonging to bodies from native cemeteries are known to be Chinook.[344] The Chinook ideal of facial beauty is a straight line from the end of the nose to the crown of the head. The flattening of the skull is effected by binding the infant to its cradle immediately after birth, and keeping it there from three months to a year. The simplest form of cradle is a piece of board or plank on which the child is laid upon its back with the head slightly raised by a block of wood. Another piece of wood, or bark, or leather, is then placed over the forehead and tied to the plank with strings which are tightened more and more each day until the skull is shaped to the required pattern. Space is left for lateral expansion; and under ordinary circumstances the child's head is not allowed to leave its position until the process is complete. The body and limbs are also bound to the cradle, but more loosely, by bandages, which are sometimes removed for cleansing purposes. Moss or soft bark is generally introduced between the skin and the wood, and in some tribes comfortable pads, 228 cushions, or rabbit-skins are employed. The piece of wood which rests upon the forehead is in some cases attached to the cradle by leather hinges, and instances are mentioned where the pressure is created by a spring. A trough or canoe-shaped cradle, dug out from a log, often takes the place of the simple board, and among the rich this is elaborately worked, and ornamented with figures and shells. The child while undergoing this process, with its small black eyes jammed half out of their sockets, presents a revolting picture. Strangely enough, however, the little prisoner seems to feel scarcely any pain, and travelers almost universally state that no perceptible injury is done to the health or brain. As years advance the head partially but not altogether resumes its natural form, and among aged persons the effects are not very noticeable. As elsewhere, the personal appearance of the women is of more importance than that of the men, therefore the female child is subjected more rigorously and longer to the compressing process, than her brothers. Failure properly to mould the cranium of her offspring gives to the Chinook matron the reputation of a lazy and undutiful mother, and subjects the neglected children to the ridicule of their young companions;[345] so despotic is fashion. A practice 229 which renders the Chinook more hideous than the compression of his skull is that of piercing or slitting the cartilage of the nose and ears, and inserting therein long strings of beads or hiaqua shells, the latter being prized above all other ornaments. Tattooing seems to have been practiced, but not extensively, taking usually the form of lines of dots pricked into the arms, legs, and cheeks with pulverized charcoal. Imitation tattooing, with the bright-colored juices of different berries, was a favorite pastime with the women, and neither sex could resist the charms of salmon-grease and red clay. In later times, however, according to Swan, the custom of greasing and daubing the body has been to a great extent abandoned. Great pains is taken in dressing the hair, which is combed, parted in the middle, and usually allowed to hang in long tresses down the back, but often tied up in a queue by the women and girls, or braided so as to hang in two tails tied with strings.[346]

For dress, skins were much more commonly used in this region than among other coast families; particularly the skins of the smaller animals, as the rabbit and woodrat. These skins, dressed and often painted, were sewed together so as to form a robe or blanket similar in form and use to the more northern blanket of wool, which, as well as a similar garment of goose-skin with the feathers on, was also made and worn by the Chinooks, though not in 230 common use among them. They prefer to go naked when the weather permits. Skins of larger animals, as the deer and elk, are also used for clothing, and of the latter is made a kind of arrow-proof armor for war; another coat of mail being made of sticks bound together. Females almost universally wear a skirt of cedar bark-fibre, fastened about the waist and hanging to the knees. This garment is woven for a few inches at the top, but the rest is simply a hanging fringe, not very effectually concealing the person. A substitute for this petticoat in some tribes is a square piece of leather attached to a belt in front; and in others a long strip of deer-skin passed between the thighs and wound about the waist. A fringed garment, like that described, is also sometimes worn about the shoulders; in cold weather a fur robe is wrapped about the body from the hips to the armpits, forming a close and warm vest; and over all is sometimes thrown a cape, or fur blanket, like that of the men, varying in quality and value with the wealth of the wearer. The best are made of strips of sea-otter skin, woven with grass or cedar bark, so that the fur shows on both sides. Chiefs and men of wealth wear rich robes of otter and other valuable furs. The conical hat woven of grass and bark, and painted in black and white checks or with rude figures, with or without a brim, and fastened under the chin, is the only covering for the head.[347] 231

The Chinooks moved about less for the purpose of obtaining a supply of food, than many others, even of the coast families, yet the accumulation of filth or—a much stronger motive—of fleas, generally forced them to take down their winter dwellings each spring, preserving the materials for re-erection on the same or another spot. The best houses were built of cedar planks attached by bark-fibre cords to a frame, which consisted of four corner, and two central posts and a ridge pole. The planks of the sides and ends were sometimes perpendicular, but oftener laid horizontally, overlapping here in clapboard fashion as on the roof. In some localities the roof and even the whole structure was of cedar bark. These dwellings closely resembled those farther north, but were somewhat inferior in size, twenty-five to seventy-five feet long, and fifteen to twenty-five feet wide, being the ordinary dimensions. On the Columbia they were only four or five feet high at the eaves, but an equal depth was excavated in the ground, while on the Willamette the structure was built on the surface. The door was only just large enough to admit the body, and it was a favorite fancy of the natives to make it represent the mouth of an immense head painted round it. Windows there were none, nor chimney; one or more fireplaces were sunk in the floor, and the smoke escaped by the cracks, a plank in the roof being sometimes moved for the purpose. Mats were spread on the floor and raised berths were placed on the sides, sometimes in several tiers. Partitions of plank or matting separated the apartments of the several families. Smaller temporary huts, and the permanent homes of the poorer Indians were built in various forms, of sticks, covered with bark, rushes, or skins. The interior and exterior of all dwellings were in a state of chronic filth.[348] 232

The salmon fisheries of the Columbia are now famous throughout the world. Once every year innumerable multitudes of these noble fish enter the river from the ocean to deposit their spawn. Impelled by instinct, they struggle to reach the extreme limits of the stream, working their way in blind desperation to the very sources of every little branch, overcoming seeming impossibilities, and only to fulfill their destiny and die; for if they escape human enemies, they either kill themselves in their mad efforts to leap impassable falls, or if their efforts are crowned with success, they are supposed never to return to the ocean. This fishery has always been the chief and an inexhaustible source of food for the Chinooks, who, although skillful fishermen, have not been obliged to invent a great variety of methods or implements for the capture of the salmon, which rarely if ever have failed them. Certain ceremonies must, however, be observed with the first fish taken; his meat must be cut only with the grain, and the hearts of all caught must be burned or eaten, and on no account be thrown into the water or be devoured by a dog. With these precautions there is no reason to suppose that the Chinook would ever lack a supply of fish. The salmon begin to run in April, but remain several weeks in the 233 warmer waters near the mouth, and are there taken while in their best condition, by the Chinook tribe proper, with a straight net of bark or roots, sometimes five hundred feet long and fifteen feet deep, with floats and sinkers. One end of the net is carried out into the river at high water, and drawn in by the natives on the shore, who with a mallet quiet the fish and prevent them from jumping over the net and escaping. Farther up, especially at the Cascades and at the falls of the Willamette, salmon are speared by natives standing on the rocks or on planks placed for the purpose; scooped up in small dip-nets; or taken with a large unbaited hook attached by a socket and short line to a long pole. There is some account of artificial channels of rocks at these places, but such expedients were generally not needed, since, beside those caught by the Chinooks, such numbers were cast on the rocks by their own efforts to leap the falls, that the air for months was infected by the decaying mass; and many of these in a palatable state of decay were gathered by the natives for food. Hooks, spears, and nets were sometimes rubbed with the juice of certain plants supposed to be attractive to the fish. Once taken, the salmon were cleaned by the women, dried in the sun and smoked in the lodges; then they were sometimes powdered fine between two stones, before packing in skins or mats for winter use. The heads were always eaten as favorite portions during the fishing season. Next to the salmon the sturgeon was ranked as a source of food. This fish, weighing from two hundred to five hundred pounds, was taken by a baited hook, sunk about twenty feet, and allowed to float down the current; when hooked, the sturgeon rises suddenly and is dispatched by a spear, lifted into the canoe by a gaff-hook, or towed ashore. The Chinooks do not attack the whale, but when one is accidentally cast upon the shore, more or less decayed, a season of feasting ensues and the native heart is glad. Many smaller varieties of fish are taken by net, spear, hook, or rake, but no methods are employed meriting special description. Wild fowl are 234 snared or shot; elk and deer are shot with arrows or taken in a carefully covered pit, dug in their favorite haunts. As to the methods of taking rabbits and woodrats, whose skins are said to have been so extensively used for clothing, I find no information. Nuts, berries, wild fruits and roots are all used as food, and to some extent preserved for winter. The Wapato, a bulbous root, compared by some to the potatoe and turnip, was the aboriginal staple, and was gathered by women wading in shallow ponds, and separating the root with their toes.[349] Boiling in wooden kettles by means of hot stones, was the usual manner of cooking, but roasting on sticks stuck in the sand near the fire was also common. Clam-shells and a few rude platters and spoons of wood were in use, but the fingers, with the hair for a napkin, 235 were found much more convenient table ware.[350] In all their personal habits the Chinooks are disgustingly filthy, although said to be fond of baths for health and pleasure. The Clatsops, as reported by one visitor, form a partial exception to this rule, as they occasionally wash the hands and face.[351]

Their chief weapons are bows and arrows, the former of which is made of cedar, or occasionally, as it is said, of horn and bone; its elasticity is increased by a covering of sinew glued on. The arrow-head is of bone, flint, or copper, and the shaft consists of a short piece of some hard wood, and a longer one of a lighter material. The bows are from two and a half to four feet long; five styles, differing in form and curve, are pictured by Schoolcraft. Another weapon in common use was a double-edged wooden broad-sword, or sharp club, two and a half or three feet long; spears, tomahawks, and scalping knives are mentioned by many travelers, but not described, and it is doubtful if either were ever used by these aborigines.[352] I have already spoken of their thick arrow-proof elk-skin armor, and of a coat of short sticks bound together with grass; a bark helmet is also employed of sufficient strength to ward off arrows and light blows. Ross states that they also carry a circular elk-skin shield about eighteen inches in diameter. Although by no means a blood-thirsty race, the Chinook tribes were frequently involved in quarrels, resulting, it is said, from the abduction of women more frequently than from other causes. They, like almost all other American tribes, 236 make a free use of war paint, laying it on grotesquely and in bright colors; but unlike most other nations, they never resorted to treachery, surprise, night attacks, or massacre of women and children. Fighting was generally done upon the water. When efforts to settle amicably their differences, always the first expedient, failed, a party of warriors, covered from head to foot with armor, and armed with bows, arrows, and bludgeons, was paddled by women to the enemies' village, where diplomatic efforts for peace were renewed. If still unsuccessful, the women were removed from danger, and the battle commenced, or, if the hour was late, fighting was postponed till the next morning. As their armor was arrow-proof and as they rarely came near enough for hand-to-hand conflict, the battles were of short duration and accompanied by little bloodshed; the fall of a few warriors decided the victory, the victors gained their point in the original dispute, the vanquished paid some damages, and the affair ended.[353]

Troughs dug out of one piece of cedar, and woven baskets served this people for dishes, and were used for every purpose. The best baskets were of silk grass or fine fibre, of a conical form, woven in colors so closely as to hold liquids, and with a capacity of from one to six gallons. Coarser baskets were made of roots and rushes, rude spoons of ash-wood, and circular mats did duty as plates. Wapato diggers used a curved stick with handle of horn; fish-hooks and spears were made of wood and bone in a variety of forms; the wing-bone of the crane supplied a needle. With regard to their original cutting instruments, by which trees were felled for canoes or for planks which were split off by wedges, there is much uncertainty; since nearly all authorities 237 state that before their intercourse with Europeans, chisels made of 'old files,' were employed, and driven by an oblong stone or a spruce-knot mallet. Pipe-bowls were of hard wood fitted to an elder stem, but the best ones, of stone elegantly carved, were of Haidah manufacture and obtained from the north.[354] To kindle a fire the Chinook twirls rapidly between the palms a cedar stick, the point of which is pressed into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same material, the sparks falling on finely-frayed bark. Sticks are commonly carried for the purpose, improving with use. Besides woven baskets, matting is the chief article of Chinook manufacture. It is made by the women by placing side by side common bulrushes or flags about three feet long, tying the ends, and passing strings of twisted rushes through the whole length, sometimes twenty or thirty feet, about four inches apart, by means of a bone needle.[355]

Chinook boats do not differ essentially, either in material, form, or method of manufacture, from those already described as in use among the Sound family. Always dug out of a single log of the common white cedar, they vary in length from ten to fifty feet, and in form according to the waters they are intended to navigate or the freight they are to carry. In these canoes lightness, strength, and elegance combine to make them perfect models of water-craft. Lewis and Clarke describe four forms in use in this region, and their description of boats, as of most other matters connected with this people, has been taken with or without credit by nearly all who have treated of the subject. I cannot do better than to give their account of the largest and best boats used by the Killamooks and 238 other tribes on the coast outside the river. "The sides are secured by cross-bars, or round sticks, two or three inches in thickness, which are inserted through holes just below the gunwale, and made fast with cords. The upper edge of the gunwale itself is about five-eighths of an inch thick, and four or five in breadth, and folds outwards, so as to form a kind of rim, which prevents the water from beating into the boat. The bow and stern are about the same height, and each provided with a comb, reaching to the bottom of the boat. At each end, also, are pedestals, formed of the same solid piece, on which are placed strange grotesque figures of men or animals, rising sometimes to the height of five feet, and composed of small pieces of wood, firmly united, with great ingenuity, by inlaying and mortising, without a spike of any kind. The paddle is usually from four feet and a half to five feet in length; the handle being thick for one-third of its length, when it widens, and is hollowed and thinned on each side of the centre, which forms a sort of rib. When they embark, one Indian sits in the stern, and steers with a paddle, the others kneel in pairs in the bottom of the canoe, and sitting on their heels, paddle over the gunwale next to them. In this way they ride with perfect safety the highest waves, and venture without the least concern in seas where other boats or seamen could not live an instant." The women are as expert as the men in the management of canoes.[356]

The Chinooks were always a commercial rather than a warlike people, and are excelled by none in their 239 shrewdness at bargaining. Before the arrival of the Europeans they repaired annually to the region of the Cascades and Dalles, where they met the tribes of the interior, with whom they exchanged their few articles of trade—fish, oil, shells, and Wapato—for the skins, roots, and grasses of their eastern neighbors. The coming of ships to the coast gave the Chinooks the advantage in this trade, since they controlled the traffic in beads, trinkets and weapons; they found also in the strangers ready buyers of the skins obtained from the interior in exchange for these articles. Their original currency or standard of value was the hiaqua shell from the northern coast, whose value was in proportion to its length, a fathom string of forty shells being worth nearly double a string of fifty to the fathom. Since the white men came, beaver-skins and blankets have been added to their currency. Individuals were protected in their rights to personal property, such as slaves, canoes, and implements, but they had no idea of personal property in lands, the title to which rested in the tribe for purposes of fishing and the chase.[357]

In decorative art this family cannot be said to hold a high place compared with more northern nations, their only superior work being the modeling of their canoes, and the weaving of ornamental baskets. In carving they are far inferior to the Haidahs; the Cathlamets, according to Lewis and Clarke, being somewhat superior to the others, or at least more fond of the art. Their attempts at painting are exceedingly rude.[358] 240

Little can be said of their system of government except that it was eminently successful in producing peaceful and well regulated communities. Each band or village was usually a sovereignty, nominally ruled by a chief, either hereditary or selected for his wealth and popularity, who exerted over his tribe influence rather than authority, but who was rarely opposed in his measures. Sometimes a league existed, more or less permanent, for warlike expeditions. Slight offenses against usage—the tribal common law—were expiated by the payment of an amount of property satisfactory to the party offended. Theft was an offense, but the return of the article stolen removed every trace of dishonor. Serious crimes, as the robbery of a burial-place, were sometimes punished with death by the people, but no special authorities or processes seem to have been employed, either for detection or punishment.[359]

Slavery, common to all the coast families, is also practiced by the Chinooks, but there is less difference here perhaps than elsewhere between the condition of the slaves and the free. Obtained from without the limits of the family, towards the south or east, by war, or more commonly by trade, the slaves are obliged to perform all the drudgery for their masters, and their children must remain in their parents' condition, their round heads serving as a distinguishing mark from freemen. But the amount of the work connected with the Chinook household is never great, and so long as the slaves are well and strong, they are liberally fed and well treated. True, many instances are known of slaves murdered by the whim of a cruel and rich master, and it was not very uncommon to kill slaves on the occasion of the death of prominent persons, but wives and friends are also known to have been sacrificed on similar occasions. 241 No burial rights are accorded to slaves, and no care taken of them in serious illness; when unable to work they are left to die, and their bodies cast into the sea or forest as food for fish or beast. It was not a rare occurrence for a freeman to voluntarily subject himself to servitude in payment of a gambling-debt; nor for a slave to be adopted into the tribe, and the privilege of head-flattening accorded to his offspring.[360]

Not only were the Chinooks a peaceable people in their tribal intercourse, but eminently so in their family relations. The young men when they married brought their wives to their father's home, and thus several generations lived amicably in their large dwellings until forced to separate by numbers, the chief authority being exercised not by the oldest but by the most active and useful member of the household. Overtures for marriage were made by friends of the would-be bridegroom, who offered a certain price, and if accepted by the maiden's parents, the wedding ceremony was celebrated simply by an interchange and exhibition of presents with the congratulations of invited guests. A man might take as many wives as he could buy and support, and all lived together without jealousy; but practically few, and those among the rich and powerful, indulged in the luxury of more than one wife. It has been noticed that there was often great disparity in the ages of bride and groom, for, say the Chinooks, a very young or very aged couple lack either the experience or the activity necessary for fighting the battles of life. Divorce or separation is easily accomplished, but is not of frequent occurrence. A husband can repudiate his wife for infidelity, or any cause of dissatisfaction, and she can marry again. Some cases are known of infidelity punished with 242 death. Barrenness is common, the birth of twins rare, and families do not usually exceed two children. Childbirth, as elsewhere among aboriginals, is accompanied with but little inconvenience, and children are often nursed until three or five years old. They are carried about on the mother's back until able to walk; at first in the head-flattening cradle, and later in wicker baskets. Unmarried women have not the slightest idea of chastity, and freely bestow their favors in return for a kindness, or for a very small consideration in property paid to themselves or parents. When married, all this is changed—female virtue acquires a marketable value, the possessorship being lodged in the man and not in the woman. Rarely are wives unfaithful to their husbands; but the chastity of the wife is the recognized property of the husband, who sells it whenever he pleases. Although attaching no honor to chastity, the Chinook woman feels something like shame at becoming the mother of an illegitimate child, and it is supposed to be partly from this instinct, that infanticide and abortion are of frequent occurrence. At her first menstruation a girl must perform a certain penance, much less severe, however, than among the northern nations. In some tribes she must bathe frequently for a moon, and rub the body with rotten hemlock, carefully abstaining from all fish and berries which are in season, and remaining closely in the house during a south wind. Did she partake of the forbidden food, the fish would leave the streams and the berries drop from the bushes; or did she go out in a south wind, the thunder-bird would come and shake his wings. All thunder-storms are thus caused. Both young children and the old and infirm are kindly treated. Work is equally divided between the sexes; the women prepare the food which the men provide; they also manufacture baskets and matting; they are nearly as skillful as the men with the canoe, and are consulted on all important matters. Their condition is by no means a hard one. It is among tribes that live by the chase or by other means in which women can be 243 of little service, that we find the sex most oppressed and cruelly treated.[361]

Like all Indians, the Chinooks are fond of feasting, but their feasts are simply the coming together of men and women during the fishing season with the determination to eat as much as possible, and this meeting is devoid of those complicated ceremonies of invitation, reception, and social etiquette, observed farther north; nor has any traveler noticed the distribution of property as a feature of these festivals. Fantastically dressed and gaudily decked with paint, they are wont to jump about on certain occasions in a hopping, jolting kind of dance, accompanied by songs, beating of sticks, clapping of hands, and occasional yells, the women usually dancing in a separate set. As few visitors mention their dances, it is probable that dancing was less prevalent than with others. Their songs were often soft and pleasing, differing in style for various occasions, the words extemporized, the tunes being often sung with meaningless sounds, like our tra-la-la. Swan gives examples of the music used under different circumstances. Smoking was universal, the leaves of the bear-berry being employed, mixed in later times with tobacco obtained from the whites. Smoke is swallowed and retained in the stomach and lungs until partial intoxication ensues. No intoxicating drink was known to them before the whites came, and after their coming for a little time they looked on strong drink with suspicion, and were averse to its use. They are sometimes sober even now, when no whisky is at hand. But the favorite amusement of all the Chinook nations is gambling, which occupies the larger part of their time when 244 not engaged in sleeping, eating, or absolutely necessary work. In their games they risk all their property, their wives and children, and in many instances their own freedom, losing all with composure, and nearly always accompanying the game with a song. Two persons, or two parties large or small, play one against the other; a banking game is also in vogue, in which one individual plays against all comers. A favorite method is to pass rapidly from hand to hand two small sticks, one of which is marked, the opponent meanwhile guessing at the hand containing the marked stick. The sticks sometimes take the form of discs of the size of a silver dollar, each player having ten; these are wrapped in a mass of fine bark-fibre, shuffled and separated in two portions; the winner naming the bunch containing the marked or trump piece. Differently marked sticks may also be shuffled or tossed in the air, and the lucky player correctly names the relative position in which they shall fall. A favorite game of females, called ahikia, is played with beaver-teeth, having figured sides, which are thrown like dice; the issue depends on the combinations of figures which are turned up. In all these games the players squat upon mats; sticks are used as counters; and an essential point for a successful gambler is to make as much noise as possible, in order to confuse the judgment of opponents. In still another game the players attempt to roll small pieces of wood between two pins set up a few inches apart, at a distance of ten feet, into a hole in the floor just beyond. The only sports of an athletic nature are shooting at targets with arrows and spears, and a game of ball in which two goals are placed a mile apart, and each party—sometimes a whole tribe—endeavors to force the ball past the other's goal, as in foot-ball, except that the ball is thrown with a stick, to one end of which is fixed a small hoop or ring.[362] Children's sports are described 245 only by Swan, and as rag babies and imitated Catholic baptisms were the favorite pastimes mentioned, they may be supposed not altogether aboriginal.

Personal names with the Chinooks are hereditary, but in many cases they either have no meaning or their original signification is soon forgotten. They are averse to telling their true name to strangers, for fear, as they sometimes say, that it may be stolen; the truth is, however, that with them the name assumes a personality; it is the shadow or spirit, or other self, of the flesh and blood person, and between the name and the individual there is a mysterious connection, and injury cannot be done to one without affecting the other; therefore, to give one's name to a friend is a high mark of Chinook favor. No account is kept of age. They are believers in sorcery and secret influences, and not without fear of their medicine-men or conjurers, but, except perhaps in their quality of physicians, the latter do not exert the influence which is theirs farther north; their ceremonies and tricks are consequently fewer and less ridiculous. Inventions of the whites not understood by the natives are looked on with great superstition. It was, for instance, very difficult at first to persuade them to risk their lives before a photographic apparatus, and this for the reason before mentioned; they fancied that their spirit thus passed into the keeping of others, who could torment it at pleasure.[363] Consumption, liver complaint and ophthalmia are the most prevalent Chinook maladies; to which, since the whites came, fever and ague have been added, and have killed eighty or ninety per cent. of the 246 whole people, utterly exterminating some tribes. The cause of this excessive mortality is supposed to be the native method of treatment, which allays a raging fever by plunging the patient in the river or sea. On the Columbia this alleviating plunge is preceded by violent perspiration in a vapor bath; consequently the treatment has been much more fatal there than on the coast where the vapor bath is not in use. For slight ills and pains, especially for external injuries, the Chinooks employ simple remedies obtained from various plants and trees. Many of these remedies have been found to be of actual value, while others are evidently quack nostrums, as when the ashes of the hair of particular animals are considered essential ingredients of certain ointments. Fasting and bathing serve to relieve many slight internal complaints. Strangely enough, they never suffer from diseases of the digestive organs, notwithstanding the greasy compounds used as food. When illness becomes serious or refuses to yield to simple treatment, the conclusion is that either the spirits of the dead are striving to remove the spirit of the sick person from the troubles of earth to a happier existence, or certain evil spirits prefer this world and the patient's body for their dwelling-place. Then the doctor is summoned. Medical celebrities are numerous, each with his favorite method of treatment, but all agree that singing, beating of sticks, indeed a noise, however made, accompanied by mysterious passes and motions, with violent pressure and kneading of the body are indispensable. The patient frequently survives the treatment. Several observers believe that mesmeric influences are exerted, sometimes with benefit, by the doctors in their mummeries.[364] 247

When the Chinook dies, relatives are careful to speak in whispers, and indulge in no loud manifestations of grief so long as the body remains in the house. The body is prepared for final disposition by wrapping it in blankets, together with ornaments and other property of a valuable but not bulky nature. For a burial place an elevated but retired spot near the river bank or on an island is almost always selected, but the methods of disposing of the dead in these cemeteries differ somewhat among the various tribes. In the region about the mouth of the Columbia, the body with its wrappings is placed in the best canoe of the deceased, which is washed for the purpose, covered with additional blankets, mats, and property, again covered, when the deceased is of the richer class, by another inverted canoe, the whole bound together with matting and cords, and deposited usually on a plank platform five or six feet high, but sometimes suspended from the branches of trees, or even left on the surface of the ground. The more bulky articles of property, such as utensils, and weapons, are deposited about or hung from the platform, being previously spoiled for use that they may not tempt desecrators among the whites or foreign tribes; or, it may be that the sacrifice or death of the implements is necessary before the spirits of the implements can accompany the spirit of the owner. For the same purpose, and to allow the water to pass off, holes are bored in the bottom of the canoe, the head of the corpse being raised a little higher than the feet. Some travelers have observed a uniformity in the position of the canoe, the head pointing towards the east, or down the current of the stream. After about a year, the bones are sometimes taken out and buried, but the canoe and platform are never removed. Chiefs' canoes are often repainted. 248 Farther up both the Columbia and Willamette Rivers, excavations of little depth are often made, in which bodies are deposited on horizontal boards and covered over with a slightly inclining roof of heavy planks or poles. In these vaults several tiers of corpses are often placed one above another. At the Cascades, depositories of the dead have been noticed in the form of a roofed inclosure of planks, eight feet long, six feet wide, and five feet high, with a door in one end, and the whole exterior painted. The Calapooyas also buried their dead in regular graves, over which was erected a wooden head-board. Desecration of burial places is a great crime with the Chinook; he also attaches great importance to having his bones rest in his tribal cemetery wherever he may die. For a long time after a death, relatives repair daily at sunrise and sunset to the vicinity of the grave to sing songs of mourning and praise. Until the bones are finally disposed of, the name of the deceased must not be spoken, and for several years it is spoken only with great reluctance. Near relatives often change their name under the impression that spirits will be attracted back to earth if they hear familiar names often repeated. Chiefs are supposed to die through the evil influence of another person, and the suspected, though a dear friend, was formerly often sacrificed. The dead bodies of slaves are never touched save by other slaves.[365] 249

There is little difference of opinion concerning the character of the Chinooks. All agree that they are intelligent and very acute in trade; some travelers have found them at different points harmless and inoffensive; and in a few instances honesty has been detected. So much for their good qualities. As to the bad, there is unanimity nearly as great that they are thieves and liars, and for the rest each observer applies to them a selection of such adjectives as lazy, superstitious, cowardly, inquisitive, intrusive, libidinous, treacherous, turbulent, hypocritical, fickle, etc. The Clatsops, with some authors, have the reputation of being the most honest and moral; for the lowest position in the scale all the rest might present a claim. It should however be said in their favor that they are devotedly attached to their homes, and treat kindly both their young children and aged parents; also that not a few of their bad traits originated with or have been aggravated by contact with civilization.[366] 250

The Inland Families, constituting the fifth and last division of the Columbians, inhabit the region between the Cascade Range and the eastern limit of what I term the Pacific States, from 52° 30´ to 45° of north latitude. These bounds are tolerably distinct; though that on the south, separating the eastern portions of the Columbian and Californian groups, is irregular and marked by no great river, mountain chain, or other prominent physical feature. These inland natives of the Northwest occupy, in person, character, and customs, as well as in the location of their home, an intermediate position between the coast people already described—to whom they are pronounced superior in most respects—and the Rocky Mountain or eastern tribes. Travelers crossing the Rocky Mountains into this territory from the east, or entering it from the Pacific by way of the Columbia or Fraser, note contrasts on passing the limits, sufficient to justify me in regarding its inhabitants as one people for the purposes aimed at in this volume.[367] Instead, therefore, 251 of treating each family separately, as has been done with the coast divisions of the group, I deem it more convenient, as well as less monotonous to the reader, to avoid repetition by describing the manners and customs of all the people within these limits together, taking care to note such variations as may be found to exist. The division into families and nations, made according to principles already sufficiently explained, is as follows, beginning again at the north:

The Shushwaps, our first family division, live between 52° 30´ and 49° in the interior of British Columbia, occupying the valleys of the Fraser, Thompson, and Upper Columbia rivers with their tributary streams and lakes. They are bounded on the west by the Nootkas and on the north by the Carriers, from both of which families they seem to be distinct. As national divisions of this family may be mentioned the Shushwaps proper, or Atnahs,[368] who occupy the whole northern portion of the territory; the Okanagans,[369] in the valley of the lake and river of the same name; and the Kootenais,[370] who 252 inhabit the triangle bounded by the Upper Columbia, the Rocky Mountains, and the 49th parallel, living chiefly on Flatbow river and lake. All three nations might probably be joined with quite as much reason to the Salish family farther south, as indeed has usually been done with the Okanagans; while the Kootenais are by some considered distinct from any of their adjoining nations.

The Salish Family dwells south of the Shushwaps, between 49° and 47°, altogether on the Columbia and its tributaries. Its nations, more clearly defined than in most other families, are the Flatheads,[371] or Salish proper, between the Bitter Root and Rocky Mountains on Flathead and Clarke rivers; the Pend d'Oreilles,[372] who dwell about the lake of the same name and on Clarke River, for fifty to seventy-five miles above and below the lake; the Coeurs d'Alêne,[373] south of the Pend d'Oreilles, on Coeur d'Alêne Lake and the streams falling into it; the Colvilles,[374] a term which may be used to designate the variously named bands about Kettle Falls, and northward along the Columbia to the Arrow Lakes; the Spokanes,[375] on the Spokane River and plateau along the Columbia below Kettle Falls, nearly to the mouth of the 253 Okanagan; and the Pisquouse,[376] on the west bank of the Columbia between the Okanagan and Priest Rapids.

The Sahaptin Family, the last of the Columbian group, is immediately south of the Salish, between the Cascade and Bitter Root mountains, reaching southward, in general terms, to the forty-fifth parallel, but very irregularly bounded by the Shoshone tribes of the Californian group. Of its nations, the Nez Percés,[377] or Sahaptins proper, dwell on the Clearwater and its branches, and on the Snake about the forks; the Palouse[378] occupy the region north of the Snake about the mouth of the Palouse; the south banks of the Columbia and Snake near their confluence, and the banks of the lower Walla Walla are occupied by the Walla Wallas;[379] the Yakimas and Kliketats[380] inhabit the region north of the Dalles, 254 between the Cascade Range and the Columbia, the former in the valley of the Yakima, the latter in the mountains about Mt. Adams. Both nations extend in some bands across into the territory of the Sound family. The natives of Oregon east of the Cascade Range, who have not usually been included in the Sahaptin family, I will divide somewhat arbitrarily into the Wascos, extending from the mountains eastward to John Day River, and the Cayuse,[381] from this river across the Blue Mountains to the Grande Ronde.

The inland Columbians are of medium stature, usually from five feet seven to five feet ten inches, but sometimes reaching a height of six feet; spare in flesh, but muscular and symmetrical; with well-formed limbs, the legs not being deformed as among the Chinooks by constant sitting in the canoe; feet and hands are in many tribes small and well made. In bodily strength they are inferior to whites, but superior, as might be expected from their habits, to the more indolent fish-eaters on the Pacific. The women, though never corpulent, are more inclined to rotundity than the men. The Nez Percés and Cayuses are considered the best specimens, while in 255 the north the Kootenais seem to be superior to the other Shushwap nations. The Salish are assigned by Wilkes and Hale an intermediate place in physical attributes between the coast and mountain tribes, being in stature and proportion superior to the Chinooks, but inferior to the Nez Percés.[382] Inland, a higher order of face is observed than on the coast. The cheek-bones are still high, the forehead is rather low, the face long, the eyes black, rarely oblique, the nose prominent and frequently aquiline, the lips thin, the teeth white and regular but generally much worn. The general expression of the features is stern, often melancholy, but not as a rule harsh or repulsive. Dignified, fine-looking men, and handsome young women have been remarked in nearly all the tribes, but here again the Sahaptins bear off the palm. The complexion is not darker than on the coast, but has more of a coppery hue. The hair is black, generally coarse, and worn long. The beard is very thin, and its growth is carefully prevented by plucking.[383] 256

The custom of head-flattening, apparently of seaboard origin and growth, extends, nevertheless, across the Cascade barrier, and is practiced to a greater or less extent by all the tribes of the Sahaptin family. Among them all, however, with the exception perhaps of the Kliketats, the deformity consists only of a very slight compression of the forehead, which nearly or quite disappears at maturity. The practice also extends inland up the valley of the Fraser, and is found at least in nearly all the more western tribes of the Shushwaps. The Salish family do not flatten the skull.[384] Other methods of 257 deforming the person, such as tattooing and perforating the features are as a rule not employed; the Yakimas and Kliketats, however, with some other lower Columbia tribes, pierce or cut away the septum of the nose,[385] and the Nez Percés probably derived their name from a similar custom formerly practiced by them. Paint, however, is used by all inland as well as coast tribes on occasions when decoration is desired, but applied in less profusion by the latter. The favorite color is vermilion, applied as a rule only to the face and hair.[386] Elaborate hair-dressing is not common, and both sexes usually wear the hair in the same style, soaked in grease, often painted, and hanging in a natural state, or in braids, plaits, or queues, over the shoulders. Some of the southern tribes cut the hair across the forehead, while others farther north tie it up in knots on the back of the head.[387]

The coast dress—robes or blankets of bark-fibre or 258 small skins—is also used for some distance inland on the banks of the Columbia and Fraser, as among the Nicoutamuch, Kliketats, and Wascos; but the distinctive inland dress is of dressed skin of deer, antelope, or mountain sheep; made into a rude frock, or shirt, with loose sleeves; leggins reaching half-way up the thigh, and either bound to the leg or attached by strings to a belt about the waist; moccasins, and rarely a cap. Men's frocks descend half-way to the knees; women's nearly to the ankles. Over this dress, or to conceal the want of some part of it, a buffalo or elk robe is worn, especially in winter. All garments are profusely and often tastefully decorated with leather fringes, feathers, shells, and porcupine quills; beads, trinkets and various bright-colored cloths having been added to Indian ornamentation since the whites came. A new suit of this native skin clothing is not without beauty, but by most tribes the suit is worn without change till nearly ready to drop off, and becomes disgustingly filthy. Some tribes clean and whiten their clothing occasionally with white earth, or pipe-clay. The buffalo and most of the other large skins are obtained from the country east of the mountains.[388] 259

The inland dwelling is a frame of poles, covered with rush matting, or with the skins of the buffalo or elk. As a rule the richest tribes and individuals use skins, although many of the finest Sahaptin houses are covered with mats only. Notwithstanding these nations are rich in horses, I find no mention that horse-hides are ever employed for this or any other purpose. The form of the lodge is that of a tent, conical or oblong, and usually sharp at the top, where an open space is left for light and air to enter, and smoke to escape. Their internal condition presents a marked contrast with that of the Chinook and Nootka habitations, since they are by many interior tribes kept free from vermin and filth. Their light material and the frequency with which their location is changed contributes to this result. The lodges are pitched by the women, who acquire great skill and celerity in the work. Holes are left along the sides for entrance, and within, a floor of sticks is laid, or more frequently the ground is spread with mats, and skins serve for beds. Dwellings are often built sufficiently large to accommodate many families, each of which in such case has its own fireplace on a central longitudinal line, a definite space being allotted for its goods, but no dividing partitions are ever used. The dwellings are 260 arranged in small villages generally located in winter on the banks of small streams a little away from the main rivers. For a short distance up the Columbia, houses similar to those of the Chinooks are built of split cedar and bark. The Walla Wallas, living in summer in the ordinary mat lodge, often construct for winter a subterranean abode by digging a circular hole ten or twelve feet deep, roofing it with poles or split cedar covered with grass and mud, leaving a small opening at the top for exit and entrance by means of a notched-log ladder. The Atnahs on Fraser River spend the winter in similar structures, a simple slant roof of mats or bark sufficing for shade and shelter in summer. The Okanagans construct their lodges over an excavation in the ground several feet deep, and like many other nations, cover their matting in winter with grass and earth.[389] 261

The inland families eat fish and game, with roots and fruit; no nation subsists without all these supplies; but the proportion of each consumed varies greatly according to locality. Some tribes divide their forces regularly into bands, of men to fish and hunt, of women to cure fish and flesh, and to gather roots and berries. I have spoken of the coast tribes as a fish-eating, and the interior tribes as a hunting people, attributing in great degree their differences of person and character to their food, or rather to their methods of obtaining it; yet fish constitutes an important element of inland subsistence as well. Few tribes live altogether without salmon, the great staple of the Northwest; since those dwelling on streams inaccessible to the salmon by reason of intervening falls, obtain their supply by annual migrations to the fishing-grounds, or by trade with other nations. The principal salmon fisheries of the Columbia are at the Dalles, the falls ten miles above, and at Kettle Falls. Other productive stations are on the Powder, Snake, Yakima, Okanagan, and Clarke rivers. On the Fraser, which has no falls in its lower course, fishing is carried on all along the banks of the river instead of at regular stations, as on the Columbia. Nets, weirs, hooks, spears, and all the implements and methods by which fish are taken and cured have been sufficiently described in treating of the coast region; in the interior I find no important variations except in the basket method in use at the Chaudières or Kettle Falls by the Quiarlpi tribe. Here an immense willow basket, often ten feet in diameter and twelve feet deep, is suspended at the falls from 262 strong timbers fixed in crevices of the rocks, and above this is a frame so attached that the salmon in attempting to leap the fall strike the sticks of the frame and are thrown back into the basket, in the largest of which naked men armed with clubs await them. Five thousand pounds of salmon have thus been taken in a day by means of a single basket. During the fishing-season the Salmon Chief has full authority; his basket is the largest, and must be located a month before others are allowed to fish. The small nets used in the same region have also the peculiarity of a stick which keeps the mouth open when the net is empty, but is removed by the weight of the fish. Besides the salmon, sturgeon are extensively taken in the Fraser, and in the Arrow Lakes, while trout and other varieties of small fish abound in most of the streams. The fishing-season is the summer, between June and September, varying a month or more according to locality. This is also the season of trade and festivity, when tribes from all directions assemble to exchange commodities, gamble, dance, and in later times to drink and fight.[390] 263

The larger varieties of game are hunted by the natives on horseback wherever the nature of the country will permit. Buffalo are now never found west of the Rocky Mountains, and there are but few localities where large game has ever been abundant, at least since the country became known to white men. Consequently the Flatheads, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, the distinctively hunting nations, as well as bands from nearly every other tribe, cross the mountains once or twice each year, penetrating to the buffalo-plains between the Yellowstone and the Missouri, in the territory of hostile nations. The bow and arrow was the weapon with which buffalo and all other game were shot. No peculiar cunning seems to have been necessary to the native hunter of buffalo; he had only to ride into the immense herds on his well-trained horse, and select the fattest animals for his arrows. Various devices are mentioned as being practiced in the chase of deer, elk, and mountain sheep; such as driving them by a circle of fire on the prairie towards the concealed hunters, or approaching within arrow-shot 264 by skillful manipulations of a decoy animal; or the frightened deer are driven into an ambush by converging lines of bright-colored rags so placed in the bushes as to represent men. Kane states that about the Arrow Lakes hunting dogs are trained to follow the deer and to bring back the game to their masters even from very long distances. Deer are also pursued in the winter on snow-shoes, and in deep snow often knocked down with clubs. Bear and beaver are trapped in some places; and, especially about the northern lakes and marshes, wild fowl are very abundant, and help materially to eke out the supply of native food.[391]

Their natural improvidence, or an occasional unlucky hunting or fishing season, often reduces them to want, and in such case the resort is to roots, berries, and mosses, several varieties of which are also gathered and laid up 265 as a part of their regular winter supplies. Chief among the roots are the camass, a sweet, onion-like bulb, which grows in moist prairies, the couse, which flourishes in more sterile and rocky spots, and the bitter-root, which names a valley and mountain range. To obtain these roots the natives make regular migrations, as for game or fish. The varieties of roots and berries used for food are very numerous; and none seem to grow in the country which to the native taste are unpalatable or injurious, though many are both to the European.[392]

Towards obtaining food the men hunt and fish; all the other work of digging roots, picking berries, as well as dressing, preserving, and cooking all kinds of food is done by the women, with some exceptions among the Nez Percés and Pend d'Oreilles. Buffalo-meat is jerked by cutting in thin pieces and drying in the sun and over smouldering fires on scaffolds of poles. Fish is sun-dried on scaffolds, and by some tribes on the lower Columbia 266 is also pulverized between two stones and packed in baskets lined with fish-skin. Here, as on the coast, the heads and offal only are eaten during the fishing-season. The Walla Wallas are said usually to eat fish without cooking. Roots, mosses, and such berries as are preserved, are usually kept in cakes, which for eating are moistened, mixed in various proportions and cooked, or eaten without preparation. To make the cakes simply drying, pulverizing, moistening, and sun-drying usually suffice; but camas and pine-moss are baked or fermented for several days in an underground kiln by means of hot stones, coming out in the form of a dark gluey paste of the proper consistency for moulding. Many of these powdered roots may be preserved for years without injury. Boiling by means of hot stones and roasting on sharp sticks fixed in the ground near the fire, are the universal methods of cooking. No mention is made of peculiar customs in eating; to eat often and much is the aim; the style of serving is a secondary consideration.[393] Life with all these nations is but a struggle for food, 267 and the poorer tribes are often reduced nearly to starvation; yet they never are known to kill dogs or horses for food. About the missions and on the reservations cattle have been introduced and the soil is cultivated by the natives to considerable extent.[394]

In their personal habits, as well as the care of their lodges, the Cayuses, Nez Percés, and Kootenais, are mentioned as neat and cleanly; the rest, though filthy, are still somewhat superior to the dwellers on the coast. The Flatheads wash themselves daily, but their dishes and utensils never. De Smet represents the Pend d'Oreille women as untidy even for savages.[395] Guns, 268 knives and tomahawks have generally taken the place of such native weapons as these natives may have used against their foes originally. Only the bow and arrow have survived intercourse with white men, and no other native weapon is described, except one peculiar to the Okanagans,—a kind of Indian slung-shot. This is a small cylindrical ruler of hard wood, covered with raw hide, which at one end forms a small bag and holds a round stone as large as a goose-egg; the other end of the weapon is tied to the wrist. Arrow-shafts are of hard wood, carefully straightened by rolling between two blocks, fitted by means of sinews with stone or flint heads at one end, and pinnated with feathers at the other. The most elastic woods are chosen for the bow, and its force is augmented by tendons glued to its back.[396]

The inland families cannot be called a warlike race. Resort to arms for the settlement of their intertribal disputes seems to have been very rare. Yet all are brave warriors when fighting becomes necessary for defense or vengeance against a foreign foe; notably so the Cayuses, Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais. The two former waged both aggressive and defensive warfare against the Snakes of the south; while the latter joined their arms against their common foes, the eastern Blackfeet, who, though their inferiors in bravery, nearly exterminated the Flathead nation by superiority in numbers, and by being the first to obtain the white man's weapons. Departure on a warlike expedition is always preceded by ceremonious preparation, including councils of the wise, great, and old; smoking the pipe, harangues by the chiefs, dances, and a general review, or display of equestrian feats and the manœuvres of battle. The warriors are always mounted; in many tribes white or speckled 269 war-horses are selected, and both rider and steed are gaily painted, and decked with feathers, trinkets, and bright-colored cloths. The war-party in most nations is under the command of a chief periodically elected by the tribe, who has no authority whatever in peace, but who keeps his soldiers in the strictest discipline in time of war. Stealthy approach and an unexpected attack in the early morning constitute their favorite tactics. They rush on the enemy like a whirlwind, with terrific yells, discharge their guns or arrows, and retire to prepare for another attack. The number slain is rarely large; the fall of a few men, or the loss of a chief decides the victory. When a man falls, a rush is made for his scalp, which is defended by his party, and a fierce hand-to-hand conflict ensues, generally terminating the battle. After the fight, or before it when either party lacks confidence in the result, a peace is made by smoking the pipe, with the most solemn protestations of goodwill, and promises which neither party has the slightest intention of fulfilling. The dead having been scalped, and prisoners bound and taken up behind the victors, the party starts homeward. Torture of the prisoners, chiefly perpetrated by the women, follows the arrival. By the Flatheads and northern nations captives are generally killed by their sufferings; among the Sahaptins some survive and are made slaves. In the Flathead torture of the Blackfeet are practiced all the fiendish acts of cruelty that native cunning can devise, all of which are borne with the traditional stoicism and taunts of the North American Indian. The Nez Percé system is a little less cruel in order to save life for future slavery. Day after day, at a stated hour, the captives are brought out and made to hold the scalps of their dead friends aloft on poles while the scalp-dance is performed about them, the female participators meanwhile exerting all their devilish ingenuity in tormenting their victims.[397] 270

The native saddle consists of a rude wooden frame, under and over which is thrown a buffalo-robe, and which is bound to the horse by a very narrow thong of hide in place of the Mexican cincha. A raw-hide crupper is used; a deer-skin pad sometimes takes the place of the upper robe, or the robe and pad are used without the wooden frame. Stirrups are made by binding three straight pieces of wood or bone together in triangular form, and sometimes covering all with raw-hide put on wet; or one straight piece is suspended from a forked thong, and often the simple thong passing round the foot suffices. The bridle is a rope of horse-hair or of skin, made fast with a half hitch round the animal's lower jaw. The same rope usually serves for bridle and lariat. Sharp bones, at least in later times, are used for spurs. Wood is split for the few native uses by elk-horn wedges driven by bottle-shaped stone mallets. Baskets and vessels for holding water and cooking are woven of willow, bark, and grasses. Rushes, growing in all swampy localities are cut of uniform length, laid parallel and tied 271 together for matting. Rude bowls and spoons are sometimes dug out of horn or wood, but the fingers, with pieces of bark and small mats are the ordinary table furniture. Skins are dressed by spreading, scraping off the flesh, and for some purposes the hair, with a sharp piece of bone, stone, or iron attached to a short handle, and used like an adze. The skin is then smeared with the animal's brains, and rubbed or pounded by a very tedious process till it becomes soft and white, some hides being previously smoked and bleached with white clay.[398]

On the lower Columbia the Wascos, Kliketats, Walla Wallas, and other tribes use dug-out boats like those of the coast, except that little skill or labor is expended on their construction or ornamentation; the only requisite being supporting capacity, as is natural in a country where canoes play but a small part in the work of procuring food. Farther in the interior the mountain tribes of the Sahaptin family, as the Cayuses and Nez Percés, make no boats, but use rude rafts or purchase an occasional canoe from their neighbors, for the rare cases when it becomes necessary to transport property across an unfordable stream. The Flatheads sew up their lodge-skins into a temporary boat for the same purpose. On the Fraser the Nootka dug-out is in use. But on the northern lakes and rivers of the interior, the Pend d'Oreille, Flatbow, Arrow, and Okanagan, northward to the Tacully 272 territory, the natives manufacture and navigate bark canoes. Both birch and pine are employed, by stretching it over a cedar hoop-work frame, sewing the ends with fine roots, and gumming the seams and knots. The form is very peculiar; the stem and stern are pointed, but the points are on a level with the bottom of the boat, and the slope or curve is upward towards the centre. Travelers describe them as carrying a heavy load, but easily capsized unless when very skillfully managed.[399]

Horses constitute the native wealth, and poor indeed is the family which has not for each member, young and old, an animal to ride, as well as others sufficient to transport all the household goods, and to trade for the few foreign articles needed. The Nez Percés, Cayuses and Walla Wallas have more and better stock than other nations, individuals often possessing bands of from one thousand to three thousand. The Kootenais are the most northern equestrian tribes mentioned. How the natives originally obtained horses is unknown, although there are some slight traditions in support of the natural supposition that they were first introduced from the south by way of the Shoshones. The latter are one people with the Comanches, by whom horses were obtained during the Spanish expeditions to New Mexico in the sixteenth century. The horses of the natives are 273 of small size, probably degenerated from a superior stock, but hardy and surefooted; sustaining hunger and hard usage better than those of the whites, but inferior to them in form, action, and endurance. All colors are met with, spotted and mixed colors being especially prized.[400]

The different articles of food, skins and grasses for clothing and lodges and implements, shells and trinkets for ornamentation and currency are also bartered between the nations, and the annual summer gatherings on the rivers serve as fairs for the display and exchange of commodities; some tribes even visit the coast for purposes of trade. Smoking the pipe often precedes and follows a trade, and some peculiar commercial customs prevail, as for instance when a horse dies soon after purchase, the price may be reclaimed. The rights of property are jealously defended, but in the Salish nations, according to Hale, on the death of a father his relatives seize the most valuable property with very little attention to the rights of children too young to look out for their own interests.[401] Indeed, I have heard of 274 deeds of similar import in white races. In decorative art the inland natives must be pronounced inferior to those of the coast, perhaps only because they have less time to devote to such unproductive labor. Sculpture and painting are rare and exceedingly rude. On the coast the passion for ornamentation finds vent in carving and otherwise decorating the canoe, house, and implements; in the interior it expends itself on the caparison of the horse, or in bead and fringe work on garments. Systems of numeration are simple, progressing by fours, fives, or tens, according to the different languages, and is sufficiently extensive to include large numbers; but the native rarely has occasion to count beyond a few hundreds, commonly using his fingers as an aid to his numeration. Years are reckoned by winters, divided by moons into months, and these months named from the ripening of some plant, the occurrence of a fishing or hunting season, or some other periodicity in their lives, or by the temperature. Among the Salish the day is divided according to the position of the sun into nine parts. De Smet states that maps are made on bark or skins by which to direct their course on distant excursions, 275 and that they are guided at night by the polar star.[402]

War chiefs are elected for their bravery and past success, having full authority in all expeditions, marching at the head of their forces, and, especially among the Flatheads, maintaining the strictest discipline, even to the extent of inflicting flagellation on insubordinates. With the war their power ceases, yet they make no effort by partiality during office to insure re-election, and submit without complaint to a successor. Except by the war chiefs no real authority is exercised. The regular chieftainship is hereditary so far as any system is observed, but chiefs who have raised themselves to their position by their merits are mentioned among nearly all the nations. The leaders are always men of commanding influence and often of great intelligence. They take the lead in haranguing at the councils of wise men, which meet to smoke and deliberate on matters of public moment. These councils decide the amount of fine necessary to atone for murder, theft, and the few crimes known to the native code; a fine, the chief's reprimand, and rarely flogging, probably not of native origin, are the only punishments; and the criminal seldom attempts to escape. As the more warlike nations have especial chiefs with real power in time of war, so the fishing tribes, some of them, grant great authority to a 'salmon chief' during the fishing-season. But the regular inland 276 chiefs never collect taxes nor presume to interfere with the rights or actions of individuals or families.[403] Prisoners of war, not killed by torture, are made slaves, but they are few in number, and their children are adopted into the victorious tribe. Hereditary slavery and the slave-trade are unknown. The Shushwaps are said to have no slaves.[404]

In choosing a helpmate, or helpmates, for his bed and board, the inland native makes capacity for work the standard of female excellence, and having made a selection buys a wife from her parents by the payment of an amount of property, generally horses, which among the southern nations must be equaled by the girl's parents. Often a betrothal is made by parents while both 277 parties are yet children, and such a contract, guaranteed by an interchange of presents, is rarely broken. To give away a wife without a price is in the highest degree disgraceful to her family. Besides payment of the price, generally made for the suitor by his friends, courtship in some nations includes certain visits to the bride before marriage; and the Spokane suitor must consult both the chief and the young lady, as well as her parents; indeed the latter may herself propose if she wishes. Runaway matches are not unknown, but by the Nez Percés the woman is in such cases considered a prostitute, and the bride's parents may seize upon the man's property. Many tribes seem to require no marriage ceremony, but in others an assemblage of friends for smoking and feasting is called for on such occasions; and among the Flatheads more complicated ceremonies are mentioned, of which long lectures to the couple, baths, change of clothing, torch-light processions, and dancing form a part. In the married state the wife must do all the heavy work and drudgery, but is not otherwise ill treated, and in most tribes her rights are equally respected with those of the husband.

When there are several wives each occupies a separate lodge, or at least has a separate fire. Among the Spokanes a man marrying out of his own tribe joins that of his wife, because she can work better in a country to which she is accustomed; and in the same nation all household goods are considered as the wife's property. The man who marries the eldest daughter is entitled to all the rest, and parents make no objection to his turning off one in another's favor. Either party may dissolve the marriage at will, but property must be equitably divided, the children going with the mother. Discarded wives are often reinstated. If a Kliketat wife die soon after marriage, the husband may reclaim her price; the Nez Percé may not marry for a year after her death, but he is careful to avoid the inconvenience of this regulation by marrying just before that event. The Salish widow must remain a widow for about two years, 278 and then must marry agreeably to her mother-in-law's taste or forfeit her husband's property.[405] The women make faithful, obedient wives and affectionate mothers. Incontinence in either girls or married women is extremely rare, and prostitution almost unknown, being severely punished, especially among the Nez Percés. In this respect the inland tribes present a marked contrast to their coast neighbors.[406] At the first appearance of the menses the woman must retire from the sight of all, 279 especially men, for a period varying from ten days to a month, and on each subsequent occasion for two or three days, and must be purified by repeated ablutions before she may resume her place in the household. Also at the time of her confinement she is deemed unclean, and must remain for a few weeks in a separate lodge, attended generally by an old woman. The inland woman is not prolific, and abortions are not uncommon, which may probably be attributed in great measure to her life of labor and exposure. Children are not weaned till between one and two years of age; sometimes not until they abandon the breast of their own accord or are supplanted by a new arrival; yet though subsisting on the mother's milk alone, and exposed with slight clothing to all extremes of weather, they are healthy and robust, being carried about in a rude cradle on the mother's back, or mounted on colts and strapped to the saddle that they may not fall off when asleep. After being weaned the child is named after some animal, but the name is changed frequently later in life.[407] Although children and old people are as a rule kindly cared for, yet so great the straits to which the tribes are reduced by circumstances, that both are sometimes abandoned if not put to death.[408] 280

The annual summer gathering on the river banks for fishing and trade, and, among the mountain nations, the return from a successful raid in the enemy's country, are the favorite periods for native diversions.[409] To gambling they are no less passionately addicted in the interior than on the coast,[410] but even in this universal Indian vice, their preference for horse-racing, the noblest form of gaming, raises them above their stick-shuffling brethren of the Pacific. On the speed of his horse the native stakes all he owns, and is discouraged only when his animal is lost, and with it the opportunity to make up past losses in another race. Foot-racing and target-shooting, in which men, women and children participate, also afford them indulgence in their gambling propensities and at the same time develop their bodies by exercise, and perfect their skill in the use of their native weapon.[411] The Colvilles have a game, alkollock, played 281 with spears. A wooden ring some three inches in diameter is rolled over a level space between two slight stick barriers about forty feet apart; when the ring strikes the barrier the spear is hurled so that the ring will fall over its head; and the number scored by the throw depends on which of six colored beads, attached to the hoop's inner circumference, falls over the spear's head.[412] The almost universal Columbian game of guessing which hand contains a small polished bit of bone or wood is also a favorite here, and indeed the only game of the kind mentioned; it is played, to the accompaniment of songs and drumming, by parties sitting in a circle on mats, the shuffler's hands being often wrapped in fur, the better to deceive the players.[413] All are excessively fond of dancing and singing; but their songs and dances, practiced on all possible occasions, have not been, if indeed they can be, described. They seem merely a succession of sounds and motions without any fixed system. Pounding on rude drums of hide accompanies the songs, which are sung without words, and in which some listeners have detected a certain savage melody. Scalp-dances are performed by women hideously painted, who execute their diabolical antics in the centre of a circle formed by the rest of the tribe who furnish music to the dancers.[414] 282 All are habitual smokers, always inhaling the smoke instead of puffing it out after the manner of more civilized devotees of the weed. To obtain tobacco the native will part with almost any other property, but no mention is made of any substitute used in this region before the white man came. Besides his constant use of the pipe as an amusement or habit, the inland native employs it regularly to clear his brain for the transaction of important business. Without the pipe no war is declared, no peace officially ratified; in all promises and contracts it serves as the native pledge of honor; with ceremonial whiffs to the cardinal points the wise men open and close the deliberations of their councils; a commercial smoke clinches a bargain, as it also opens negotiations of trade.[415]

The use of the horse has doubtless been a most powerful agent in molding inland customs; and yet the introduction of the horse must have been of comparatively recent date. What were the customs and character of these people, even when America was first discovered by the Spaniards, must ever be unknown. It is by no means certain that the possession of the horse has materially bettered their condition. Indeed, by facilitating the capture of buffalo, previously taken perhaps by stratagem, by introducing a medium with which at least the wealthy may always purchase supplies, as well as by rendering practicable long migrations for food and trade, the 283 horse may have contributed somewhat to their present spirit of improvidence. The horses feed in large droves, each marked with some sign of ownership, generally by clipping the ears, and when required for use are taken by the lariat, in the use of which all the natives have some skill, though far inferior to the Mexican vaqueros. The method of breaking and training horses is a quick and an effectual one. It consists of catching and tying the animal; then buffalo-skins and other objects are thrown at and upon the trembling beast, until all its fear is frightened out of it. When willing to be handled, horses are treated with great kindness, but when refractory, the harshest measures are adopted. They are well trained to the saddle, and accustomed to be mounted from either side. They are never shod and never taught to trot. The natives are skillful riders, so far as the ability to keep their seat at great speed over a rough country is concerned, but they never ride gracefully, and rarely if ever perform the wonderful feats of horsemanship so often attributed to the western Indians. A loose girth is used under which to insert the knees when riding a wild horse. They are hard riders, and horses in use always have sore backs and mouths. Women ride astride, and quite as well as the men; children also learn to ride about as early as to walk.[416] Each nation has its superstitions; by each individual is recognized the influence of unseen powers, exercised usually through the medium of his medicine animal chosen early in life. The peculiar customs arising from this belief in the supernatural are not very numerous or complicated, and belong rather to the religion of these people treated elsewhere. The Pend d'Oreille, on approaching manhood, 284 was sent by his father to a high mountain and obliged to remain until he dreamed of some animal, bird, or fish, thereafter to be his medicine, whose claw, tooth, or feather was worn as a charm. The howling of the medicine-wolf and some other beasts forebodes calamity, but by the Okanagans the white-wolf skin is held as an emblem of royalty, and its possession protects the horses of the tribe from evil-minded wolves. A ram's horns left in the trunk of a tree where they were fixed by the misdirected zeal of their owner in attacking a native, were much venerated by the Flatheads, and gave them power over all animals so long as they made frequent offerings at the foot of the tree. The Nez Percés had a peculiar custom of overcoming the mawish or spirit of fatigue, and thereby acquiring remarkable powers of endurance. The ceremony is performed annually from the age of eighteen to forty, lasts each time from three to seven days, and consists of thrusting willow sticks down the throat into the stomach, a succession of hot and cold baths, and abstinence from food. Medicine-men acquire or renew their wonderful powers by retiring to the mountains to confer with the wolf. They are then invulnerable; a bullet fired at them flattens on their breast. To allowing their portraits to be taken, or to the operations of strange apparatus they have the same aversion that has been noted on the coast.[417] Steam baths are universally used, not for motives of cleanliness, but sometimes for medical purposes, and chiefly in their superstitious ceremonies of purification. The bath-house is a hole dug in the ground from three to eight feet deep, and sometimes fifteen feet in diameter, in some locality where wood and water are at hand, often in the river bank. It is also built above ground of willow branches covered with grass and earth. Only a small hole is left 285 for entrance, and this is closed up after the bather enters. Stones are heated by a fire in the bath itself, or are thrown in after being heated outside. In this oven, heated to a suffocating temperature, the naked native revels for a long time in the steam and mud, meanwhile singing, howling, praying, and finally rushes out dripping with perspiration, to plunge into the nearest stream.[418] Every lodge is surrounded by a pack of worthless coyote-looking curs. These are sometimes made to carry small burdens on their backs when the tribe is moving; otherwise no use is made of them, as they are never eaten, and, with perhaps the exception of a breed owned by the Okanagans, are never trained to hunt. I give in a note a few miscellaneous customs noticed by travelers.[419]

These natives of the interior are a healthy but not a very long-lived race. Ophthalmia, of which the sand, smoke of the lodges, and reflection of the sun's rays on the lakes are suggested as the causes, is more or less prevalent throughout the territory; scrofulous complaints and skin-eruptions are of frequent occurrence, especially in the Sahaptin family. Other diseases are comparatively rare, excepting of course epidemic disorders like 286 small-pox and measles contracted from the whites, which have caused great havoc in nearly all the tribes. Hot and cold baths are the favorite native remedy for all their ills, but other simple specifics, barks, herbs, and gums are employed as well. Indeed, so efficacious is their treatment, or rather, perhaps, so powerful with them is nature in resisting disease, that when the locality or cause of irregularity is manifest, as in the case of wounds, fractures, or snake-bites, remarkable cures are ascribed to these people. But here as elsewhere, the sickness becoming at all serious or mysterious, medical treatment proper is altogether abandoned, and the patient committed to the magic powers of the medicine-man. In his power either to cause or cure disease at will implicit confidence is felt, and failure to heal indicates no lack of skill; consequently the doctor is responsible for his patient's recovery, and in case of death is liable to, and often does, answer with his life, so that a natural death among the medical fraternity is extremely rare. His only chance of escape is to persuade relatives of the dead that his ill success is attributable to the evil influence of a rival physician, who is the one to die; or in some cases a heavy ransom soothes the grief of mourning friends and avengers. One motive of the Cayuses in the massacre of the Whitman family is supposed to have been the missionary's failure to cure the measles in the tribe. He had done his best to relieve the sick, and his power to effect in all cases a complete cure was unquestioned by the natives. The methods by which the medicine-man practices his art are very uniform in all the nations. The patient is stretched on his back in the centre of a large lodge, and his friends few or many sit about him in a circle, each provided with sticks wherewith to drum. The sorcerer, often grotesquely painted, enters the ring, chants a song, and proceeds to force the evil spirit from the sick man by pressing both clenched fists with all his might in the pit of his stomach, kneading and pounding also other parts of the body, blowing occasionally through his own fingers, and sucking blood 287 from the part supposed to be affected. The spectators pound with their sticks, and all, including doctor, and often the patient in spite of himself, keep up a continual song or yell. There is, however, some method in this madness, and when the routine is completed it is again begun, and thus repeated for several hours each day until the case is decided. In many nations the doctor finally extracts the spirit, in the form of a small bone or other object, from the patient's body or mouth by some trick of legerdemain, and this once effected, he assures the surrounding friends that the tormentor having been thus removed, recovery must soon follow.[420] 288

Grief at the death of a relative is manifested by cutting the hair and smearing the face with black. The women also howl at intervals for a period of weeks or even months; but the men on ordinary occasions rarely make open demonstrations of sorrow, though they sometimes shed tears at the death of a son. Several instances of suicide in mourning are recorded; a Walla Walla chieftain caused himself to be buried alive in the grave with the last of his five sons. The death of a wife or daughter is deemed of comparatively little consequence. In case of a tribal disaster, as the death of a prominent chief, or the killing of a band of warriors by a hostile tribe, all indulge in the most frantic demonstrations, tearing the hair, lacerating the flesh with flints, often inflicting serious injury. The sacrifice of human life, generally that of a slave, was practiced, but apparently nowhere as a regular part of the funeral rites. Among the Flatheads the bravest of the men and women ceremonially bewail the loss of a warrior by cutting out pieces of their own flesh and casting them with roots and other articles into the fire. A long time passes before a dead person's name is willingly spoken in the tribe. The corpse is commonly disposed of by wrapping in ordinary clothing and burying in the ground without a coffin. The northern tribes sometimes suspended the body in a canoe from a tree, while those in the south formerly piled their dead in wooden sheds or sepulchres above ground. The Okanagans often bound the body upright to the trunk of a tree. Property was in all cases sacrificed; horses usually, and slaves sometimes, killed on the grave. The more valuable articles of wealth were deposited with the body; the rest suspended on poles over and about the grave or left on the surface of the ground; always previously damaged in such manner as not to tempt the sacrilegious thief, for their places of 289 burial are held most sacred. Mounds of stones surmounted with crosses indicate in later times the conversion of the natives to a foreign religion.[421]

In character and in morals,[422] as well as in physique, the 290 inland native is almost unanimously pronounced superior to the dweller on the coast. The excitement of the chase, of war, and of athletic sports ennobles the mind as it develops the body; and although probably not by nature less indolent than their western neighbors, yet are these natives of the interior driven by circumstances to habits of industry, and have much less leisure time for the cultivation of the lower forms of vice. As a race, and compared with the average American aborigines, they are honest, intelligent, and pure in morals. Travelers are liable to form their estimate of national character from a view, perhaps unfair and prejudiced, of the actions of a few individuals encountered; consequently qualities the best and the worst have been given by some to each of the nations now under consideration. For the best reputation the Nez Percés, Flatheads and Kootenais have always been rivals; their good qualities have been praised by all, priest, trader and tourist. Honest, just, and often charitable; ordinarily cold and reserved, but on occasions social and almost gay; quick-tempered and revengeful under what they consider injustice, 291 but readily appeased by kind treatment; cruel only to captive enemies, stoical in the endurance of torture; devotedly attached to home and family; these natives probably come as near as it is permitted to flesh-and-blood savages to the traditional noble red man of the forest, sometimes met in romance. It is the pride and boast of the Flathead that his tribe has never shed the blood of a white man. Yet none, whatever their tribe, could altogether resist the temptation to steal horses from their neighbors of a different tribe, or in former times, to pilfer small articles, wonderful to the savage eye, introduced by Europeans. Many have been nominally converted by the zealous labors of the Jesuit fathers, or Protestant missionaries; and several nations have greatly improved, in material condition as well as in character, under their change of faith. As Mr Alexander Ross remarks, "there is less crime in an Indian camp of five hundred souls than there is in a civilized village of but half that number. Let the lawyer or moralist point out the cause." 292

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER IV.

CALIFORNIANS.

Groupal Divisions; Northern, Central, and Southern Californians, and Shoshones—Country of the Californians—The Klamaths, Modocs, Shastas, Pitt River Indians, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Weeyots, Tolewas, and Rogue River Indians and their Customs—The Tehamas, Pomos, Ukiahs, Gualalas, Sonomas, Petalumas, Napas, Suscols, Suisunes, Tamales, Karquines, Ohlones, Tulomos, Thamiens, Olchones, Rumsens, Escelens, and others of Central California—The Cahuillas, Diegueños, Islanders, and Mission Rancherias of Southern California—The Snakes or Shoshones proper, Utahs, Bannocks, Washoes and other Shoshone Nations.

Of the seven groups into which this work separates the nations of western North America, the Californians constitute the third, and cover the territory between latitude 43° and 32° 30´, extending back irregularly into the Rocky Mountains. There being few distinctly marked families in this group, I cannot do better in subdividing it for the purpose of description than make of the Californians proper three geographical divisions, namely, the Northern Californians, the Central Californians, and the Southern Californians. The Shoshones, or fourth division of this group, who spread out over south-eastern Oregon, southern Idaho, and the whole of Nevada and Utah, present more distinctly marked family characteristics, and will therefore be treated as a family.

The same chain of mountains, which, as the Cascade Range, divides the land of the Columbians, holds its course steadily southward, and entering the territory of 323 the Californian group forms, under the name of the Sierra Nevada, the partition between the Californians proper and the Shoshones of Idaho and Nevada. The influence of this range upon the climate is also here manifest, only intenser in degree than farther north. The lands of the Northern Californians are well watered and wooded, those of the central division have an abundance of water for six months in the year, namely, from November to May, and the soil is fertile, yielding abundantly under cultivation. Sycamore, oak, cotton-wood, willow, and white alder, fringe the banks of the rivers; laurel, buckeye, manzanita, and innumerable berry-bearing bushes, clothe the lesser hills; thousands of acres are annually covered with wild oats; the moist bottoms yield heavy crops of grass; and in summer the valleys are gorgeous with wild-flowers of every hue. Before the blighting touch of the white man was laid upon the land, the rivers swarmed with salmon and trout; deer, antelope, and mountain sheep roamed over the foot-hills, bear and other carnivora occupied the forests, and numberless wild fowl covered the lakes. Decreasing in moisture toward the tropics, the climate of the Southern Californians is warm and dry, while the Shoshones, a large part of whose territory falls in the Great Basin, are cursed with a yet greater dryness.

The region known as the Great Basin, lying between the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada and the Wahsatch Mountains, and stretching north and south from latitude 33° to 42°, presents a very different picture from the land of the Californians. This district is triangular in shape, the apex pointing toward the south, or southwest; from this apex, which, round the head of the Gulf of California, is at tide level, the ground gradually rises until, in central Nevada, it reaches an altitude of about five thousand feet, and this, with the exception of a few local depressions, is about the level of the whole of the broad part of the basin. The entire surface of this plateau is alkaline. Being in parts almost destitute of water, there is comparatively little timber; sage-brush and greasewood 324 being the chief signs of vegetation, except at rare intervals where some small stream struggling against almost universal aridity, supports on its banks a little scanty herbage and a few forlorn-looking cotton-wood trees. The northern part of this region, as is the case with the lands of the Californians proper, is somewhat less destitute of vegetable and animal life than the southern portion which is indeed a desert occupied chiefly by rabbits, prairie-dogs, sage-hens, and reptiles. The desert of the Colorado, once perhaps a fertile bottom, extending northward from the San Bernardino Mountains one hundred and eighty miles, and spreading over an area of about nine thousand square miles, is a silent unbroken sea of sand, upon whose ashy surface glares the mid-day sun and where at night the stars draw near through the thin air and brilliantly illumine the eternal solitude. Here the gigantic cereus, emblem of barrenness, rears its contorted form, casting weird shadows upon the moonlit level. In such a country, where in winter the keen dust-bearing blast rushes over the unbroken desolate plains, and in summer the very earth cracks open with intense heat, what can we expect of man but that he should be distinguished for the depths of his low attainment.

But although the poverty and barrenness of his country account satisfactorily for the low type of the inhabitant of the Great Basin, yet no such excuse is offered for the degradation of the native of fertile California. On every side, if we except the Shoshone, in regions possessing far fewer advantages than California, we find a higher type of man. Among the Tuscaroras, Cherokees, and Iroquois of the Atlantic slope, barbarism assumes its grandest proportions; proceeding west it bursts its fetters in the incipient civilization of the Gila; but if we continue the line to the shores of the Pacific we find this intellectual dawn checked, and man sunk almost to the utter darkness of the brute. Coming southward from the frozen land of the Eskimo, or northward from tropical Darien we pass through nations possessing the necessaries 325 and even the comforts of life. Some of them raise and grind wheat and corn, many of them make pottery and other utensils, at the north they venture out to sea in good boats and make Behemoth their spoil. The Californians on the other hand, comparatively speaking, wear no clothes, they build no houses, do not cultivate the soil, they have no boats, nor do they hunt to any considerable extent; they have no morals nor any religion worth calling such. The missionary Fathers found a virgin field whereon neither god nor devil was worshiped. We must look, then, to other causes for a solution of the question why a nobler race is not found in California; such for instance as revolutions and migrations of nations, or upheavals and convulsions of nature, causes arising before the commencement of the short period within which we are accustomed to reckon time.

There is, perhaps, a greater diversity of tribal names among the Californians than elsewhere in America; the whole system of nomenclature is so complicated and contradictory that it is impossible to reduce it to perfect order. There are tribes that call themselves by one name, but whose neighbors call them by another; tribes that are known by three or four names, and tribes that have no name except that of their village or chief.[423] Tribal names are frequently given by one writer which are never mentioned by any other;[424] nevertheless there are tribes on whose names authorities agree, and though 326 the spelling differs, the sound expressed in these instances is about the same. Less trouble is experienced in distinguishing the tribes of the northern division, which is composed of people who resemble their neighbors more than is the case in central California, where the meaningless term 'Indians,' is almost universally applied in speaking of them.[425]

Another fruitful source of confusion is the indefinite nickname 'Digger' which is applied indiscriminately to all the tribes of northern and middle California, and to those of Nevada, Utah, and the southern part of Oregon. These tribes are popularly known as the Californian Diggers, Washoe Diggers, Shoshone Diggers of Utah, etc., the signification of the term pointing to the digging of roots, and in some parts, possibly, to burrowing in the ground. The name is seemingly opprobrious, and is certainly no more applicable to this people than to many others. By this territorial division I hope to avoid, as far as possible, the two causes of bewilderment before alluded to; neither treating the inhabitants of an immense country as one tribe, nor attempting to ascribe distinct names and idiosyncrasies to hundreds of small, insignificant bands, roaming over a comparatively narrow area of country and to all of which one description will apply.

The Northern Californians, the first tribal group, or division, of which I shall speak, might, not improperly, be called the Klamath family, extending as they do from Rogue River on the north, to the Eel River south, and from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary east, and including the Upper and Lower Klamath and other lakes. The principal tribes occupying 327 this region are the Klamaths,[426] who live on the headwaters of the river and on the shores of the lake of that name; the Modocs,[427] on Lower Klamath Lake and along Lost River; the Shastas, to the south-west of the lakes, near the Shasta Mountains; the Pitt River Indians; the Eurocs on the Klamath River between Weitspek and the coast; the Cahrocs[428] on the Klamath River from a short distance above the junction of the Trinity to the Klamath Mountains; the Hoopahs in Hoopah Valley on the Trinity near its junction with the Klamath; numerous tribes on the coast from Eel River and Humboldt Bay north, such as the Weeyots,[429] Wallies, Tolewahs, etc., and the Rogue River Indians,[430] on and about the river of that name.[431]

The Northern Californians are in every way superior to the central and southern tribes.[432] Their physique and 328 character, in fact, approach nearer to the Oregon nations than to the people of the Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys. This applies more particularly to the inland tribes. The race gradually deteriorates as it approaches the coast, growing less in stature, darker in color, more and more degraded in character, habits, and religion. The Rogue River Indians must, however, be made an exception to this rule. The tendency to improve toward the north, which is so marked among the Californians, holds good in this case; so that the natives on the extreme north-west coast of the region under consideration, are in many respects superior to the interior but more southerly tribes.

The Northern Californians round the Klamath lakes, and the Klamath, Trinity, and Rogue rivers, are tall, muscular, and well made,[433] with a complexion varying from nearly black to light brown, in proportion to their proximity to, or distance, from the ocean or other large bodies of water; their face is large, oval, and heavily made, with slightly prominent cheek-bones, nose well set on the face and frequently straight, and eyes which, when not blurred by ophthalmia, are keen and bright. The women are short and some of them quite handsome, even in the Caucasian sense of the word;[434] 329 and although their beauty rapidly fades, yet they do not in old age present that unnaturally wrinkled and shriveled appearance, characteristic of the Central Californians. This description scarcely applies to the people inhabiting the coast about Redwood Creek, Humboldt Bay, and Eel River, who are squat and fat in figure, rather stoutly built, with large heads covered with coarse thick hair, and repulsive countenances, who are of a much darker color, and altogether of a lower type than the tribes to the east and north of them.[435]

Dress depends more on the state of the climate 330 than on their own sense of decency. The men wear a belt, sometimes a breech-clout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer-skin or braided grass; then they sometimes throw over the shoulders a sort of cloak, or robe, of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer-skin, or, among the coast tribes, seal or sea-otter skin. When they indulge in this luxury, however, the men usually dispense with all other covering.[436] Occasionally we find them taking great pride in their gala dresses and sparing no pains to render them beautiful. The Modocs, for instance, took large-sized skins, and inlaid them with brilliant-colored duck-scalps, sewed on in various figures; others, again, embroidered their aprons with colored grasses, and attached beads and shells to a deep fringe falling from the lower part.[437] A bowl-shaped hat, or 331 cap, of basket-work, is usually worn by the women, in making which some of them are very skillful. This hat is sometimes painted with various figures, and sometimes interwoven with gay feathers of the woodpecker or blue quail.[438] The men generally go bare-headed, their thick hair being sufficient protection from sun and weather. In the vicinity of the lakes, where, from living constantly among the long grass and reeds, the greatest skill is acquired in weaving and braiding, moccasins of straw or grass are worn.[439] At the junction of the Klamath and Trinity rivers their moccasins have soles of several thicknesses of leather.[440] The natives seen by Maurelle at Trinidad Bay, bound their loins and legs down to the ankle with strips of hide or thread, both men and women.

The manner of dressing the hair varies; the most common way being to club it together behind in a queue, sometimes in two, worn down the back, or occasionally in the latter case drawn forward over the shoulders. The queue is frequently twisted up in a knot on the back of the head—en castanna—as Maurelle calls it. Occasionally the hair is worn loose, and flowing, and some of the women cut it short on the forehead. It is not uncommon to see wreaths of oak or laurel leaves, feathers, or the tails of gray squirrels twisted in the hair; indeed, from the trouble which they frequently take to adorn their coiffure, one would imagine that these people were of a somewhat æsthetic turn of mind, but a closer acquaintance quickly dispels the illusion. On Eel River some cut all the hair short, a custom practiced to some extent by the Central Californians.[441] 332

As usual these savages are beardless, or nearly so.[442] Tattooing, though not carried to any great extent, is universal among the women, and much practiced by the men, the latter confining this ornamentation to the breast and arms. The women tattoo in three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the centre and corners of the lower lip to the chin. In some tribes they tattoo the arms, and occasionally the back of the hands. As they grow older the lines on the chin, which at first are very faint, are increased in width and color, thus gradually narrowing the intervening spaces. Now, as the social importance of the female is gauged by the width and depth of color of these lines, one might imagine that before long the whole chin would be what Southey calls "blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue;" but fashion ordains, as in the lip-ornament of the Thlinkeets, that the lines should be materially enlarged only as the charms of youth fade, thus therewith gauging both age and respectability.[443] In some few tribes, more especially 333 in the vicinity of the lakes, the men paint themselves in various colors and grotesque patterns. Among the Modocs the women also paint. Miller says that when a Modoc warrior paints his face black before going into battle it means victory or death, and he will not survive a defeat.[444] Both men and women pierce the dividing cartilage of the nose, and wear various kinds of ornaments in the aperture. Sometimes it is a goose-quill, three or four inches long, at others, a string of beads or shells. Some of the more northerly tribes wear large round pieces of wood or metal in the ears.[445] Maurelle, in his bucolic description of the natives at Trinidad bay, says that "on their necks they wear various fruits, instead of beads."[446] Vancouver, who visited the same place nearly twenty years later, states that "all the teeth 334 of both sexes were by some process ground uniformly down horizontally to the gums, the women especially, carrying the fashion to an extreme, had their teeth reduced even below this level."[447]

Here also we see in their habitations the usual summer and winter residences common to nomadic tribes. The winter dwellings, varying with locality, are principally of two forms—conical and square. Those of the former shape, which is the most widely prevailing, and obtains chiefly in the vicinity of the Klamath lakes and on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, are built in the manner following: A circular hole, from two to five feet in depth, and varying in diameter, is dug in the ground. Round this pit, or cellar, stout poles are sunk, which are drawn together at the top until they nearly meet; the whole is then covered with earth to the depth of several inches. A hole is left in the top, which serves as chimney and door, a rude ladder or notched pole communicating with the cellar below, and a similar one with the ground outside. This, however, is only the commoner and lighter kind of conical house. Many of them are built of much heavier timbers, which, instead of being bent over at the top, and so forming a bee-hive-shaped structure, are leaned one against the other.

The dwellings built by the Hoopahs are somewhat better. The inside of the cellar is walled up with stone; round this, and at a distance of a few feet from it, another stone wall is built on the surface level, against which heavy beams or split logs are leaned up, meeting at the top, or sometimes the lower ends of the poles rest against the inside of the wall, thus insuring the inmates against a sudden collapse of the hut.[448] 335

The square style of dwelling is affected more by the coast tribes, although occasionally seen in the interior. A cellar, either square or round, is dug in the same manner as with the conical houses. The sides of the hole are walled with upright slabs, which project some feet above the surface of the ground. The whole structure is covered with a roof of sticks or planks, sloping gently outward, and resting upon a ridge-pole. The position of the door varies, being sometimes in the roof, sometimes on a level with the ground, and occasionally high up in the gable. Its shape and dimensions, however, never alter; it is always circular, barely large enough to admit a full-grown man on hands and knees. When on the roof or in the gable, a notched pole or mud steps lead up to the entrance; when on the ground, a sliding panel closes the entrance. In some cases, the excavation is planked up only to a level with the ground. The upper part is then raised several feet from the sides, leaving a bank, or rim, on which the inmates sleep; occasionally there is no excavation, the house being erected on the level ground, with merely a small fire-hole in the centre. The floors are kept smooth and clean, and a small space in front of the door, paved with stones and swept clean, serves as gossiping and working ground for the women.[449] 336

The temporary summer houses of the Northern Californians are square, conical, and inverted-bowl-shaped huts; built, when square, by driving light poles into the ground and laying others horizontally across them; when conical, the poles are drawn together at the top into a point; when bowl-shaped, both ends of the poles are driven into the ground, making a semi-circular hut. These frames, however shaped, are covered with neatly woven tule matting,[450] or with bushes or ferns.[451]

The Californians are but poor hunters; they prefer the snare to the bow and arrow. Yet some of the mountain tribes display considerable dexterity in the chase. To hunt the prong-buck, the Klamath fastens to each heel a strip of ermine-skin, and keeping the herd to the windward, he approaches craftily through the tall grass as near as possible, then throwing himself on his back, or standing on his head, he executes a pantomime in the air with his legs. Naturally the antelope wonder, and being cursed with curiosity, the simple animals gradually approach. As soon as they arrive within easy shooting-distance, down go the hunter's legs and up comes the body. Too late the antelope learn their mistake; swift as they are, the arrow is swifter; and the fattest buck pays the penalty of his inquisitiveness with his life. The Veeards, at Humboldt Bay, construct a slight fence from tree to tree, into which inclosure elk are driven, the only exit being by a narrow opening at one end, where a pole is placed in such a manner as to force the 337 animal to stoop in passing under it, when its head is caught in a noose suspended from the pole. This pole is dragged down by the entangled elk, but soon he is caught fast in the thick undergrowth, and firmly held until the hunter comes up.[452] Pitfalls are also extensively used in trapping game. A narrow pass, through which an elk or deer trail leads, is selected for the pit, which is ten or twelve feet deep. The animals are then suddenly stampeded from their feeding-grounds, and, in their wild terror, rush blindly along the trail to destruction.[453] The bear they seldom hunt, and if one is taken, it is usually by accident, in one of their strong elk-traps. Many of the tribes refuse to eat bear-meat, alleging that the flesh of a man-eating animal is unclean; but no doubt Bruin owes his immunity as much to his teeth and claws as to his uncleanness.

Fishing is more congenial to the lazy taste of these people than the nobler but more arduous craft of hunting; consequently fish, being abundant, are generally more plentiful in the aboriginal larder than venison. Several methods are adopted in taking them. Sometimes a dam of interwoven willows is constructed across a rapid at the time when salmon are ascending the river; niches four or five feet square are made at intervals across the dam, in which the fish, pressed on by those behind, collect in great numbers and are there speared or netted without mercy. Much ingenuity and labor are required to build some of the larger of these dams. Mr Gibbs describes one thrown across the Klamath, where the 338 river was about seventy-five yards wide, elbowing up the stream in its deepest part. It was built by first driving stout posts into the bed of the river, at a distance of some two feet apart, having a moderate slope, and supported from below, at intervals of ten or twelve feet, by two braces; the one coming to the surface of the water, the other reaching to the string-pieces. These last were heavy spars, about thirty feet in length, and secured to each post by withes. The whole dam was faced with twigs, carefully peeled, and placed so close together as to prevent the fish from passing up. The top, at this stage of the water, was two or three feet above the surface. The labor of constructing this work must, with the few and insufficient tools of the natives, have been immense. Slight scaffolds were built out below it, from which the fish were taken in scoop-nets; they also employ drag-nets and spears, the latter having a movable barb, which is fastened to the shaft with a string in order to afford the salmon play.[454] On Rogue River, spearing by torch-light—a most picturesque sight—is resorted to. Twenty canoes sometimes start out together, each carrying three persons—two women, one to row and the other to hold the torch, and a spearman. Sometimes the canoes move in concert, sometimes independently of each other; one moment the lights are seen in line, like an army of fire-flies, then they are scattered over the dark surface of the water like ignes fatui. The fish, attracted by the glare, rise to the surface, where they are transfixed by the unerring aim of the spearmen. Torchlight spearing is also done by driving the fish down stream in the day-time by dint of much wading, yelling, and howling, and many splashes, until they are stopped by a dam previously erected lower 339 down; another dam is then built above, so that the fish cannot escape. At night fires are built round the edge of the enclosed space, and the finny game speared from the bank.[455] Some tribes on the Klamath erect platforms over the stream on upright poles, on which they sleep and fish at the same time. A string leads from the net either to the fisherman himself or to some kind of alarm; and as soon as a salmon is caught, its floundering immediately awakens the slumberer. On the sea-shore smelts are taken in a triangular net stretched on two slender poles; the fisherman wades into the water up to his waist, turns his face to the shore, and his back to the incoming waves, against whose force he braces himself with a stout stick, then as the smelts are washed back from the beach by the returning waves, he receives them in his net. The net is deep, and a narrow neck connects it with a long network bag behind; into this bag the fish drop when the net is raised, but they cannot return. In this manner the fisherman can remain for some time at his post, without unloading.

Eels are caught in traps having a funnel-shaped entrance, into which the eels can easily go, but which closes on them as soon as they are in. These traps are fastened to stakes and kept down by weights. Similar traps are used to take salmon.

When preserved for winter use, the fish are split open at the back, the bone taken out, then dried or smoked. Both fish and meat, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones or boiled in water-tight baskets, hot stones being thrown in to make the water boil. Bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a rough stone mortar with a heavy stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. Acorn-flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently it is seasoned 340 with some high-flavored herb. A sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but is boiled instead of baked.

They gather a great variety of roots, berries, and seeds. The principal root is the camas,[456] great quantities of which are dried every summer, and stored away for winter provision. Another root, called kice, or kace,[457] is much sought after. Of seeds they have the wocus,[458] and several varieties of grass-seeds. Among berries the huckleberry and the manzanita berry are the most plentiful.[459] The women do the cooking, root and berry gathering, and all the drudgery.

The winter stock of smoked fish hangs in the family room, sending forth an ancient and fish-like smell. Roots and seeds are, among some of the more northerly tribes, stored in large wicker boxes, built in the lower branches of strong, wide-spreading trees. The trunk of the tree below the granary is smeared with pitch to keep away vermin.[459] The Modocs are sometimes obliged to cache their winter hoard under rocks and bushes; the great number of their enemies and bad character of their ostensibly friendly neighbors, rendering it unsafe for them to store it in their villages. So cunningly do they conceal their treasure that one winter, after an unusually heavy fall of snow, they themselves could not find it, and numbers starved in consequence.[460]

Although the Northern Californians seldom fail to 341 take a cold bath in the morning, and frequently bathe at intervals during the day, yet they are never clean.[461]

The Northern Californians are not of a very warlike disposition, hence their weapons are few, being confined chiefly to the bow and arrow.[462] The bow is about three feet in length, made of yew, cedar, or some other tough or elastic wood, and generally painted. The back is flat, from an inch and a half to two inches wide, and covered with elk-sinews, which greatly add both to its strength and elasticity; the string is also of sinew. The bow is held horizontally when discharged, instead of perpendicularly as in most countries. The arrows are from two to three feet long, and are made sometimes of reed, sometimes of light wood. The points, which are of flint, obsidian, bone, iron, or copper, are ground to a very fine point, fastened firmly into a short piece of wood, and fitted into a socket in the main shaft, so that on withdrawing the arrow the head will be left in the wound. The feathered part, which is from five to eight inches long, is also sometimes a separate piece bound on with sinews. The quiver is made of the skin of a fox, wild-cat, or some other small animal, in the same shape as when the animal wore it, except at the tail end, where room is left for the feathered ends of arrows to project. It is usually carried on the arm.[463] 342

Mr Powers says: "doubtless many persons who have seen the flint arrow-heads made by the Indians, have wondered how they succeeded with their rude implements, in trimming them down to such sharp, thin points, without breaking them to pieces. The Veeards—and probably other tribes do likewise—employ for this purpose a pair of buck-horn pincers, tied together at the point with a thong. They first hammer out the arrow-head in the rough, and then with these pincers carefully nip off one tiny fragment after another, using that infinite patience which is characteristic of the Indian, spending days, perhaps weeks, on one piece. There are Indians who make arrows as a specialty, just as there are others who concoct herbs and roots for the healing of men."[464] The Shastas especially excelled in making obsidian arrow-heads; Mr Wilkes of the Exploring Expedition notices them as being "beautifully wrought," and Lyon, in a letter to the American Ethnological Society, communicated through Dr E. H. Davis, describes the very remarkable ingenuity and skill which they display 343 in this particular. The arrow-point maker, who is one of a regular guild, places the obsidian pebble upon an anvil of talcose slate and splits it with an agate chisel to the required size; then holding the piece with his finger and thumb against the anvil, he finishes it off with repeated slight blows, administered with marvelous adroitness and judgment. One of these artists made an arrow-point for Mr Lyon out of a piece of a broken porter-bottle. Owing to his not being acquainted with the grain of the glass, he failed twice, but the third time produced a perfect specimen.[465] The Wallies poison their arrows with rattlesnake-virus, but poisoned weapons seem to be the exception.[466] The bow is skilfully used; war-clubs are not common.[467]

Wars, though of frequent occurrence, were not particularly bloody. The casus belli was usually that which brought the Spartan King before the walls of Ilion, and Titus Tatius to incipient Rome—woman. It is true, the Northern Californians are less classic abductors than the spoilers of the Sabine women, but their wars ended in the same manner—the ravished fair cleaving to her warrior-lover. Religion also, that ever-fruitful source 344 of war, is not without its conflicts in savagedom; thus more than once the Shastas and the Umpquas have taken up arms because of wicked sorceries, which caused the death of the people.[468] So when one people obstructed the river with their weir, thereby preventing the ascent of salmon, there was nothing left for those above but to fight or starve.

Along Pitt River, pits from ten to fifteen feet deep were formerly dug, in which the natives caught man and beast. These man-traps, for such was their primary use, were small at the mouth, widening toward the bottom, so that exit was impossible, even were the victim to escape impalement upon sharpened elk and deer horns, which were favorably placed for his reception. The opening was craftily concealed by means of light sticks, over which earth was scattered, and the better to deceive the unwary traveler, footprints were frequently stamped with a moccasin in the loose soil. Certain landmarks and stones or branches, placed in a peculiar manner, warned the initiated, but otherwise there was no sign of impending danger.[469]

Some few nations maintain the predominancy and force the weaker to pay tribute.[470] When two of these dominant nations war with each other, the conflict is more sanguinary. No scalps are taken, but in some cases the head, hands, or feet of the conquered slain are severed as trophies. The Cahrocs sometimes fight hand to hand with ragged stones, which they use with deadly effect. The Rogue River Indians kill all their male prisoners, but spare the women and children.[471] The 345 elk-horn knives and hatchets are the result of much labor and patience.[472]

The women are very ingenious in plaiting grass, or fine willow-roots, into mats, baskets, hats, and strips of parti-colored braid for binding up the hair. On these, angular patterns are worked by using different shades of material, or by means of dyes of vegetable extraction. The baskets are of various sizes, from the flat, basin-shaped, water-tight, rush bowl for boiling food, to the large pointed cone which the women carry on their backs when root-digging or berry-picking.[473] They are also expert tanners, and, by a comparatively simple process, will render skins as soft and pliable as cloth. The hide is first soaked in water till the hair loosens, then stretched between trees or upright posts till half dry, when it is scraped thoroughly on both sides, well beaten with sticks, and the brains of some animal, heated at a fire, are rubbed on the inner side to soften it. Finally it is buried in moist ground for some weeks.

The interior tribes manifest no great skill in boat-making, but along the coast and near the mouth of the Klamath and Rogue rivers, very good canoes are found. They are still, however, inferior to those used on the Columbia and its tributaries. The lashed-up-hammock-shaped bundle of rushes, which is so frequently met in the more southern parts of California, has been seen on the Klamath,[474] but I have reason to think that it is only used as a matter of convenience, and not because no better boat is known. It is certain that dug-out canoes 346 were in use on the same river, and within a few miles of the spot where tule buoys obtain. The fact is, this bundle of rushes is the best craft that could be invented for salmon-spearing. Seated astride, the weight of the fisherman sinks it below the surface; he can move it noiselessly with his feet so that there is no splashing of paddles in the sun to frighten the fish; it cannot capsize, and striking a rock does it no injury. Canoes are hollowed from the trunk of a single redwood, pine, fir, sycamore, or cottonwood tree. They are blunt at both ends and on Rogue River many of them are flat-bottomed. It is a curious fact that some of these canoes are made from first to last without being touched with a sharp-edged tool of any sort. The native finds the tree ready felled by the wind, burns it off to the required length, and hollows it out by fire. Pitch is spread on the parts to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark prevents the flames from extending too far in the wrong direction. A small shelf, projecting inward from the stern, serves as a seat. Much trouble is sometimes taken with the finishing up of these canoes, in the way of scraping and polishing, but in shape they lack symmetry. On the coast they are frequently large; Mr Powers mentions having seen one at Smith River forty-two feet long, eight feet four inches wide, and capable of carrying twenty-four men and five tons of merchandise. The natives take great care of their canoes, and always cover them when out of the water to protect them from the sun. Should a crack appear they do not caulk it, but stitch the sides of the split tightly together with withes. They are propelled with a piece of wood, half pole, half paddle.[475] 347

Wealth, which is quite as important here as in any civilized communities, and of much more importance than is customary among savage nations, consists in shell-money, called allicochick, white deer-skins, canoes, and, indirectly, in women. The shell which is the regular circulating medium is white, hollow, about a quarter of an inch through, and from one to two inches in length. On its length depends its value. A gentleman, who writes from personal observation, says: "all of the older Indians have tattooed on their arms their standard of value. A piece of shell corresponding in length to one of the marks being worth five dollars, 'Boston money,' the scale gradually increases until the highest mark is reached. For five perfect shells corresponding in length to this mark they will readily give one hundred dollars in gold or silver."[476] White deer-skins are rare and considered very valuable, one constituting quite an estate in itself.[477] A scalp of the red-headed woodpecker is equivalent to about five dollars, and is extensively used as currency on the Klamath. Canoes are valued according to their size and finish. Wives, as they must be bought, are a sign of wealth, and the owner of many is respected accordingly.[478]

Among the Northern Californians, hereditary chieftainship is almost unknown. If the son succeed the father it is because the son has inherited the father's 348 wealth, and if a richer than he arise the ancient ruler is deposed and the new chief reigns in his stead. But to be chief means to have position, not power. He can advise, but not command; at least, if his subjects do not choose to obey him, he cannot compel obedience.

There is most frequently a head man to each village, and sometimes a chief of the whole tribe, but in reality each head of a family governs his own domestic circle as he thinks best. As in certain republics, when powerful applicants become multiplied—new offices are created, as salmon-chief, elk-chief, and the like. In one or two coast tribes the office is hereditary, as with the Patawats on Mad River, and that mysterious tribe at Trinidad Bay, mentioned by Mr Meyer, the Allequas.[479]

Their penal code is far from Draconian. A fine of a few strings of allicochick appeases the wrath of a murdered man's relatives and satisfies the requirements of custom. A woman may be slaughtered for half the sum it costs to kill a man. Occasionally banishment from the tribe is the penalty for murder, but capital punishment is never resorted to. The fine, whatever it is, must be promptly paid, or neither city of refuge nor sacred altar-horns will shield the murderer from the vengeance of his victim's friends.[480] 349

In vain do we look for traces of that Arcadian simplicity and disregard for worldly advantages generally accorded to children of nature. Although I find no description of an actual system of slavery existing among them, yet there is no doubt that they have slaves. We shall see that illegitimate children are considered and treated as such, and that women, entitled by courtesy wives, are bought and sold. Mr Drew asserts that the Klamath children of slave parents, who, it may be, prevent the profitable prostitution or sale of the mother, are killed without compunction.[481]

Marriage, with the Northern Californians, is essentially a matter of business. The young brave must not hope to win his bride by feats of arms or softer wooing, but must buy her of her father, like any other chattel, and pay the price at once, or resign in favor of a richer man. The inclinations of the girl are in nowise consulted; no matter where her affections are placed, she goes to the highest bidder, and "Mammon wins his way where seraphs might despair." Neither is it a trifling matter to be bought as a wife; the social position of the bride herself, as well as that of her father's family thereafter, depends greatly upon the price she brings; her value is voted by society at the price her husband pays for her, and the father whose daughter commands the greatest number of strings of allicochick, is greatly to be honored. The purchase effected, the successful suitor leads his blushing property to his hut and she becomes his wife without further ceremony. Wherever this system of wife-purchase obtains, the rich old men almost absorb the female youth and beauty of the tribe, while the younger and poorer men must content themselves 350 with old and ugly wives. Hence their eagerness for that wealth which will enable them to throw away their old wives and buy new ones. When a marriage takes place among the Modocs, a feast is given at the house of the bride's father, in which, however, neither she nor the bridegroom partake. The girl is escorted by the women to a lodge, previously furnished by public contributions, where she is subsequently joined by the man, who is conducted by his male friends. All the company bear torches, which are piled up as a fire in the lodge of the wedded pair, who are then left alone. In some tribes this wife-traffic is done on credit, or at least partially so; but the credit system is never so advantageous to the buyer as the ready-money system, for until the full price is paid, the man is only 'half-married,' and besides he must live with his wife's family and be their slave until he shall have paid in full.[482] The children of a wife who has cost her husband nothing are considered no better than bastards, and are treated by society with contumely; nobody associates with them, and they become essentially ostracized. In all this there is one redeeming feature for the wife-buyer; should he happen to make a bad bargain he can, in most instances, send his wife home and get his money back. Mr Gibbs asserts that they shoot their wives when tired of them, but this appears inconsistent with custom.

Polygamy is almost universal, the number of wives depending only on the limit of a man's wealth. The loss of one eye, or expulsion from the tribe, are common punishments for adultery committed by a man. A string of beads, however, makes amends. Should the wife venture 351 on any irregularity without just compensation, the outraged honor of her lord is never satisfied until he has seen her publicly disemboweled. Among the Hoopahs the women are held irresponsible and the men alone suffer for the crime.[483] Illegitimate children are life-slaves to some male relative of the mother, and upon them the drudgery falls; they are only allowed to marry one in their own station, and their sole hope of emancipation lies in a slow accumulation of allicochick, with which they can buy their freedom. We are told by Mr Powers that a Modoc may kill his mother-in-law with impunity. Adultery, being attended with so much danger, is comparatively rare, but among the unmarried, who have nothing to fear, a gross licentiousness prevails.[484]

Among the Muckalucs a dance is instituted in honor of the arrival of the girls at the age of puberty. On the Klamath, during the period of menstruation the women are banished from the village, and no man may approach them. Although the principal labor falls to the lot of the women, the men sometimes assist in building the wigwam, or even in gathering acorns and roots.[485] Kane mentions that the Shastas, or, as he calls them, the Chastays, frequently sell their children as slaves to the Chinooks.[486] Dances and festivities, of a religio-playful 352 character, are common, as when a whale is stranded, an elk snared, or when the salmon come. There is generally a kind of thanksgiving-day once a year, when the people of neighboring tribes meet and dance. The annual feast of the Veeards is a good illustration of the manner of these entertainments. The dance, which takes place in a large wigwam, is performed by as many men as there is room for, and a small proportion of women. They move in a circle slowly round the fire, accompanying themselves with their peculiar chant. Each individual is dressed in all the finery he can muster; every valuable he possesses in the way of shells, furs, or woodpecker-scalps, does duty on this occasion; so that the wealth of the dancers may be reckoned at a glance. When the dance has concluded, an old gray-beard of the tribe rises, and pronounces a thanksgiving oration, wherein he enumerates the benefits received, the riches accumulated, and the victories won during the year; exhorting the hearers meanwhile, by good conduct and moral behavior, to deserve yet greater benefits. This savage Nestor is listened to in silence and with respect; his audience seeming to drink in with avidity every drop of wisdom that falls from his lips; but no sooner is the harangue concluded than every one does his best to violate the moral precepts so lately inculcated, by a grand debauch.

The Cahrocs have a similar festival, which they call the Feast of the Propitiation. Its object is much the same as that of the feast just described, but in place of the orator, the chief personage of the day is called the Chareya, which is also the appellation of their deity. No little honor attaches to the position, but much suffering is also connected with it. It is the duty of the Chareya-man to retire into the mountains, with one attendant only, and there to remain for ten days, eating only enough to keep breath in his body. Meanwhile the Cahrocs congregate in honor of the occasion, dance, sing, and make merry. When the appointed period has elapsed, the Chareya-man returns to camp, or is carried 353 by deputies sent out for the purpose, if he have not strength to walk. His bearers are blindfolded, for no human being may look upon the face of the Chareya-man and live. His approach is the signal for the abrupt breaking up of the festivities. The revelers disperse in terror, and conceal themselves as best they may to avoid catching sight of the dreaded face, and where a moment before all was riot and bustle, a deathly stillness reigns. Then the Chareya-man is conducted to the sweat-house, where he remains for a time. And now the real Propitiation-Dance takes place, the men alone participating in its sacred movements, which are accompanied by the low, monotonous chant of singers. The dance over, all solemnity vanishes, and a lecherous saturnalia ensues, which will not bear description. The gods are conciliated, catastrophes are averted, and all is joy and happiness.[487]

A passion for gambling obtains among the northern Californians as elsewhere. Nothing is too precious or too insignificant to be staked, from a white or black deer-skin, which is almost priceless, down to a wife, or any other trifle. In this manner property changes hands with great rapidity.

I have already stated that on the possession of riches depend power, rank, and social position, so that there is really much to be lost or won. They have a game played with little sticks, of which some are black, but the most white. These they throw around in a circle, the object being seemingly to make the black ones go farther than the white. A kind of guess-game is played with clay balls.[488] There is also an international game, played between friendly tribes, which closely resembles our 'hockey.' Two poles are set up in the ground at some distance apart, and each side, being armed with sticks, endeavors to drive a wooden ball round the goal opposite to it.[489] 354 In almost all their games and dances they are accompanied by a hoarse chanting, or by some kind of uncouth music produced by striking on a board with lobster-claws fastened to sticks, or by some other equally primitive method. Before the introduction of spirituous liquors by white men drunkenness was unknown. With their tobacco for smoking, they mix a leaf called kinnik-kinnik.[490]

The diseases and ailments most prevalent among these people are scrofula, consumption, rheumatism, a kind of leprosy, affection of the lungs, and sore eyes, the last arising from the dense smoke which always pervades their cabins.[491] In addition to this they have imaginary disorders caused by wizards, witches, and evil spirits, who, as they believe, cause snakes and other reptiles to enter into their bodies and gnaw their vitals. Some few roots and herbs used are really efficient medicine, but they rely almost entirely upon the mummeries and incantations of their medicine men and women.[492] Their whole system of therapeutics having superstition for a basis, mortality is great among them, which may be one of the causes of the continent being, comparatively speaking, so thinly populated at the time of its discovery. Syphilis, one of the curses for which they may thank the white man, has made fearful havoc among 355 them. Women doctors seem to be more numerous than men in this region; acquiring their art in the temescal or sweat-house, where unprofessional women are not admitted. Their favorite method of cure seems to consist in sucking the affected part of the patient until the blood flows, by which means they pretend to extract the disease. Sometimes the doctress vomits a frog, previously swallowed for the occasion, to prove that she has not sucked in vain. She is frequently assisted by a second physician, whose duty it is to discover the exact spot where the malady lies, and this she effects by barking like a dog at the patient until the spirit discovers to her the place. Mr Gibbs mentions a case where the patient was first attended by four young women, and afterward by the same number of old ones. Standing round the unfortunate, they went through a series of violent gesticulations, sitting down when they could stand no longer, sucking, with the most laudable perseverance, and moaning meanwhile most dismally. Finally, when with their lips and tongue they had raised blisters all over the patient, and had pounded his miserable body with hands and knees until they were literally exhausted, the performers executed a swooning scene, in which they sank down apparently insensible.[493] The Rogue River medicine-men are supposed to be able to wield their mysterious power for harm, as well as for good, so that should a patient die, his relatives kill the doctor who attended him; or in case deceased could not afford medical attendance, they kill the first unfortunate disciple of Æsculapius they can lay hands on, frequently murdering one belonging to another tribe; his death, however, must be paid for.[494]

But the great institution of the Northern Californians is their temescal, or sweat-house, which consists of a 356 hole dug in the ground, and roofed over in such a manner as to render it almost air-tight. A fire is built in the centre in early fall, and is kept alive till the following spring, as much attention being given to it as ever was paid to the sacred fires of Hestia; though between the subterranean temescal, with its fetid atmosphere, and lurid fire-glow glimmering faintly through dense smoke on swart, gaunt forms of savages, and the stately temple on the Forum, fragrant with fumes of incense, the lambent altar-flame glistening on the pure white robes of the virgin priestesses, there is little likeness. The temescal[495] is usually built on the brink of a stream; a small hatchway affords entrance, which is instantly closed after the person going in or out. Here congregate the men of the village and enact their sudorific ceremonies, which ordinarily consist in squatting round the fire until a state of profuse perspiration sets in, when they rush out and plunge into the water. Whether this mode of treatment is more potent to kill or to cure is questionable. The sweat-house serves not only as bath and medicine room, but also as a general rendezvous for the male drones of the village. The women, with the exception of those practicing or studying medicine, are forbidden its sacred precincts on pain of death; thus it offers as convenient a refuge for henpecked husbands as a civilized club-house. In many of the tribes the men sleep in the temescal during the winter, which, notwithstanding the disgusting impurity of the atmosphere, affords them a snug retreat from the cold gusty weather common to this region.[496]

Incremation obtains but slightly among the Northern Californians, the body usually being buried in a recumbent position. The possessions of the deceased are either 357 interred with him, or are hung around the grave; sometimes his house is burned and the ashes strewn over his burial-place. Much noisy lamentation on the part of his relatives takes place at his death, and the widow frequently manifests her grief by sitting on, or even half burying herself in, her husband's grave for some days, howling most dismally meanwhile, and refusing food and drink; or, on the upper Klamath, by cutting her hair close to the head, and so wearing it until she obtains consolation in another spouse. The Modocs hired mourners to lament at different places for a certain number of days, so that the whole country was filled with lamentation. These paid mourners were closely watched, and disputes frequently arose as to whether they had fulfilled their contract or not.[497] Occasionally the body is doubled up and interred in a sitting position, and, rarely, it is burned instead of buried. On the Klamath a fire is kept burning near the grave for several nights after the burial, for which rite various reasons are assigned. Mr Powers states that it is to light the departed shade across a certain greased pole, which is supposed to constitute its only approach to a better world. Mr Gibbs affirms that the fire is intended to scare away the devil, obviously an unnecessary precaution as applied to the Satan of civilization, who by this time must be pretty familiar with the element. The grave is generally covered with a slab of wood, and sometimes two more are placed erect at the head and foot; that of a chief is often surrounded with a fence; nor must the name of a dead person ever be mentioned under any circumstances.[498] 358

The following vivid description of a last sickness and burial by the Pitt River Indians, is taken from the letter of a lady eye-witness to her son in San Francisco:—

It was evening. We seated ourselves upon a log, your father, Bertie, and I, near the fire round which the natives had congregated to sing for old Gesnip, the chief's wife. Presently Sootim, the doctor, appeared, dressed in a low-necked, loose, white muslin, sleeveless waist fastened to a breech-cloth, and red buck-skin cap fringed and ornamented with beads; the face painted with white stripes down to the chin, the arms from wrist to shoulder, in black, red, and white circles, which by the lurid camp-fire looked like bracelets, and the legs in white and black stripes,—presenting altogether a merry-Andrew appearance. Creeping softly along, singing in a low, gradually-increasing voice, Sootim approached the invalid and poised his hands over her as in the act of blessing. The one nearest him took up the song, singing low at first, then the next until the circle was completed; after this the pipe went round; then the doctor taking a sip of water, partly uncovered the patient and commenced sucking the left side; last of all he took a pinch of dirt and blew it over her. This is their curative process, continued night after night, and long into the night, until the patient recovers or dies.

Next day the doctor came to see me, and I determined if possible to ascertain his own ideas of these things. Giving him some muck-a-muck,[499] I asked him, "What do you say when you talk over old Gesnip?" "I talk to the trees, and to the springs, and birds, and sky, and rocks," replied Sootim, "to the wind, and rain, and 359 leaves, I beg them all to help me." Iofalet, the doctor's companion on this occasion, volunteered the remark: "When Indian die, doctor very shamed, all same Boston doctor;[500] when Indian get well, doctor very smart, all same Boston doctor." Gesnip said she wanted after death to be put in a box and buried in the ground, and not burned. That same day the poor old woman breathed her last—the last spark of that wonderful thing called life flickered and went out; there remained in that rude camp the shriveled dusky carcass, the low dim intelligence that so lately animated it having fled—whither? When I heard of it I went to the camp and found them dressing the body. First they put on Gesnip her best white clothes, then the next best, placing all the while whatever was most valuable, beads, belts, and necklaces, next the body. Money they put into the mouth, her daughter contributing about five dollars. The knees were then pressed up against the chest, and after all of her own clothing was put on, the body was rolled up in the best family bear-skin, and tied with strips of buckskin.

Then Soomut, the chief and husband, threw the bundle over his shoulders, and started off for the cave where they deposit their dead, accompanied by the whole band crying and singing, and throwing ashes from the camp-fire into the air. And thus the old barbarian mourns: "Soomut had two wives—one good, one bad; but she that was good was taken away, while she that is bad remains. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" And the mournful procession take up the refrain: "O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" Again the ancient chief: "Soomut has a little boy, Soomut has a little girl, but no one is left to cook their food, no one to dig them roots. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" followed by the chorus. Then again Soomut: "White woman knows that Gesnip was 360 strong to work; she told me her sorrow when Gesnip died. O Gesnip gone, gone, gone!" and this was kept up during the entire march, the dead wife's virtues sung and chorused by the whole tribe, accompanied by the scattering of ashes and lamentations which now had become very noisy. The lady further states that the scene at the grave was so impressive that she was unable to restrain her tears. No wonder then that these impulsive children of nature carry their joy and sorrow to excess, even so far as in this instance, where the affectionate daughter of the old crone had to be held by her companions from throwing herself into the grave of her dead mother. After all, how slight the shades of difference in hearts human, whether barbaric or cultured!

As before mentioned, the ruling passion of the savage seems to be love of wealth; having it, he is respected, without it he is despised; consequently he is treacherous when it profits him to be so, thievish when he can steal without danger, cunning when gain is at stake, brave in defense of his lares and penates. Next to his excessive venality, abject superstition forms the most prominent feature of his character. He seems to believe that everything instinct with animal life—with some, as with the Siahs, it extends to vegetable life also—is possessed by evil spirits; horrible fancies fill his imagination. The rattling of acorns on the roof, the rustling of leaves in the deep stillness of the forest is sufficient to excite terror. His wicked spirit is the very incarnation of fiendishness; a monster who falls suddenly upon the unwary traveler in solitary places and rends him in pieces, and whose imps are ghouls that exhume the dead to devour them.[501]

Were it not for the diabolic view he takes of nature, his life would be a comparatively easy one. His wants are few, and such as they are, he has the means of supplying them. He is somewhat of a stoic, his motto being 361 never do to-day what can be put off until to-morrow, and he concerns himself little with the glories of peace or war. Now and then we find him daubing himself with great stripes of paint, and looking ferocious, but ordinarily he prefers the calm of the peaceful temescal to the din of battle. The task of collecting a winter store of food he converts into a kind of summer picnic, and altogether is inclined to make the best of things, in spite of the annoyance given him in the way of reservations and other benefits of civilization. Taken as a whole, the Northern Californian is not such a bad specimen of a savage, as savages go, but filthiness and greed are not enviable qualities, and he has a full share of both.[502]

The Central Californians occupy a yet larger extent of territory, comprising the whole of that portion of California extending, north and south, from about 40° 30´ to 35°, and, east and west, from the Pacific Ocean to the Californian boundary. 362

The Native Races of this region are not divided, as in the northern part of the state, into comparatively large tribes, but are scattered over the face of the country in innumerable little bands, with a system of nomenclature so intricate as to puzzle an Œdipus. Nevertheless, as among the most important, I may mention the following: The Tehamas, from whom the county takes its name; the Pomos, which name signifies 'people', and is the collective appellation of a number of tribes living in Potter Valley, where the head-waters of Eel and Russian rivers interlace, and extending west to the ocean and south to Clear Lake. Each tribe of the nation takes a distinguishing prefix to the name of Pomo, as, the Castel Pomos and Ki Pomos on the head-waters of Eel River; the Pome Pomos, Earth People, in Potter Valley; the Cahto Pomos, in the valley of that name; the Choam Chadéla Pomos, Pitch-pine People, in Redwood Valley; the Matomey Ki Pomos, Wooded Valley People, about Little Lake; the Usals, or Camalél Pomos, Coast People, on Usal Creek; the Shebalne Pomos, Neighbor People, in Sherwood Valley, and many others. On Russian River, the Gallinomeros occupy the valley below Healdsburg; the Sanéls, Socoas, Lamas, and Seacos, live in the vicinity of the village of Sanél; the Comachos dwell in Ranchería and Anderson valleys; the Ukiahs, or Yokias, near the town of Ukiah, which is a corruption of their name;[503] the Gualalas[504] on the creek which takes its name from them, about twenty miles above the mouth of Russian River. On the borders of Clear Lake were the Lopillamillos, the Mipacmas, and Tyugas; the Yolos, or Yolays, that is to say, 'region thick with rushes,' of which the present name of the county of Yolo is a corruption, lived on Cache Creek; the Colusas occupied the west bank of the Sacramento; in the Valley of the Moon, as the Sonomas called their country, besides themselves there were the Guillicas, the Kanimares, the Simbalakees, 363 the Petalumas, and the Wapos; the Yachichumnes inhabited the country between Stockton and Mount Diablo. According to Hittel, there were six tribes in Napa Valley: the Mayacomas, the Calajomanas, the Caymus, the Napas, the Ulucas, and the Suscols; Mr Taylor also mentions the Guenocks, the Tulkays, and the Socollomillos; in Suisun Valley were the Suisunes, the Pulpones, the Tolenos, and the Ullulatas; the tribe of the celebrated chief Marin lived near the mission of San Rafael, and on the ocean-coast of Marin County were the Bolanos and Tamales; the Karquines lived on the straits of that name. Humboldt and Mülhlenpfordt mention the Matalanes, Salses, and Quirotes, as living round the bay of San Francisco. According to Adam Johnson, who was Indian agent for California in 1850, the principal tribes originally living at the Mission Dolores, and Yerba Buena, were the Ahwashtes, Altahmos, Romanans, and Tulomos; Choris gives the names of more than fifteen tribes seen at the Mission, Chamisso of nineteen, and transcribed from the mission books to the Tribal Boundaries of this group, are the names of nearly two hundred rancherías. The Socoisukas, Thamiens, and Gergecensens roamed through Santa Clara County. The Olchones inhabited the coast between San Francisco and Monterey; in the vicinity of the latter place were the Rumsens or Runsiens, the Ecclemaches, Escelens or Eslens, the Achastliens, and the Mutsunes. On the San Joaquin lived the Costrowers, the Pitiaches, Talluches, Loomnears, and Amonces; on Fresno River the Chowclas, Cookchaneys, Fonechas, Nookchues, and Howetsers; the Eemitches and Cowiahs, lived on Four Creeks; the Waches, Notoowthas, and Chunemmes on King River, and on Tulare Lake, the Talches and Woowells.

In their aboriginal manners and customs they differ but little, so little, in fact, that one description will apply to the whole division within the above-named limits. The reader will therefore understand that, except where a tribe is specially named, I am speaking of the whole people collectively. 364

The conflicting statements of men who had ample opportunity for observation, and who saw the people they describe, if not in the same place, at least in the same vicinity, render it difficult to give a correct description of their physique. They do not appear to deteriorate toward the coast, or improve toward the interior, so uniformly as their northern neighbors; but this may be accounted for by the fact that several tribes that formerly lived on the coast have been driven inland by the settlers and vice versa.

Some ethnologists see in the Californians a stock different from that of any other American race; but the more I dwell upon the subject, the more convinced I am, that, except in the broader distinctions, specific classifications of humanity are but idle speculations. Their height rarely exceeds five feet eight inches, and is more frequently five feet four or five inches, and although strongly they are seldom symmetrically built. A low retreating forehead, black deep-set eyes, thick bushy eyebrows, salient cheek-bones, a nose depressed at the root and somewhat wide-spreading at the nostrils, a large mouth with thick prominent lips, teeth large and white, but not always regular, and rather large ears, is the prevailing type. Their complexion is much darker than that of the tribes farther north, often being nearly black; so that with their matted, bushy hair, which is frequently cut short, they present a very uncouth appearance.[505] 365

The question of beard has been much mooted; some travelers asserting that they are bearded like Turks, 366 others that they are beardless as women. Having carefully compared the pros and cons, I think I am justified in stating that the Central Californians have beards, 367 though not strong ones, and that some tribes suffer it to grow, while others pluck it out as soon as it appears.[506]

During summer, except on festal occasions, the apparel of the men is of the most primitive character, a slight strip of covering round the loins being full dress; but even this is unusual, the majority preferring to be perfectly unencumbered by clothing. In winter the skin of a deer or other animal is thrown over the shoulders, or sometimes a species of rope made from the feathers of water-fowl, or strips of otter-skin, twisted together, is wound round the body, forming an effectual protection against the weather. The women are scarcely better clad, their summer costume being a fringed apron of tule-grass, which falls from the waist before and behind 368 nearly down to the knees, and is open at the sides. Some tribes in the northern part of the Sacramento Valley wear the round bowl-shaped hat worn by the natives on the Klamath. During the cold season a half-tanned deer-skin, or the rope garment above mentioned, is added. The hair is worn in various styles. Some bind it up in a knot on the back of the head, others draw it back and club it behind; farther south it is worn cut short, and occasionally we find it loose and flowing. It is not uncommon to see the head adorned with chaplets of leaves or flowers, reminding one of a badly executed bronze of Apollo or Bacchus. Ear-ornaments are much in vogue; a favorite variety being a long round piece of carved bone or wood, sometimes with beads attached, which is also used as a needle-case. Strings of shells and beads also serve as ear-ornaments and necklaces. The head-dress for gala days and dances is elaborate, composed of gay feathers, skillfully arranged in various fashions.[507] 369

Tattooing is universal with the women, though confined within narrow limits. They mark the chin in 370 perpendicular lines drawn downward from the corners and centre of the mouth, in the same manner as the Northern Californians; they also tattoo slightly on the neck and breast. It is said that by these marks women of different tribes can be easily distinguished. The men rarely tattoo, but paint the body in stripes and grotesque patterns to a considerable extent. Red was the favorite color, except for mourning, when black was used. The friars succeeded in abolishing this custom except on occasions of mourning, when affection for their dead would not permit them to relinquish it. The New Almaden cinnabar mine has been from time immemorial a source of contention between adjacent tribes. Thither, from a hundred miles away, resorted vermilion-loving savages, and often such visits were not free from blood-shed.[508] 371 A thick coat of mud sometimes affords protection from a chilly wind. It is a convenient dress, as it costs nothing, is easily put on, and is no incumbrance to the wearer. The nudity of the savage more often proceeds from an indifference to clothing than from actual want. No people are found entirely destitute of clothing when the weather is cold, and if they can manage to obtain garments of any sort at one time of year they can at another.

Their dwellings are about as primitive as their dress. In summer all they require is to be shaded from the sun, and for this a pile of bushes or a tree will suffice. The winter huts are a little more pretentious. These are sometimes erected on the level ground, but more frequently over an excavation three or four feet deep, and varying from ten to thirty feet in diameter. Round the brink of this hole willow poles are sunk upright in the ground and the tops drawn together, forming a conical structure, or the upper ends are bent over 372 and driven into the earth on the opposite side of the pit, thus giving the hut a semi-globular shape. Bushes, or strips of bark, are then piled up against the poles, and the whole is covered with a thick layer of earth or mud. In some instances, the interstices of the frame are filled by twigs woven cross-wise, over and under, between the poles, and the outside covering is of tule-reeds instead of earth. A hole at the top gives egress to the smoke, and a small opening close to the ground admits the occupants.

Each hut generally shelters a whole family of relations by blood and marriage, so that the dimensions of the habitation depend on the size of the family.[509]

Thatched oblong houses are occasionally met with in Russian River Valley, and Mr Powers mentions having seen one among the Gallinomeros which was of the form of the letter L, made of slats leaned up against each other, and heavily thatched. Along the centre the different families or generations had their fires, while they slept next the walls. Three narrow holes served as doors, one at either end and one at the elbow.[510] A collection 373 of native huts is in California called a ranchería, from rancho, a word first applied by the Spaniards to the spot where, in the island of Cuba, food was distributed to repartimiento Indians.

The bestial laziness of the Central Californian prevents him from following the chase to any extent, or from even inventing efficient game-traps. Deer are, however, sometimes shot with bow and arrow. The hunter, disguised with the head and horns of a stag, creeps through the long grass to within a few yards of the unsuspecting herd, and drops the fattest buck at his pleasure. Small game, such as hares, rabbits, and birds, are also shot with the arrow. Reptiles and insects of all descriptions not poisonous are greedily devoured; in fact, any life-sustaining substance which can be procured with little trouble, is food for them. But their main reliance is on acorns, roots, grass-seeds, berries and the like. These are eaten both raw and prepared. The acorns are shelled, dried in the sun, and then pounded into a powder with large stones. From this flour a species of coarse bread is made, which is sometimes flavored with various kinds of berries or herbs. This bread is of a black color when cooked, of about the consistency of cheese, and is said, by those who have tasted it, to be not at all unpalatable.[511] The dough is frequently boiled into pudding instead of being baked. A sort of mush is made from clover-seed, which is also described as being rather a savory dish. Grasshoppers constitute another toothsome delicacy. When 374 for winter use, they are dried in the sun; when for present consumption, they are either mashed into a paste, which is eaten with the fingers, ground into a fine powder and mixed with mush, or they are saturated with salt water, placed in a hole in the ground previously heated, covered with hot stones, and eaten like shrimps when well roasted. Dried chrysalides are considered a bonne bouche, as are all varieties of insects and worms. The boiled dishes are cooked in water-tight baskets, into which hot stones are dropped. Meat is roasted on sticks before the fire, or baked in a hole in the ground. The food is conveyed to the mouth with the fingers.

Grasshoppers are taken in pits, into which they are driven by setting the grass on fire, or by beating the grass in a gradually lessening circle, of which the pit is the centre. For seed-gathering two baskets are used; a large one, which is borne on the back, and another smaller and scoop-shaped, which is carried in the hand; with this latter the tops of the ripe grass are swept, and the seed thus taken is thrown over the left shoulder into the larger basket. The seeds are then parched and pulverized, and usually stored as pinole,[512] for winter use.[513] 375 When acorns are scarce the Central Californian resorts to a curious expedient to obtain them. The woodpecker, or carpintero as the Spaniards call it, stores away acorns for its own use in the trunks of trees. Each acorn is placed in a separate hole, which it fits quite tightly. These the natives take; but it is never until hunger compels them to do so, as they have great respect for their little caterer, and would hold it sacrilege to rob him except in time of extreme need.[514] Wild fowl are taken with a net stretched across a narrow stream between two poles, one on either bank. Decoys are placed on the water just before the net, one end of which is fastened to the top of the pole on the farther bank. A line passing through a hole in the top of the pole on the bank where the fowler is concealed, is attached to the 376 nearest end of the net, which is allowed to hang low. When the fowl fly rapidly up to the decoys, this end is suddenly raised with a jerk, so that the birds strike it with great force, and, stunned by the shock, fall into a large pouch, contrived for the purpose in the lower part of the net.[515]

Fish are both speared and netted. A long pole, projecting sometimes as much as a hundred feet over the stream, is run out from the bank. The farther end is supported by a small raft or buoy. Along this boom the net is stretched, the nearer corner being held by a native. As soon as a fish becomes entangled in the meshes it can be easily felt, and the net is then hauled in.[516] On the coast a small fish resembling the sardine is caught on the beach in the receding waves by means of a hand-net, in the manner practiced by the Northern Californian heretofore described.[517] The Central Californians do not hunt the whale, but it is a great day with them when one is stranded.[518] In reality their food was not so bad as some writers assert. Before the arrival of miners game was so plentiful that even the lazy natives could supply their necessities. The 'nobler race,' as usual, thrust them down upon a level with swine. Johnson thus describes the feeding of the natives at Sutter's Fort: "Long troughs inside the walls were filled with a kind of boiled mush made of the wheat-bran; and the Indians, huddled in rows upon their knees before these troughs, quickly conveyed their contents by the hand to the mouth." "But," writes Powers to the author, "it is a well-established fact that California Indians, even when reared by Americans from infancy, if they have 377 been permitted to associate meantime with others of their race, will, in the season of lush blossoming clover, go out and eat it in preference to all other food."[519]

In their personal habits they are filthy in the extreme. Both their dwellings and their persons abound in vermin, which they catch and eat in the same manner as their northern neighbors.[520]

Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and sometimes clubs. The first-named do not differ in any essential respect from those described as being used by the Northern Californians. They are well made, from two and a half to three feet long, and backed with sinew; the string of wild flax or sinew, and partially covered with bird's down or a piece of skin, to deaden the twang.

The arrows are short, made of reed or light wood, and winged with three or four feathers. The head is of flint, bone, obsidian, or volcanic glass, sometimes barbed and sometimes diamond-shaped. It is fastened loosely to the shaft, and can be extracted only from a wound by cutting it out. The shaft is frequently painted in order that the owner may be able to distinguish his own arrows from others. Spears, or rather javelins, are used, seldom exceeding from four and a half to five feet in length. They are made of some tough kind of wood and headed with the same materials as the arrows. Occasionally the point of the stick is merely sharpened and hardened in the fire.[521] The head of the 378 fishing-spear is movable, being attached to the shaft by a line, so that when a fish is struck the pole serves as a float. Some of the tribes formerly poisoned their arrows, but it is probable that the custom never prevailed 379 to any great extent. M. du Petit-Thouars was told that they used for this purpose a species of climbing plant which grows in shady places. It is said that they also poison their weapons with the venom of serpents.[522] Pedro Fages mentions that the natives in the country round San Miguel use a kind of sabre, made of hard wood, shaped like a cimeter, and edged with sharp flints. This they employ for hunting as well as in war, and with such address that they rarely fail to break the leg of the animal at which they hurl it.[523]

Battles, though frequent, were not attended with much loss of life. Each side was anxious for the fight to be over, and the first blood would often terminate the contest. Challenging by heralds obtained. Thus the Shumeias challenge the Pomos by placing three little sticks, notched in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept, they tie a string round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place, and the battle comes off as appointed.[524] Among some tribes, children are sent by mutual arrangement into the enemy's ranks during the heat of battle to pick up the fallen arrows and carry them back to their owners to be used again.[525] When fighting, they stretch out in a long single line and endeavor by shouts and gestures to intimidate the foe.[526] 380

Notwithstanding the mildness of their disposition and the inferiority of their weapons, the Central Californians do not lack courage in battle, and when captured will meet their fate with all the stoicism of a true Indian. For many years after the occupation of the country by the Spaniards, by abandoning their villages and lying in ambush upon the approach of the enemy, they were enabled to resist the small squads of Mexicans sent against them from the presidios for the recovery of deserters from the missions. During the settlement of the country by white people, there were the usual skirmishes growing out of wrong and oppression on the one side, and retaliation on the other; the usual uprising among miners and rancheros, and vindication of border law, which demanded the massacre of a village for the stealing of a cow.

Trespass on lands and abduction of women are the usual causes of war among themselves. Opposing armies, on approaching each other in battle array, dance and leap from side to side in order to prevent their enemies from taking deliberate aim. Upon the invasion of their territory they rapidly convey the intelligence by means of signals. A great smoke is made upon the nearest hilltop, which is quickly repeated upon the surrounding hills, and thus a wide extent of country is aroused in a remarkably short time.

The custom of scalping, though not universal in California, was practiced in some localities. The yet more barbarous habit of cutting off the hands, feet, or head of a fallen enemy, as trophies of victory, prevailed more widely. They also plucked out and carefully preserved the eyes of the slain.

It has been asserted that these savages were cannibals, and there seems to be good reason to believe that they did devour pieces of the flesh of a renowned enemy slain in battle. Human flesh was, however, not eaten as food, nor for the purpose of wreaking vengeance on or showing hate for a dead adversary, but because they thought that by eating part of a brave man they absorbed a portion 381 of his courage. They do not appear to have kept or sold prisoners as slaves, but to have either exchanged or killed them.[527]

They are not ingenious, and manufacture but few articles requiring any skill. The principal of these are the baskets in which, as I have already mentioned, they carry water and boil their food. They are made of fine grass, so closely woven as to be perfectly water-tight, and are frequently ornamented with feathers, beads, shells, and the like, worked into them in a very pretty manner. Fletcher, who visited the coast with Sir Francis Drake in 1579, describes them as being "made in fashion like a deep boale, and though the matter were rushes, or such other kind of stuffe, yet it was so cunningly handled that the most part of them would hold water; about the brimmes they were hanged with peeces of the shels of pearles, and in some places with two or three linkes at a place, of the chaines forenamed ... and besides this, they were wrought vpon with the matted downe of red feathers, distinguished into diuers workes and formes."[528] The baskets are of various sizes and 382 shapes, the most common being conical or wide and flat. Their pipes are straight, the bowl being merely a continuation of the stem, only thicker and hollowed out.[529]

It is a singular fact that these natives about the bay of San Francisco and the regions adjacent, had no canoes of any description. Their only means of navigation were bundles of tule-rushes about ten feet long and three or four wide, lashed firmly together in rolls, and pointed at both ends. They were propelled, either end foremost, with long double-bladed paddles. In calm weather, and on a river, the centre, or thickest part of these rafts might be tolerably dry, but in rough water the rower, who sat astride, was up to his waist in water.[530] It has 383 been asserted that they even ventured far out to sea on them, but that this was common I much doubt.[531] They were useful to spear fish from, but for little else; in proof of which I may mention, on the authority of Roquefeuil, that in 1809-11, the Koniagas employed by the Russians at Bodega, killed seals and otters in San Francisco Bay under the very noses of the Spaniards, and in spite of all the latter, who appear to have had no boats of their own, could do to prevent them. In their light skin baidarkas, each with places for two persons only, these bold northern boatmen would drop down the coast from Bodega Bay, where the Russians were stationed, or cross over from the Farallones in fleets of from forty to fifty boats, and entering the Golden Gate creep along the northern shore, beyond the range of the Presidio's guns, securely establish themselves upon the islands of the bay and pursue their avocation unmolested. For three years, namely from 1809 to 1811, these northern fishermen held possession of the bay of San Francisco, during which time they captured over eight thousand otters. Finally, it occurred to the governor, Don Luis Argüello, that it would be well for the Spaniards to have boats of their own. Accordingly four were built, but they were so clumsily constructed, ill equipped, and poorly manned, that had the Russians and Koniagas felt disposed, they could easily have continued their incursions. Once within the entrance, these northern barbarians were masters of the bay, and such was their sense of security that they would sometimes venture for a time to stretch their limbs upon the shore. The capture of several of their number, however, by the soldiers from the fort, made them more wary thereafter. Maurelle, who touched at Point Arenas in 1775, but did 384 not enter the bay of San Francisco, says that "a vast number of Indians now presented themselves on both points, who passed from one to the other in small canoes made of fule, where they talked loudly for two hours or more, till at last two of them came alongside of the ship, and most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head, and a canister of seeds which tasted much like walnuts." The only account of this voyage in my possession is an English translation, in which "canoes made of fule" might easily have been mistaken for boats or floats of tule.[532] Split logs were occasionally used to cross rivers, and frequently all means of transportation were dispensed with, and swimming resorted to.

Captain Phelps, in a letter to the author, mentions having seen skin boats, or baidarkas, on the Sacramento River, but supposes that they were left there by those same Russian employés.[533] Vancouver, speaking of a canoe which he saw below Monterey, says: "Instead of being composed of straw, like those we had seen on our first visit to San Francisco, it was neatly formed of wood, much after the Nootka fashion, and was navigated with much adroitness by four natives of the country. Their paddles were about four feet long with a blade at each end; these were handled with great dexterity, either entirely on one side or alternately on each side of their canoe."[534] I account for the presence of this canoe in the same manner that Captain Phelps accounts for the 385 skin canoes on the Sacramento, and think that it must have come either from the south or north.

The probable cause of this absence of boats in Central California is the scarcity of suitable, favorably located timber. Doubtless if the banks of the Sacramento and the shores of San Francisco Bay had been lined with large straight pine or fir trees, their waters would have been filled with canoes; yet after all, this is but a poor excuse; for not only on the hills and mountains, at a little distance from the water, are forests of fine trees, but quantities of driftwood come floating down every stream during the rainy season, out of which surely sufficient material could be secured for some sort of boats.

Shells of different kinds, but especially the variety known as aulone, form the circulating medium. They are polished, sometimes ground down to a certain size, and arranged on strings of different lengths.[535]

Chieftainship is hereditary, almost without exception. In a few instances I find it depending upon wealth, influence, family, or prowess in war, but this rarely. In some parts, in default of male descent, the females of the family are empowered to appoint a successor.[536] Although considerable dignity attaches to a chief, and his family are treated with consideration, yet his power is limited, his principal duties consisting in making peace and war, and in appointing and presiding over feasts. Every band has its separate head, and two or even 386 three have been known to preside at the same time.[537] Sometimes when several bands are dwelling together they are united under one head chief, who, however, cannot act for the whole without consulting the lesser chiefs. Practically, the heads of families rule in their own circle, and their internal arrangements are seldom interfered with. Their medicine-men also wield a very powerful influence among them.[538] Sometimes, when a flagrant murder has been committed, the chiefs meet in council and decide upon the punishment of the offender. The matter is, however, more frequently settled by the relatives of the victim, who either exact blood for blood from the murderer or let the thing drop for a consideration. Among the Neeshenams revenge must be had within twelve months after the murder or not at all.[539]

According to Fletcher's narrative, there seems to have been much more distinction of rank at the time of Drake's visit to California than subsequent travelers have seen; 387 however, allowance must be made for the exaggerations invariably found in the reports of early voyagers. In proof of this, we have only to take up almost any book of travel in foreign lands printed at that time; wherein dragons and other impossible animals are not only zoölogically described, but carefully drawn and engraved, as well as other marvels in abundance. Captain Drake had several temptations to exaggerate. The richer and more important the country he discovered, the more would it redound to his credit to have been the discoverer; the greater the power and authority of the chief who formally made over his dominions to the queen of England, the less likely to be disputed would be that sovereign's claims to the ceded territory. Fletcher never speaks of the chief of the tribe that received Drake, but as 'the king,' and states that this dignitary was treated with great respect and ceremony by the courtiers who surrounded him. These latter were distinguished from the canaille by various badges of rank. They wore as ornaments chains "of a bony substance, euery linke or part thereof being very little, and thinne, most finely burnished, with a hole pierced through the middest. The number of linkes going to make one chaine, is in a manner infinite; but of such estimation it is amongst them, that few be the persons that are admitted to weare the same; and euen they to whom its lawfull to use them, yet are stinted what number they shall vse, as some ten, some twelue, some twentie, and as they exceed in number of chaines, so thereby are they knowne to be the more honorable personages." Another mark of distinction was a "certain downe, which groweth vp in the countrey vpon an herbe much like our lectuce, which exceeds any other downe in the world for finenesse, and beeing layed vpon their cawles, by no winds can be remoued. Of such estimation is this herbe amongst them, that the downe thereof is not lawfull to be worne, but of such persons as are about the king (to whom also it is permitted to weare a plume of feather on their heads, in signe of honour), and the seeds are 388 not vsed but onely in sacrifice to their gods." The king, who was gorgeously attired in skins, with a crown of feather-work upon his head, was attended by a regular body-guard, uniformly dressed in coats of skins. His coming was announced by two heralds or ambassadors, one of whom prompted the other, during the proclamation, in a low voice. His majesty was preceded in the procession by "a man of large body and goodly aspect, bearing the septer or royall mace;" all of which happened, if we may believe the worthy chaplain of the expedition, on the coast just above San Francisco Bay, three hundred years ago.[540]

Slavery in any form is rare, and hereditary bondage unknown.[541] Polygamy obtains in most of the tribes, although there are exceptions.[542] It is common for a man to marry a whole family of sisters, and sometimes the mother also, if she happen to be free.[543] Husband 389 and wife are united with very little ceremony. The inclinations of the bride seem to be consulted here more than among the Northern Californians. It is true she is sometimes bought from her parents, but if she violently opposes the match she is seldom compelled to marry or to be sold. Among some tribes the wooer, after speaking with her parents, retires with the girl; if they agree, she thenceforth belongs to him; if not, the match is broken off.[544] The Neeshenam buys his wife indirectly by making presents of game to her family. He leaves the gifts at the door of the lodge without a word, and, if they are accepted, he shortly after claims and takes his bride without further ceremony. In this tribe the girl has no voice whatever in the matter, and resistance on her part merely occasions brute force to be used by her purchaser.[545]

When an Oleepa lover wishes to marry, he first obtains permission from the parents. The damsel then flies and conceals herself; the lover searches for her, and should he succeed in finding her twice out of three times she belongs to him. Should he be unsuccessful he waits a few weeks and then repeats the performance. If she again elude his search, the matter is decided against him.[546] The bonds of matrimony can be thrown aside 390 as easily as they are assumed. The husband has only to say to his spouse, I cast you off, and the thing is done.[547] The Gallinomeros acquire their wives by purchase, and are at liberty to sell them again when tired of them.[548] As usual the women are treated with great contempt by the men, and forced to do all the hard and menial labor; they are not even allowed to sit at the same fire or eat at the same repast with their lords. Both sexes treat children with comparative kindness;[549] boys are, however, held in much higher estimation than girls, and from early childhood are taught their superiority over the weaker sex. It is even stated that many female children are killed as soon as born,[550] but I am inclined to doubt the correctness of this statement as applied to a country where polygamy is practiced as extensively as in California. Old people are treated with contumely, both men and women, aged warriors being obliged to do menial work under the supervision of the women. The Gallinomeros kill their aged parents in a most cold-blooded manner. The doomed creature is led into the woods, thrown on his back, and firmly fastened in that position to the ground. A stout pole is then placed across the throat, upon either end of which a person sits until life is extinct.[551] A husband takes revenge for his wife's infidelities upon the person of her seducer, whom he is justified in killing. Sometimes the male offender is compelled to buy the object of his unholy passions. In consequence of their strictness in this particular, adultery is not common among themselves, although a husband is generally willing to prostitute 391 his dearest wife to a white man for a consideration. The Central Californian women are inclined to rebel against the tyranny of their masters, more than is usual in other tribes. A refractory Tahtoo wife is sometimes frightened into submission. The women have a great dread of evil spirits, and upon this weakness the husband plays. He paints himself in black and white stripes to personate an ogre, and suddenly jumping in among his terrified wives, brings them speedily to penitence. Child-bearing falls lightly on the Californian mother. When the time for delivery arrives she betakes herself to a quiet place by the side of a stream; sometimes accompanied by a female friend, but more frequently alone. As soon as the child is born the mother washes herself and the infant in the stream. The child is then swaddled from head to foot in strips of soft skin, and strapped to a board, which is carried on the mother's back. When the infant is suckled, it is drawn round in front and allowed to hang there, the mother meanwhile pursuing her usual avocations. So little does child-bearing affect these women, that, on a journey, they will frequently stop by the way-side for half an hour to be delivered, and then overtake the party, who have traveled on at the usual pace. Painful parturition, though so rare, usually results fatally to both mother and child when it does occur. This comparative exemption from the curse, "in sorrow shalt thou bring forth," is doubtless owing partly to the fact that the sexes have their regular season for copulation, just as animals have theirs, the women bringing forth each year with great regularity. A curious custom prevails, which is, however, by no means peculiar to California. When child-birth overtakes the wife, the husband puts himself to bed, and there grunting and groaning he affects to suffer all the agonies of a woman in labor. Lying there, he is nursed and tended for some days by the women as carefully as though he were the actual sufferer. Ridiculous as this custom is, it is asserted by Mr Tylor to have been practiced in western China, in the country of the Basques, 392 by the Tibareni at the south of the Black Sea, and in modified forms by the Dyaks of Borneo, the Arawaks of Surinam, and the inhabitants of Kamchatka and Greenland.[552] The females arrive early at the age of puberty,[553] and grow old rapidly.[554]

Most important events, such as the seasons of hunting, fishing, acorn-gathering, and the like, are celebrated with feasts and dances which differ in no essential respect from those practiced by the Northern Californians. They usually dance naked, having their heads adorned with feather ornaments, and their bodies and faces painted with glaring colors in grotesque patterns. Broad stripes, drawn up and down, across, or spirally round the body, form the favorite device; sometimes one half of the body is colored red and the other blue, or the whole person is painted jet black and serves as a ground for the representation of a skeleton, done in white, which gives the wearer a most ghastly appearance.[555] The 393 dancing is accompanied by chantings, clapping of hands, blowing on pipes of two or three reeds and played with the nose or mouth, beating of skin drums, and rattling of tortoise-shells filled with small pebbles. This horrible discord is, however, more for the purpose of marking time than for pleasing the ear.[556] The women are seldom allowed to join in the dance with the men, and when they are so far honored, take a very unimportant part in the proceedings, merely swaying their bodies to and fro in silence.

Plays, representing scenes of war, hunting, and private life, serve to while away the time, and are performed with considerable skill. Though naturally the very incarnation of sloth, at least as far as useful labor is concerned, they have one or two games which require some exertion. One of these, in vogue among the Meewocs, is played with bats and an oak-knot ball. The former are made of a pliant stick, having the end bent round and lashed to the main part so as to form a loop, which is filled with a network of strings. They do not strike but push the ball along with these bats. The players take sides, and each party endeavors to drive the ball past the boundaries of the other. Another game, which was formerly much played at the missions on the coast, requires more skill and scarcely less activity. It consists 394 in throwing a stick through a hoop which is rapidly rolled along the ground. If the player succeeds in this, he gains two points; if the stick merely passes partially through, so that the hoop remains resting upon it, one point is scored.

But, as usual, games of chance are much preferred to games of skill. The chief of these is the same as that already described in the last chapter as being played by the natives all along the coasts of Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, and which bears so close a resemblance to the odd-and-even of our school-days. They are as infatuated on this subject as their neighbors, and quite as willing to stake the whole of their possessions on an issue of chance. They smoke a species of strong tobacco in the straight pipes before mentioned;[557] but they have no native intoxicating drink.[558]

The principal diseases are small-pox, various forms of fever, and syphilis. Owing to their extreme filthiness they are also very subject to disgusting eruptions of the skin. Women are not allowed to practice the healing art, as among the Northern Californians, the privileges of quackery being here reserved exclusively to the men. Chanting incantations, waving of hands, and the sucking powers obtain. Doctors are supposed to have power 395 over life and death, hence if they fail to effect a cure, they are frequently killed.[559] They demand the most extortionate fees in return for their services, and often refuse to officiate unless the object they desire is promised them. Sweat-houses similar to those already described are in like manner used as a means of cure for every kind of complaint.[560] They have another kind of sudatory. A hole is dug in the sand of a size sufficient to contain a person lying at full length; over this a fire is kept burning until the sand is thoroughly heated, when the fire is removed and the sand stirred with a stick until it is reduced to the required temperature. The patient is then placed in the hole and covered, with the exception of his head, with sand. Here he remains until in a state of profuse perspiration, when he is unearthed and plunged into cold water. They are said to practice phlebotomy, using the right arm when the body is affected and the left when the complaint is in the limbs. A few simple decoctions are made from herbs, but these are seldom very efficient medicines, especially when administered for the more complicated diseases which the whites have brought among them. Owing to the insufficient or erroneous treatment they receive, many disorders which would be easily cured by us, degenerate with them into chronic maladies, and are transmitted to their children.[561] 396

Incremation is almost universal in this part of California.[562] The body is decorated with feathers, flowers, and beads, and after lying in state for some time, is burned amid the howls and lamentations of friends and relations. The ashes are either preserved by the family of the deceased or are formally buried. The weapons and effects of the dead are burned or buried with them.[563] When a body is prepared for interment the knees are doubled up against the chest and securely bound with cords. It is placed in a sitting posture in the grave, which is circular. This is the most common manner of sepulture, but some tribes bury the body perpendicularly in a hole just large enough to admit it, sometimes with the head down, sometimes in a standing position. The Pomos formerly burned their dead, and since they have been influenced by the whites to bury them, they invariably place the body with its head toward the south.

A scene of incremation is a weird spectacle. The 397 friends and relatives of the deceased gather round the funeral pyre in a circle, howling dismally. As the flames mount upward their enthusiasm increases, until in a perfect frenzy of excitement, they leap, shriek, lacerate their bodies, and even snatch a handful of smoldering flesh from the fire, and devour it.

The ashes of the dead mixed with grease, are smeared over the face as a badge of mourning, and the compound is suffered to remain there until worn off by the action of the weather. The widow keeps her head covered with pitch for several months. In the Russian River Valley, where demonstrations of grief appear to be yet more violent than elsewhere, self-laceration is much practiced. It is customary to have an annual Dance of Mourning, when the inhabitants of a whole village collect together and lament their deceased friends with howls and groans. Many tribes think it necessary to nourish a departed spirit for several months. This is done by scattering food about the place where the remains of the dead are deposited. A devoted Neeshenam widow does not utter a word for several months after the death of her husband; a less severe sign of grief is to speak only in a low whisper for the same time.[564]

Regarding a future state their ideas are vague; some say that the Meewocs believe in utter annihilation after death, but who can fathom the hopes and fears that struggle in their dark imaginings. They are not particularly cruel or vicious; they show much sorrow for the 398 death of a relative; in some instances they are affectionate toward their families.[565] 399

Although nearly all travelers who have seen and described this people, place them in the lowest scale of humanity, yet there are some who assert that the character of the Californian has been maligned. It does not follow, they say, that he is indolent because he does not work when the fertility of his native land enables him to live without labor; or that he is cowardly because he is not incessantly at war, or stupid and brutal because the mildness of his climate renders clothes and dwellings superfluous. But is this sound reasoning? Surely a people assisted by nature should progress faster than another, struggling with depressing difficulties.

From the frozen, wind-swept plains of Alaska to the malaria-haunted swamps of Darien, there is not a fairer land than California; it is the neutral ground, as it were, of the elements, where hyperboreal cold, stripped of its rugged aspect, and equatorial heat, tamed to a genial warmth, meet as friends, inviting, all blusterings laid aside. Yet if we travel northward 400 from the Isthmus, we must pass by ruined cities and temples, traces of mighty peoples, who there flourished before a foreign civilization extirpated them. On the arid deserts of Arizona and New Mexico is found an incipient civilization. Descending from the Arctic sea we meet races of hunters and traders, which can be called neither primitive nor primordial, living after their fashion as men, not as brutes. It is not until we reach the Golden Mean in Central California that we find whole tribes subsisting on roots, herbs and insects; having no boats, no clothing, no laws, no God; yielding submissively to the first touch of the invader; held in awe by a few priests and soldiers. Men do not civilize themselves. Had not the Greeks and the Egyptians been driven on by an unseen hand, never would the city of the Violet Crown have graced the plains of Hellas, nor Thebes nor Memphis have risen in the fertile valley of the Nile. Why Greece is civilized, while California breeds a race inferior to the lowest of their neighbors, save only perhaps the Shoshones on their east, no one yet can tell.

When Father Junípero Serra established the Mission of Dolores in 1776, the shores of San Francisco Bay were thickly populated by the Ahwashtees, Ohlones, Altahmos, Romanons, Tuolomos, and other tribes. The good Father found the field unoccupied, for, in the vocabulary of these people, there is found no word for god, angel, or devil; they held no theory of origin or destiny. A ranchería was situated on the spot where now Beach street intersects Hyde street. Were it there now, as contrasted with the dwellings of San Francisco, it would resemble a pig-sty more than a human habitation.

On the Marin and Sonoma shores of the bay were the Tomales and Camimares, the latter numbering, in 1824, ten thousand souls. Marin, chief of the Tomales, was for a long time the terror of the Spaniards, and his warriors were ranked as among the fiercest of the Californians. He was brave, energetic, and possessed of no ordinary intelligence. When quite old he consented to be baptized into the Romish Church. 401

It has been suspected that the chief Marin was not a full-bred Indian, but that he was related to a certain Spanish sailor who was cast ashore from a wrecked galeon on a voyage from Manila to Acapulco about the year 1750. The ship-wrecked Spaniards, it has been surmised, were kindly treated by the natives; they married native wives, and lived with the Tomales as of them, and from them descended many of their chiefs; but of this we have no proof.

Yosemite Valley was formerly a stronghold to which tribes in that vicinity resorted after committing their depredations upon white settlers. They used to make their boast that their hiding place could never be discovered by white men. But during the year 1850, the marauders growing bold in their fancied security, the whites arose and drove them into the mountains. Following them thither under the guidance of Tenaya, an old chief and confederate, the white men were suddenly confronted by the wondrous beauties of the valley. The Indians, disheartened at the discovery of their retreat, yielded a reluctant obedience, but becoming again disaffected they renewed their depredations. Shortly afterward the Yosemite Indians made a visit to the Monos. They were hospitably entertained, but upon leaving, could not resist the temptation to drive off a few stray cattle belonging to their friends. The Monos, enraged at this breach of good faith, pursued and gave them battle. The warriors of the valley were nearly exterminated, scarce half a dozen remaining to mourn their loss. All their women and children were carried away into captivity. These Yosemite Indians consisted of a mixture from various tribes, outlaws as it were from the surrounding tribes. They have left as their legacy a name for every cliff and waterfall within the valley. How marvelous would be their history could we go back and trace it from the beginning, these millions of human bands, who throughout the ages have been coming and going, unknowing and unknown! 402

In the Southern Californians, whose territory lies south of the thirty-fifth parallel, there are less tribal differences than among any people whom we have yet encountered, whose domain is of equal extent. Those who live in the south-eastern corner of the State are thrown by the Sierra Nevada range of mountains into the Shoshone family, to which, indeed, by affinity they belong. The chief tribes of this division are the Cahuillas and the Diegueños, the former living around the San Bernardino and San Jacinto mountains, and the latter in the southern extremity of California. Around each mission were scores of small bands, whose rancherías were recorded in the mission books, the natives as a whole being known only by the name of the mission. When first discovered by Cabrillo in 1542, the islands off the coast were inhabited by a superior people, but these they were induced by the padres to abandon, following which event the people rapidly faded away. The natives called the island of Santa Cruz Liniooh, Santa Rosa Hurmal, San Miguel Twocan, and San Nicolas Ghalashat.

As we approach the southern boundary of California a slight improvement is manifest in the aborigines. The men are here well made, of a stature quite up to the average, comparatively fair-complexioned and pleasant-featured. The children of the islanders are described by the early voyagers as being white, with light hair and ruddy cheeks, and the women as having fine forms, beautiful eyes, and a modest demeanor.[566] The beard is 403 plucked out with a bivalve shell, which answers the purpose of pincers.

A short cloak of deer-skin or rabbit-skins sewed together, suffices the men for clothing; and sometimes even this is dispensed with, for they think it no shame to be naked.[567] The women and female children wear a petticoat of skin, with a heavy fringe reaching down to the knees; in some districts they also wear short capes covering the breasts.[568] On the coast and, formerly, on the islands, seals furnished the material.[569] The more industrious and wealthy embroider their garments profusely with small shells. Around Santa Barbara rings of bone or shell were worn in the nose; at Los Angeles nasal ornaments were not the fashion. The women had cylinder-shaped pieces of ivory, sometimes as much as eight inches, in length, attached to the ears by a shell ring. Bracelets and necklaces were made of pieces of ivory ground round and perforated, small pebbles, and shells.

Paint of various colors was used by warriors and dancers. Mr Hugo Reid, who has contributed valuable information concerning the natives of Los Angeles County, states that girls in love paint the cheeks sparingly with red ochre, and all the women, before they grow old, protect their complexion from the effects of 404 the sun by a plentiful application of the same cosmetic.[570] Vizcaino saw natives on the southern coast painted blue and silvered over with some kind of mineral substance. On his asking where they obtained the silver-like material they showed him a kind of mineral ore, which they said they used for purposes of ornamentation.[571]

They take much pride in their hair, which they wear long. It is braided, and either wound round the head turban-like,[572] or twisted into a top-knot; some tie it in a queue behind. According to Father Boscana the girls are tattooed in infancy on the face, breast, and arms. The most usual method was to prick the flesh with a thorn of the cactus-plant; charcoal produced from the maguey was then rubbed into the wounds, and an ineffaceable blue was the result.[573]

Dwellings, in the greater part of this region, differ but little from those of the Central Californians. In shape they are conical or semi-globular, and usually consist of a frame, formed by driving long poles into the ground, covered with rushes and earth.[574] On the coast of the Santa Barbara Channel there seems to have been some improvement in their style of architecture. It was probably here that Cabrillo saw houses built after the manner of those in New Spain.[575] It is possible that the 405 influences of the southern civilization may have extended as far as this point. Father Boscana's description of the temples or vanquechs erected by the natives in the vicinity of San Juan Capistrano, in honor of their god, Chinigchinich, is thus translated: "They formed an enclosure of about four or five yards in circumference, not exactly round, but inclining to an oval. This they divided by drawing a line through the centre, and built another, consisting of the branches of trees, and mats to the height of about six feet, outside of which, in the other division, they formed another of small stakes of wood driven into the ground. This was called the gate, or entrance, to the vanquech. Inside of this, and close to the larger stakes, was placed a figure of their god Chinigchinich, elevated upon a kind of hurdle. This is the edifice of the vanquech."[576]

Almost every living thing that they can lay their hands on serves as food. Coyotes, skunks, wild cats, rats, mice, crows, hawks, owls, lizards, frogs, snakes, excepting him of the rattle, grasshoppers and other insects, all are devoured by the inland tribes. Stranded whales, animals of the seal genus, fish, and shell-fish, form the main support of those inhabiting the coast. Venison they are of course glad to eat when they can get it, but as they are poor hunters, it is a rare luxury. When they did hunt the deer they resorted to the same artifice as their northern neighbors, placing a deer's head and horns on their own head, and thus disguised approaching within bow-shot. Bear-meat the majority 406 refuse to eat from superstitious motives.[577] Grasshoppers are eaten roasted. Acorns are shelled, dried, and pounded in stone mortars into flour, which is washed and rewashed in hot and cold water until the bitterness is removed, when it is made into gruel with cold water, or baked into bread. Various kinds of grass-seeds, herbs, berries, and roots, are also eaten, both roasted and raw. Wild fowl are caught in nets made of tules, spread over channels cut through the rushes in places frequented by the fowl, at a sufficient height above the water to allow the birds to swim easily beneath them. The game is gently driven or decoyed under the nets, when at a given signal, a great noise is made, and the terrified fowl, rising suddenly, become hopelessly entangled in the meshes, and fall an easy prey. Or selecting a spot containing clear water about two feet deep, they fasten a net midway between the surface and the bottom, and strewing the place with berries, which sink to the bottom under the net, they retire. The fowl approach and dive for the berries. The meshes of the net readily admit the head, but hold the prisoner tight upon attempting to withdraw it. And what is more, their position prevents them from making a noise, and they serve also as a decoy for others. Fish are taken in seines made from the tough bark of the tioñe-tree. They are also killed with spears having a movable bone head, attached to a long line, so that when a fish is struck the barb becomes loosened; line is then paid out until the fish is exhausted with running, when it is drawn in. Many of the inland tribes come down to the coast in the fishing season, and remain there until the shoals leave, when they return to the interior. Food is either boiled by dropping hot stones into water-baskets, or, more frequently, in vessels made of soap-stone.[578] 407

In their cooking, as in other respects, they are excessively unclean. They bathe frequently, it is true, but when not in the water they are wallowing in filth. Their dwellings are full of offal and other impurities, and vermin abound on their persons.

Bows and arrows, and clubs, are as usual the weapons most in use. Sabres of hard wood, with edges that cut like steel, are mentioned by Father Junípero Serra.[579] War is a mere pretext for plunder; the slightest wrong, real or imaginary, being sufficient cause for a strong tribe to attack a weaker one. The smaller bands form temporary alliances; the women and children accompanying the men on a raid, carrying provisions for the march, and during an engagement they pick up the fallen arrows of the enemy and so keep their own warriors supplied. Boscana says that no male prisoners are taken, and no quarter given; and Hugo Reid affirms of the natives of Los Angeles County that all prisoners of war, after being tormented in the most cruel manner, are invariably put to death. The dead are decapitated and scalped. Female prisoners are either sold or retained as slaves. Scalps, highly prized as trophies, and publicly exhibited at feasts, may be ransomed, but no consideration would induce them to part with their living captives.[580]

Among the few articles they manufacture are fish-hooks, needles, and awls, made of bone or shell; mortars and pestles of granite, and soap-stone cooking vessels, and water-tight baskets.[581] The clay vessels which are 408 frequently found among them now, were not made by them before the arrival of the Spaniards. The stone implements, however, are of aboriginal manufacture, and are well made. The former are said to have been procured mostly by the tribes of the mainland from the Santa Rosa islanders.[582] The instruments which they used in their manufactures were flint knives and awls; the latter Fages describes as being made from the small bone of a deer's fore-foot. The knife is double-edged, made of a flint, and has a wooden haft, inlaid with mother of pearl.[583]

On this coast we again meet with wooden canoes, although the balsa, or tule raft, is also in use. These boats are made of planks neatly fastened together and paid with bitumen;[584] prow and stern, both equally sharp, are elevated above the centre, which made them appear to Vizcaino "como barquillos" when seen beside his own junk-like craft. The paddles were long and double-bladed, and their boats, though generally manned by three or four men, were sometimes large enough to carry twenty. Canoes dug out of a single log, scraped smooth on the outside, with both ends shaped alike, were sometimes, though more rarely, used.[585] The circulating 409 medium consisted of small round pieces of the white mussel-shell. These were perforated and arranged on strings, the value of which depended upon their length.[586] I have said before that this money is supposed to have been manufactured for the most part on Santa Rosa Island. Hence it was distributed among the coast tribes, who bought with it deer-skins, seeds, etc., from the people of the interior.

Each tribe acknowledged one head, whose province it was to settle disputes,[587] levy war, make peace, appoint feasts, and give good advice. Beyond this he had little power.[588] He was assisted in his duties by a council of elders. The office of chief was hereditary, and in the absence of a male heir devolved upon the female nearest of kin. She could marry whom she pleased, but her husband obtained no authority through the alliance, all the power remaining in his wife's hands until their eldest boy attained his majority, when the latter at once assumed the command.

A murderer's life was taken by the relatives of his victim, unless he should gain refuge in the temple, in which case his punishment was left to their god. Vengeance 410 was, however, only deferred; the children of the murdered man invariably avenged his death, sooner or later, upon the murderer or his descendants. When a chief grew too old to govern he abdicated in favor of his son, on which occasion a great feast was given. When all the people had been called together by criers, "the crown was placed upon the head of the chief elect, and he was enrobed with the imperial vestments," as Father Boscana has it; that is to say, he was dressed in a head-ornament of feathers, and a feather petticoat reaching from the waist half-way down to the knees, and the rest of his body painted black. He then went into the temple and performed a pas seul before the god Chinigchinich. Here, in a short time, he was joined by the other chiefs, who, forming a circle, danced round him, accompanied by the rattling of turtle-shells filled with small stones. When this ceremony was over he was publicly acknowledged chief.

As I said before, the chief had little actual authority over individuals; neither was the real power vested in the heads of families; but a system of influencing the people was adopted by the chief and the elders, which is somewhat singular. Whenever an important step was to be taken, such as the killing of a malefactor, or the invasion of an enemy's territory, the sympathies of the people were enlisted by means of criers, who were sent round to proclaim aloud the crime and the criminal, or to dilate upon the wrongs suffered at the hands of the hostile tribe; and their eloquence seldom failed to attain the desired object.[589]

The chief could have a plurality of wives, but the common people were only allowed one.[590] The form of 411 contracting a marriage varied. In Los Angeles County, according to Mr Reid, the matter was arranged by a preliminary interchange of presents between the male relatives of the bridegroom and the female relatives of the bride. The former proceeded in a body to the dwelling of the girl, and distributed small sums in shell money among her female kinsfolk, who were collected there for the occasion. These afterward returned the compliment by visiting the man and giving baskets of meal to his people. A time was then fixed for the final ceremony. On the appointed day the girl, decked in all her finery, and accompanied by her family and relations, was carried in the arms of one of her kinsfolk toward the house of her lover; edible seeds and berries were scattered before her on the way, which were scrambled for by the spectators. The party was met half-way by a deputation from the bridegroom, one of whom now took the young woman in his arms and carried her to the house of her husband, who waited expectantly. She was then placed by his side, and the guests, after scattering more seeds, left the couple alone. A great feast followed, of which the most prominent feature was a character-dance. The young men took part in this dance in the rôles of hunters and warriors, and were assisted by the old women, who feigned to carry off game, or dispatch wounded enemies, as the case might be. The spectators sat in a circle and chanted an accompaniment.

According to another form of marriage the man either asked the girl's parents for permission to marry their daughter, or commissioned one of his friends to do so. If the parents approved, their future son-in-law took up his abode with them, on condition that he should provide a certain quantity of food every day. This was done to afford him an opportunity to judge of the domestic qualities of his future wife. If satisfied, he appointed a day for the marriage, and the ceremony was conducted much 412 in the same manner as that last described, except that he received the girl in a temporary shelter erected in front of his hut, and that she was disrobed before being placed by his side.

Children were often betrothed in infancy, kept continually in each other's society until they grew up, and the contract was scarcely ever broken. Many obtained their wives by abduction, and this was the cause of many of the inter-tribal quarrels in which they were so constantly engaged.

If a man ill-treated his wife, her relations took her away, after paying back the value of her wedding presents, and then married her to another. Little difficulty was experienced in obtaining a divorce on any ground; indeed, in many of the tribes the parties separated whenever they grew tired of each other. Adultery was severely punished. If a husband caught his wife in the act, he was justified in killing her, or, he could give her up to her seducer and appropriate the spouse of the latter to himself.

At the time of child-birth many singular observances obtained; for instance, the old women washed the child as soon as it was born, and drank of the water; the unhappy infant was forced to take a draught of urine medicinally, and although the husband did not affect the sufferings of labor, his conduct was supposed in some manner to affect the unborn child, and he was consequently laid under certain restrictions, such as not being allowed to leave the house, or to eat fish and meat. The women as usual suffer little from child-bearing. One writer thus describes the accouchement of a woman in the vicinity of San Diego: "A few hours before the time arrives she gets up and quietly walks off alone, as if nothing extraordinary was about to occur. In this manner she deceives all, even her husband, and hides herself away in some secluded nook, near a stream or hole of water. At the foot of a small tree, which she can easily grasp with both hands, she prepares her 'lying-in-couch,' on which she lies down as soon as the labor 413 pains come on. When the pain is on, she grasps the tree with both hands, thrown up backward over her head, and pulls and strains with all her might, thus assisting each pain, until her accouchement is over. As soon as the child is born, the mother herself ties the navel-cord with a bit of buck-skin string, severing it with a pair of sharp scissors, prepared for the occasion, after which the end is burned with a coal of fire; the child is then thrown into the water; if it rises to the surface and cries, it is taken out and cared for; if it sinks, there it remains, and is not even awarded an Indian burial. The affair being all over, she returns to her usual duties, just as if nothing had happened, so matter of fact are they in such matters." Purification at child-birth lasted for three days, during which time the mother was allowed no food, and no drink but warm water. The ceremony, in which mother and child participated, was as follows: In the centre of the hut a pit was filled with heated stones, upon which herbs were placed, and the whole covered with earth, except a small aperture through which water was introduced. The mother and child, wrapped in blankets, stood over the pit and were soon in a violent perspiration. When they became exhausted from the effect of the steam and the heated air, they lay upon the ground and were covered with earth, after which they again took to the heated stones and steam. The mother was allowed to eat no meat for two moons, after which pills made of meat and wild tobacco were given her. In some tribes she could hold no intercourse with her husband until the child was weaned.

Children, until they arrived at the age of puberty, remained under the control of their parents, afterward they were subject only to the chief. Like the Spartan youth, they were taught that abstinence, and indifference to hardship and privations, constitute the only true manhood. To render them hardy much unnecessary 414 pain was inflicted. They were forbidden to approach the fire to warm themselves, or to eat certain seeds and berries which were considered luxuries.

A youth, to become a warrior, must first undergo a severe ordeal; his naked body was beaten with stinging nettles until he was literally unable to move; then he was placed upon the nest of a species of virulent ant, while his friends irritated the insects by stirring them up with sticks. The infuriated ants swarmed over every part of the sufferer's body, into his eyes, his ears, his mouth, his nose, causing indescribable pain.

Boscana states that the young were instructed to love truth, to do good, and to venerate old age.[592] At an early age they were placed under the protection of a tutelar divinity, which was supposed to take the form of some animal. To discover the particular beast which was to guide his future destinies, the child was intoxicated,[593] and for three or four days kept without food of any kind. During this period he was continually harassed and questioned, until, weak from want of food, crazed with drink and importunity, and knowing that the persecution would not cease until he yielded, he confessed to seeing his divinity, and described what kind of brute it was. The outline of the figure was then molded in a paste made of crushed herbs, on the breast and arms of the novitiate. This was ignited and allowed to burn until entirely consumed, and thus the figure of the divinity remained indelibly delineated in the flesh. Hunters, before starting on an expedition, would beat their faces with nettles to render them clear-sighted. A girl, on arriving at the age of puberty, was laid upon a bed of branches placed over a hole, which 415 had been previously heated, where she was kept with very little food for two or three days. Old women chanted songs, and young women danced round her at intervals during her purification. In the vicinity of San Diego the girl is buried all but her head, and the ground above her is beaten until she is in a profuse perspiration. This is continued for twenty-four hours, the patient being at intervals during this time taken out and washed, and then reimbedded. A feast and dance follow.[594]

When the missionaries first arrived in this region, they found men dressed as women and performing women's duties, who were kept for unnatural purposes. From their youth up they were treated, instructed, and used as females, and were even frequently publicly married to the chiefs or great men.[595]

Gambling and dancing formed, as usual, their principal means of recreation. Their games of chance differed little from those played farther north. That of guessing in which hand a piece of wood was held, before described, was played by eight, four on a side, instead of four. Another game was played by two. Fifty small pieces of wood, placed upright in a row in the ground, at distances of two inches apart, formed the score. The players were provided with a number of pieces of split reed, blackened on one side; these were thrown, points 416 down, on the ground, and the thrower counted one for every piece that remained white side uppermost; if he gained eight he was entitled to another throw. If the pieces all fell with the blackened side up they counted also. Small pieces of wood placed against the upright pegs, marked the game. They reckoned from opposite ends of the row, and if one of the players threw just so many as to make his score exactly meet that of his opponent, the former had to commence again. Throwing lances of reed through a rolling hoop was another source of amusement. Professional singers were employed to furnish music to a party of gamblers. An umpire was engaged, whose duty it was to hold the stakes, count the game, prevent cheating, and act as referee; he was also expected to supply wood for the fire.

When they were not eating, sleeping, or gambling, they were generally dancing; indeed, says Father Boscana, "such was the delight with which they took part in their festivities, that they often continued dancing day and night, and sometimes entire weeks." They danced at a birth, at a marriage, at a burial; they danced to propitiate the divinity, and they thanked the divinity for being propitiated by dancing. They decorated themselves with shells and beads, and painted their bodies with divers colors. Sometimes head-dresses and petticoats of feathers were worn, at other times they danced naked. The women painted the upper part of their bodies brown. They frequently danced at the same time as the men, but seldom with them. Time was kept by singers, and the rattling of turtle-shells filled with pebbles. They were good actors, and some of their character-dances were well executed; the step, however, like their chanting, was monotonous and unvarying. Many of their dances were extremely licentious, and were accompanied with obscenities too disgusting to bear recital. Most of them were connected in some way with their superstitions and religious rites.[596] 417

These people never wandered far from their own territory, and knew little or nothing of the nations lying beyond their immediate neighbors. Mr Reid relates that one who traveled some distance beyond the limits of his own domain, returned with the report that he had seen men whose ears descended to their hips; then he had met with a race of Lilliputians; and finally had reached a people so subtly constituted that they "would take a rabbit, or other animal, and merely with the breath, inhale the essence; throwing the rest away, which on examination proved to be excrement."

They had a great number of traditions, legends, and fables. Some of these give evidence of a powerful imagination; a few are pointed with a moral; but the majority are puerile, meaningless, to us at least, and filled with obscenities. It is said that, in some parts, the Southern Californians are great snake-charmers, and that they allow the reptiles to wind themselves about their bodies and bite them, with impunity.

Feuds between families are nursed for generations; the war is seldom more than one of words, however, unless a murder is to be avenged, and consists of mutual vituperations, and singing obscene songs about each other. Friends salute by inquiries after each other's health. On parting one says 'I am going,' the other answers 'go.'

They are very superstitious, and believe in all sorts of omens and auguries. An eclipse frightens them beyond measure, and shooting stars cause them to fall down in the dust and cover their heads in abject terror. Many of them believe that, should a hunter eat meat or fish which he himself had procured, his luck would leave 418 him. For this reason they generally hunt or fish in pairs, and when the day's sport is over, each takes what the other has killed. Living as they do from hand to mouth, content to eat, sleep, and dance away their existence, we cannot expect to find much glimmering of the simpler arts or sciences among them.

Their year begins at the winter solstice, and they count by lunar months, so that to complete their year they are obliged to add several supplementary days. All these months have symbolic names. Thus December and January are called the month of cold; February and March, the rain; March and April, the first grass; April and May, the rise of waters; May and June, the month of roots; June and July, of salmon fishing; July and August, of heat; August and September, of wild fruits; September and October, of bulbous roots; October and November, of acorns and nuts; November and December, of bear and other hunting.

Sorcerers are numerous, and as unbounded confidence is placed in their power to work both good and evil, their influence is great. As astrologers and soothsayers, they can tell by the appearance of the moon the most propitious day and hour in which to celebrate a feast, or attack an enemy. Sorcerers also serve as almanacs for the people, as it is their duty to note by the aspect of the moon the time of the decease of a chief or prominent man, and to give notice of the anniversary when it comes round, in order that it may be duly celebrated. They extort black-mail from individuals by threatening them with evil. The charm which they use is a ball made of mescal mixed with wild honey; this is carried under the left arm, in a small leather bag,—and the spell is effected by simply laying the right hand upon this bag. Neither does their power end here; they hold intercourse with supernatural beings, metamorphose themselves at will, see into the future, and even control the elements. They are potent to cure as well as to kill. For all complaints, as usual, they 'put forth the charm of woven paces and of waving hands,' and in some cases add other remedies. 419 For internal complaints they prescribe cold baths; wounds and sores are treated with lotions and poultices of crushed herbs, such as sage and rosemary, and of a kind of black oily resin, extracted from certain seeds. Other maladies they affirm to be caused by small pieces of wood, stone, or other hard substance, which by some means have entered the flesh, and which they pretend to extract by sucking the affected part. In a case of paralysis the stricken parts were whipped with nettles. Blisters are raised by means of dry paste made from nettle-stalks, placed on the bare flesh of the patient, set on fire, and allowed to burn out. Cold water or an emetic is used for fever and like diseases, or, sometimes, the sufferer is placed naked upon dry sand or ashes, with a fire close to his feet, and a bowl of water or gruel at his head, and there left for nature to take its course, while his friends and relatives sit round and howl him into life or into eternity. Snake-bites are cured by an internal dose of ashes, or the dust found at the bottom of ants' nests, and an external application of herbs.[598] The medicine-men fare better here than their northern brethren, as, in the event of the non-recovery of their patient, the death of the latter is attributed to the just anger of their god, and consequently the physician is not held responsible. To avert the displeasure of the divinity, and to counteract the evil influence of the sorcerers, regular dances of propitiation or deprecation are held, in which the whole tribe join.[599]

The temescal, or sweat-house, is the same here as elsewhere, which renders a description unnecessary.[600] The 420 dead were either burned or buried. Father Boscana says that no particular ceremonies were observed during the burning of the corpse. The body was allowed to lie untouched some days after death, in order to be certain that no spark of life remained. It was then borne out and laid upon the funeral pyre, which was ignited by a person specially appointed for that purpose. Everything belonging to the deceased was burned with him. When all was over the mourners betook themselves to the outskirts of the village, and there gave vent to their lamentation for the space of three days and nights. During this period songs were sung, in which the cause of the late death was related, and even the progress of the disease which brought him to his grave minutely described in all its stages. As an emblem of grief the hair was cut short in proportion to nearness of relation to or affection for the deceased, but laceration was not resorted to.[602] Mr Taylor relates that the Santa Inez Indians buried their dead in regular cemeteries. The body was placed in a sitting posture in a box made of slabs of claystone, and interred with all the effects of the dead person.[603] According to Reid, the natives of Los Angeles County waited until the body began to show signs of decay and then bound it together in the shape of a ball, and buried it in a place set apart for that purpose, with offerings of seeds contributed by the family. At the first news of his death all the relatives of the deceased gathered together, and mourned his departure with groans, each having a groan peculiar to himself. The dirge was presently changed to a song, in which all united, while an accompaniment was whistled through a deer's leg-bone. The dancing consisted merely in a monotonous 421 shuffling of the feet.[604] Pedro Fages thus describes a burial ceremony at the place named by him Sitio de los Pedernales.[605] Immediately after an Indian has breathed his last, the corpse is borne out and placed before the idol which stands in the village, there it is watched by persons who pass the night round a large fire built for the purpose; the following morning all the inhabitants of the place gather about the idol and the ceremony commences. At the head of the procession marches one smoking gravely from a large stone pipe; followed by three others, he three times walks round the idol and the corpse; each time the head of the deceased is passed the coverings are lifted, and he who holds the pipe blows three puffs of smoke upon the body. When the feet are reached, a kind of prayer is chanted in chorus, and the parents and relatives of the defunct advance in succession and offer to the priest a string of threaded seeds, about a fathom long; all present then unite in loud cries and groans, while the four, taking the corpse upon their shoulders, proceed with it to the place of interment. Care is taken to place near the body articles which have been manufactured by the deceased during his life-time. A spear or javelin, painted in various vivid colors, is planted erect over the tomb, and articles indicating the occupation of the dead are placed at his foot; if the deceased be a woman, baskets or mats of her manufacture are hung on the javelin.[606]

Death they believed to be a real though invisible being, who gratified his own anger and malice by slowly taking away the breath of his victim until finally life was extinguished. The future abode of good spirits resembled the Scandinavian Valhalla; there, in the dwelling-place of their god, they would live for ever and ever, eating, and drinking, and dancing, and having wives in abundance. As their ideas of reward in the next world were matter-of-fact and material, so were their fears of 422 punishment in this life; all accidents, such as broken limbs or bereavement by death, were attributed to the direct vengeance of their god, for crimes which they had committed.[607]

Though good-natured and inordinately fond of amusement, they are treacherous and unreliable. Under a grave and composed exterior they conceal their thoughts and character so well as to defy interpretation. And this is why we find men, who have lived among them for years, unable to foretell their probable action under any given circumstances.

The Shoshone Family, which forms the fourth and last division of the Californian group, may be said to consist of two great nations, the Snakes, or Shoshones proper, and the Utahs. The former inhabit south-eastern Oregon, Idaho, western Montana, and the northern portions of Utah and Nevada, are subdivided into several small tribes, and include the more considerable nation of the Bannacks. The Utahs occupy nearly the whole of Utah and Nevada, and extend into Arizona and California, on each side of the Colorado. Among the many tribes into which the Utahs are divided may be mentioned the Utahs proper, whose territory covers a great part of Utah and eastern Nevada; the Washoes along the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada, between Honey Lake and the west fork of Walker River; the Pah Utes, or, as they are sometimes called, Piutes, in western and central Nevada, stretching into Arizona and south-eastern California; the Pah Vants in the vicinity of Sevier Lake, the Pi Edes south of them, and the Gosh Utes, a mixed tribe of Snakes and Utahs, dwelling in the vicinity of Gosh Ute Lake and Mountains.

The Shoshones[608] are below the medium stature; the 423 Utahs, though more powerfully built than the Snakes, are coarser-featured and less agile. All are of a dark bronze-color when free from paint and dirt, and, as usual, beardless. The women are clumsily made, although some of them have good hands and feet.[609]

On the barren plains of Nevada, where there is no large game, the rabbit furnishes nearly the only clothing. The skins are sewn together in the form of a cloak, which is thrown over the shoulders, or tied about the body with 424 thongs of the same. In warm weather, or when they cannot obtain rabbit-skins, men, women and children are, for the most part, in a state of nudity. The hair is generally allowed to grow long, and to flow loosely over the shoulders; sometimes it is cut straight over the forehead, and among the Utahs of New Mexico it is plaited into two long queues by the men, and worn short by the women. Ornaments are rare; I find mention in two instances[610] of a nose-ornament, worn by the Pah Utes, consisting of a slender piece of bone, several inches in length, thrust through the septum of the nose. Tattooing is not practiced but paint of all colors is used unsparingly.[611]

The Snakes are better dressed than the Utahs, their clothing being made from the skins of larger game, and ornamented with beads, shells, fringes, feathers, and, since their acquaintance with the whites, with pieces of brilliant-colored cloth. A common costume is a shirt, leggins, and moccasins, all of buck-skin, over which is thrown, in cold weather, a heavy robe, generally of buffalo-skin, but sometimes of wolf, deer, elk, or beaver. The dress of the women differs but little from that of the men, except that it is less ornamented and the shirt is longer.[612] 425

The dress of the Snakes seen by captains Lewis and Clarke was richer than is usually worn by them now; it was composed of a robe, short cloak, shirt, long leggins, and moccasins.

The robe was of buffalo or smaller skins, dressed with the hair on; the collar of the cloak, a strip of skin from the back of the otter, the head being at one end and the tail at the other. From this collar were suspended from one hundred to two hundred and fifty ermine-skins,[613] or rather strips from the back of the ermine, including the head and tail; each of these strips was sewn round a cord of twisted silk-grass, which tapered in thickness toward the tail. The seams were concealed with a fringe of ermine-skin; little tassels of white fur were also attached to each tail, to show off its blackness to advantage. The collar was further ornamented with shells of the pearl-oyster; the shirt, made of the dressed hides of various kinds of deer, was loose and reached half-way down the thigh; the sleeves were open on the under side as low as the elbow,—the edges being cut into a fringe from the elbow to the wrist,—and they fitted close to the arm. The collar was square, and cut into fringe, or adorned with the tails of the animals which furnished the hide; the shirt was garnished with fringes and stained porcupine-quills; the leggins were made each from nearly an entire antelope-skin, and reached from the ankle to the upper part of the thigh. The hind legs of the skin were worn uppermost, and tucked into the girdle; the neck, highly ornamented with fringes and quills, trailed on the ground behind the heel of the wearer; the side seams were fringed, and for this purpose the scalps of fallen enemies were frequently used.

The moccasins were also of dressed hide, without the hair, except in winter, when buffalo-hide, with the hair inside, answered the purpose. They were made with a single seam on the outside edge, and were 426 embellished with quills; sometimes they were covered with the skin of a polecat, the tail of which dragged behind on the ground. Ear-ornaments of beads, necklaces of shells, twisted-grass, elk-tushes, round bones, like joints of a fish's back-bone, and the claws of the brown bear, were all worn. Eagles' feathers stuck in the hair, or a strip of otter-skin tied round the head, seem to have been the only head-dresses in use.[614] This, or something similar, was the dress only of the wealthy and prosperous tribes. Like the Utahs, the Snakes paint extensively, especially when intent upon war.[615]

The Snakes also build better dwellings than the Utahs. Long poles are leaned against each other in a circle, and are then covered with skins, thus forming a conical tent. A hole in the top, which can be closed in bad weather, serves as chimney, and an opening at the bottom three or four feet high, admits the occupants on pushing aside a piece of hide stretched on a stick, which hangs over the aperture as a door. These skin tents, as is necessary to a nomadic people, are struck and pitched with very little labor. When being moved from one place to another, the skins are folded and packed on the ponies, and the poles are hitched to each side of the animal by one end, while the other drags. The habitations of the people of Nevada and the greater part of Utah are very primitive and consist of heaps of brush, under which they crawl, or even of a mere shelter of bushes, semi-circular in shape, roofless, and three or four feet high, which serves only to break the force of the wind. Some of them build absolutely no dwellings, but live in caves and among the rocks, while others burrow like reptiles in the ground. Farnham gives us a very doleful picture of their condition; he says: "When the lizard, and snail, and wild roots are buried in the snows of winter, they 427 are said to retire to the vicinity of timber, dig holes in the form of ovens in the steep sides of the sand-hills, and, having heated them to a certain degree, deposit themselves in them, and sleep and fast till the weather permits them to go abroad again for food. Persons who have visited their haunts after a severe winter, have found the ground around these family ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawling among them, who had various degrees of strength, from a bare sufficiency to gasp in death, to those that crawled upon their hands and feet, eating grass like cattle."[616] Naturally pusillanimous, weak in development, sunk below the common baser passions of the savage, more improvident than birds, more beastly than beasts, it may be possible to conceive of a lower phase of humanity, but I confess my inability to do so.

Pine-nuts, roots, berries, reptiles, insects, rats, mice, and occasionally rabbits are the only food of the poorer Shoshone tribes. Those living in the vicinity of streams or lakes depend more or less for their subsistence upon fish. The Snakes of Idaho and Oregon, and the tribes occupying the more fertile parts of Utah, having abundance of fish and game, live well the year round, but the miserable root-eating people, partly owing to their inherent improvidence, partly to the scantiness of their 428 food-supply, never store sufficient provision for the winter, and consequently before the arrival of spring they are invariably reduced to extreme destitution. To avoid starvation they will eat dead bodies, and even kill their children for food.[617] A rat or a rabbit is prepared for eating by singeing the hair, pressing the offal from the entrails and cooking body and intestines together. Lizards, snakes, grasshoppers, and ants are thrown alive into a dish containing hot embers, and are tossed about until roasted; they are then eaten dry or used to thicken soup. Grasshoppers, seeds, and roots, are also gathered and cooked in the same manner as by the nations already described. The Gosh Utes take rabbits in nets made of flax-twine, about three feet wide and of considerable length. A fence of sage-brush is erected across the rabbit-paths, and on this the net is hung. The rabbits in running quickly along the trail become entangled in the meshes and are taken before they can escape. Lizards are dragged from their holes by means of a hooked stick. To catch ants a piece of fresh hide or bark is placed upon the ant-hill; this is soon covered by vast swarms of the insects, which are then brushed off into a bag and kept there until dead, when they are dried for future use. Among the hunting tribes antelope are gradually closed in upon by a circle of horsemen and beaten to death with clubs. They are also stalked after the fashion of the Californians proper, the hunter placing the head and horns of an antelope or deer upon his own head and thus disguised approaching within shooting distance.

Fish are killed with spears having movable heads, which become detached when the game is struck, and are also taken in nets made of rushes or twigs. In the latter case a place is chosen where the river is crossed by a bar, the net is then floated down the stream and on reaching the bar both ends are drawn together. The fish thus enclosed are taken from the circle by hand, and the Shoshone as he takes each one, puts its head in 429 his mouth and kills it with his teeth. Captain Clarke describes an ingeniously constructed weir on Snake River, where it was divided into four channels by three small islands. Three of these channels were narrow "and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near to prevent the passage of the fish. About the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. The main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other, that they could not move, and were taken out by emptying the small end of the willow basket. The weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were, in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side of the angle. This is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. To these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and withes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. This is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. These two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, are provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir."

For present consumption the fish are boiled in water-tight 430 baskets by means of red-hot stones, or are broiled on the embers; sometimes the bones are removed before the fish is cooked; great quantities are also dried for winter. Some few of the Utahs cultivate a little maize, vegetables, and tobacco, and raise stock, but efforts at agriculture are not general. The Snakes sometimes accompany the more northern tribes into the country of the Blackfeet, for the purpose of killing buffalo.[618]

In their persons, dwellings and habits, the Utahs are filthy beyond description. Their bodies swarm with 431 vermin which they catch and eat with relish. Some of the Snakes are of a more cleanly disposition, but, generally speaking, the whole Shoshone family is a remarkably dirty one.[619]

The bow and arrow are universally used by the Shoshones, excepting only some of the most degraded root-eaters, who are said to have no weapon, offensive or defensive, save the club. The bow is made of cedar, pine, or other wood, backed with sinew after the manner already described, or, more rarely, of a piece of elk-horn. The string is of sinew. The length of the bow varies. According to Farnham, that used by the Pi Utes is six feet long, while that of the Shoshones seen by Lewis and Clark was only two and a half feet in length. The arrows are from two to four feet, and are pointed with obsidian, flint, or, among the lower tribes, by merely hardening the tip with fire. Thirty or forty are usually carried in a skin quiver, and two in the hand ready for immediate use. Lances, which are used in some localities, are pointed in the same manner as the arrows when no iron can be procured. The Snakes have a kind of mace or club, which they call a poggamoggon. It consists of a heavy stone, sometimes wrapped in leather, attached by a sinew thong about two inches in length, to the end of a stout leather-covered handle, measuring nearly two feet. A loop fastened to the end held in the hand prevents the warrior from losing the weapon in the fight, and allows him to hold the club in readiness while he uses the bow and arrow.[620] They also have a circular 432 shield about two and a half feet in diameter, which is considered a very important part of a warrior's equipment, not so much from the fact that it is arrow-proof, as from the peculiar virtues supposed to be given it by the medicine-men. The manufacture of a shield is a season of great rejoicing. It must be made from the entire fresh hide of a male two-year-old buffalo, and the process is as follows. A hole is dug in the ground and filled with red-hot stones; upon these water is poured until a thick steam arises. The hide is then stretched, by as many as can take hold of it, over the hole, until the hair can be removed with the hands and it shrinks to the required size. It is then placed upon a prepared hide, and pounded by the bare feet of all present, until the ceremony is concluded. When the shield is completed, it is supposed to render the bearer invulnerable. Lewis and Clarke also make mention of a species of defensive armor "something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. With this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow." I find mention in one instance only, of a shield being used by the Utahs. In that case it was small, circular, and worn suspended from the neck. The fishing spear I have already described as being a long pole with an elk-horn point. When a fish is struck the shaft is loosened from its socket in the head, but remains connected with the latter by a cord.[621] Arrows are occasionally 433 poisoned by plunging them into a liver which has been previously bitten by a rattlesnake.[622]

The tribes that possess horses always fight mounted, and manage their animals with considerable address. In war they place their reliance upon strategy and surprise; fires upon the hills give warning of an enemy's approach. Prisoners of war are killed with great tortures, especially female captives, who are given over to the women of the victorious tribe and by them done to death most cruelly; it is said, however, that male prisoners who have distinguished themselves by their prowess in battle, are frequently dismissed unhurt. Scalps are taken, and sometimes portions of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy are eaten that the eater may become endued with the valor of the slain. He who takes the most scalps gains the most glory. Whether the warriors who furnished the trophies fell by the hand of the accumulator or not, is immaterial; he has but to show the spoils and his fame is established. The Snakes are said to be peculiarly skillful in eluding pursuit. When on foot, they will crouch down in the long grass and remain motionless while the pursuer passes within a few feet of them, or when caught sight of they will double and twist so that it is impossible to catch them. The custom of ratifying a peace treaty by a grand smoke, common to so many of the North American aborigines, 434 is observed by the Shoshones.[623] The pipe, the bowl of which is usually of red stone, painted or carved with various figures and adorned with feathers, is solemnly passed from mouth to mouth, each smoker blowing the smoke in certain directions and muttering vows at the same time.

The only tools used before iron and steel were introduced by the whites were of flint, bone, or horn. The flint knife had no regular form, and had a sharp edge about three or four inches long, which was renewed when it became dull. Elk-horn hatchets, or rather wedges, were used to fell trees. They made water-proof baskets of plaited grass, and others of wicker-work covered with hide. The Snakes and some of the Utahs were versed in the art of pottery, and made very good vessels from baked clay. These were not merely open dishes, but often took the form of jars with narrow necks, having stoppers.[624] 435

Boats, as a rule, the Shoshones have none. They usually cross rivers by fording; otherwise they swim, or pass over on a clumsy and dangerous raft made of branches and rushes.[625] By way of compensation they all, except the poorest, have horses, and these constitute their wealth. They have no regular currency, but use for purposes of barter their stock of dried fish, their horses, or whatever skins and furs they may possess. They are very deliberate traders, and a solemn smoke must invariably precede a bargain.[626] Although each tribe has an ostensible chief, his power is limited to giving advice, and although his opinion may influence the tribe, yet he cannot compel obedience to his wishes. Every man does as he likes. Private revenge, of course, occasionally overtakes the murderer, or, if the sympathies of the tribe be with the murdered man, he may possibly be publicly executed, but there are no fixed laws for such cases. Chieftainship is hereditary in some tribes; in others it is derived from prestige.[627]

The Utahs do not hesitate to sell their wives and children 436 into slavery for a few trinkets. Great numbers of these unfortunates are sold to the Navajos for blankets. An act which passed the legislature of Utah in 1852, legalizing slavery, sets forth that from time immemorial, slavery has been a customary traffic among the Indians; that it was a common practice among them to gamble away their wives and children into slavery, to sell them into slavery to other nations, and that slaves thus obtained were most barbarously treated by their masters; that they were packed from place to place on mules; that these unfortunate humans were staked out to grass and roots like cattle, their limbs mutilated and swollen from being bound with thongs; that they were frozen, starved, and killed by their inhuman owners; that families and tribes living at peace would steal each other's wives and children, and sell them as slaves. In view of these abuses it was made lawful for a probate judge, or selectmen, to bind out native captive women and children to suitable white persons for a term not to exceed twenty years.[628]

Polygamy, though common, is not universal; a wife is generally bought of her parents;[629] girls are frequently betrothed in infancy; a husband will prostitute his wife to a stranger for a trifling present, but should she be unfaithful without his consent, her life must pay the forfeit. The women, as usual, suffer very little from the pains of child-bearing. When the time of a Shoshone woman's confinement draws near, she retires to some secluded place, brings forth unassisted, and remains there 437 for about a month, alone, and procuring her subsistence as best she can. When the appointed time has elapsed she is considered purified and allowed to join her friends again. The weaker sex of course do the hardest labor, and receive more blows than kind words for their pains. These people, in common with most nomadic nations, have the barbarous custom of abandoning the old and infirm the moment they find them an incumbrance. Lewis and Clarke state that children are never flogged, as it is thought to break their spirit.[630]

The games of hazard played by the Shoshones differ little from those of their neighbors; the principal one appears to be the odd-and-even game so often mentioned; but of late years they have nearly abandoned these, and have taken to 'poker,' which they are said to play with such adroitness as to beat a white man. With the voice they imitate with great exactness the cries of birds and beasts, and their concerts of this description, which generally take place at midnight, are discordant beyond measure. Though they manufacture no intoxicating liquor themselves, they will drink the whisky of the whites whenever opportunity offers. They smoke the kinikkinik leaf when no tobacco can be procured from the traders.[631] In connection with their smoking they 438 have many strange observances. When the pipe is passed round at the solemnization of a treaty, or the confirmation of a bargain, each smoker, on receiving it from his neighbor, makes different motions with it; one turns the pipe round before placing the stem to his lips; another describes a semicircle with it; a third smokes with the bowl in the air; a fourth with the bowl on the ground, and so on through the whole company. All this is done with a most grave and serious countenance, which makes it the more ludicrous to the looker-on. The Snakes, before smoking with a stranger, always draw off their moccasins as a mark of respect. Any great feat performed by a warrior, which adds to his reputation and renown, such as scalping an enemy, or successfully stealing his horses, is celebrated by a change of name. Killing a grizzly bear also entitles him to this honor, for it is considered a great feat to slay one of these formidable animals, and only he who has performed it is allowed to wear their highest insignia of glory, the feet or claws of the victim. To bestow his name upon a friend is the highest compliment that one man can offer another.

The Snakes, and some of the Utahs, are skillful riders, and possess good horses. Their horse-furniture is simple. A horse-hair or raw-hide lariat is fastened round the animal's neck; the bight is passed with a single half-hitch round his lower jaw, and the other end is held in the rider's hand; this serves as a bridle. When the horse is turned loose, the lariat is loosened from his jaw and allowed to trail from his neck. The old men and 439 the women have saddles similar to those used for packing by the whites; they are a wooden frame made of two pieces of thin board fitting close to the sides of the horse, and held together by two cross-pieces, in shape like the legs of an isosceles triangle. A piece of hide is placed between this and the horse's back, and a robe is thrown over the seat when it is ridden on. The younger men use no saddle, except a small pad, girthed on with a leather thong. When traveling they greatly overload their horses. All the household goods and provisions are packed upon the poor animal's back, and then the women and children seat themselves upon the pile, sometimes as many as four or five on one horse.[632]

The poorer Utahs are very subject to various diseases, owing to exposure in winter. They have few, if any, efficient remedies. They dress wounds with pine-gum, after squeezing out the blood. The Snakes are much affected by rheumatism and consumption, caused chiefly by their being almost constantly in the water fishing, and by exposure. Syphilis has, of course, been extensively introduced among all the tribes. A few plants and herbs are used for medicinal purposes, and the medicine-men practice their wonted mummeries, but what particular means of cure they adopt is not stated by the authorities. I find no mention of their having sweat-houses.[633]

Concerning the disposal of the dead usage differs. In some parts the body is burned, in others it is buried. In either case the property of the deceased is destroyed at his burial. His favorite horse, and, in some instances, 440 his favorite wife, are killed over his grave, that he may not be alone in the spirit land. Laceration in token of grief is universal, and the lamentations of the dead person's relatives are heard for weeks after his death, and are renewed at intervals for many months. Child-like in this, they rush into extremes, and when not actually engaged in shrieking and tearing their flesh, they appear perfectly indifferent to their loss.[634]

The character of the better Shoshone tribes is not much worse than that of the surrounding nations; they are thieving, treacherous, cunning, moderately brave after their fashion, fierce when fierceness will avail them anything, and exceedingly cruel. Of the miserable root and grass eating Shoshones, however, even this much cannot be said. Those who have seen them unanimously agree that they of all men are lowest. Lying in a state of semi-torpor in holes in the ground during the winter, and in spring crawling forth and eating grass on their hands and knees, until able to regain their feet; having no clothes, scarcely any cooked food, in many instances no weapons, with merely a few vague imaginings for religion, living in the utmost squalor and filth, putting no bridle on their passions, there is surely room for no missing link between them and brutes.[635] Yet as 441 in all men there stands out some prominent good, so in these, the lowest of humanity, there is one virtue: they are lovers of their country; lovers, not of fair hills and fertile valleys, but of inhospitable mountains and barren plains; these reptile-like men love their miserable burrowing-places better than all the comforts of 442 civilization; indeed, in many instances, when detained by force among the whites, they have been known to pine away and die.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER V.

NEW MEXICANS.

Geographical Position of this Group, and Physical Features of the Territory—Family Divisions: Apaches, Pueblos, Lower Californians, and Northern Mexicans—the Apache Family: Comanches, Apaches Proper, Hualapais, Yumas, Cosninos, Yampais, Yalchedunes, Yamajabs, Cochees, Cruzados, Nijoras, Navajos, Mojaves, and their Customs—The Pueblo Family: Pueblos, Moquis, Pimas, Maricopas, Papagos, and their Neighbours—The Cochimis, Waicuris, Pericuis, and other Lower Californians—The Seris, Sinaloas, Tarahumares, Conchos, Tepehuanes, Tobosos, Acaxes, and others in Northern Mexico.

The New Mexicans, under which name I group the nations of New Mexico, Arizona, Lower California, Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, northern Zacatecas, and western Texas, present some peculiarities not hitherto encountered in this work. As a groupal designation, this name is neither more nor less appropriate than some others; all I claim for it is that it appears as fit as any. The term Mexican might with propriety be applied to this group, as the majority of its people live within the Mexican boundary, but that word is employed in the next division, which is yet more strictly of Mexico.

The territory of the New Mexicans, which lies for the most part between the parallels 36° and 23° and the meridians 96° and 117°, presents a great diversity of climate and aspect. On reaching the northern extremity of the Gulf of California, the Sierra Nevada and coast ranges of mountains join and break up into detached upheavals, or 472 as they are called 'lost mountains'; one part, with no great elevation, continuing through the peninsula, another, under the name of Sierra Madre, extending along the western side of Mexico. The Rocky Mountains, which separate into two ranges at about the forty-fifth parallel, continue southward, one branch, known in Utah as the Wahsatch, merging into the Sierra Madre, while the other, the great Cordillera, stretches along the eastern side of Mexico, uniting again with the Sierra Madre in the Mexican table-land. Besides these are many detached and intersecting ranges, between which lie arid deserts, lava beds, and a few fertile valleys. From the sterile sandy deserts which cover vast areas of this territory, rise many isolated groups of almost inaccessible peaks, some of which are wooded, thus affording protection and food for man and beast. Two great rivers, the Colorado and the Rio Grande del Norte flow through this region, one on either side, but, except in certain spots, they contribute little to the fertilization of the country. In the more elevated parts the climate is temperate, sometimes in winter severely cold; but on the deserts and plains, with the scorching sun above and the burning sand beneath, the heat is almost insupportable. The scanty herbage, by which the greater part of this region is covered, offers to man but a transient food-supply; hence he must move from place to place or starve. Thus nature, more than elsewhere on our coast, invites to a roving life; and, as on the Arabian deserts, bands of American Bedouins roam over immense tracts seeking what they may devour. Here it is that many a luckless miner and ill-protected traveler pays the penalty of his temerity with his life; here it is, more than elsewhere within the temperate zones of the two Americas, that the natives bid defiance to the encroachments of civilization. Sweeping down upon small settlements and isolated parties, these American Arabs rob, murder, and destroy, then fleeing to their strongholds bid defiance to pursuers. In the midst of all this we find another phenomenon in the semi-civilized towns-people of New 473 Mexico and Arizona; a spontaneous awakening from the ruder phases of savagism.

The families of this division may be enumerated as follows: The Apaches, under which general name I include all the savage tribes roaming through New Mexico, the north-western portion of Texas, a small part of northern Mexico, and Arizona; the Pueblos, or partially cultivated towns-people of New Mexico and Arizona, with whom I unite, though not town-builders, the non-nomadic Pimas, Maricopas and Pápagos of the lower Gila River; the Lower Californians, who occupy the peninsula; and the Northern Mexicans, which term includes the various nations scattered over the States of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and northern Zacatecas.

To the Apaches, using the term in the signification of a family of this division, no accurate boundaries can be assigned. Owing to their roving proclivities and incessant raids they are led first in one direction and then in another. In general terms they may be said to range about as follows: The Comanches, Jetans, or Nauni, consisting of three tribes, the Comanches proper, the Yamparacks, and Tenawas, inhabiting northern Texas, eastern Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Durango, and portions of south-western New Mexico,[636] by language allied to the Shoshone family;[637] the Apaches, who call 474 themselves Shis Inday, or 'men of the woods,'[638] and whose tribal divisions are the Chiricaguis, Coyoteros, Faraones, Gileños, Lipanes, Llaneros, Mescaleros, Mimbreños, Natages, Pelones, Pinaleños, Tejuas, Tontos and Vaqueros, roaming over New Mexico, Arizona, north-western Texas, Chihuahua and Sonora,[639] and who are allied by language to the great Tinneh family;[640] the Navajos, or Tenuai, 'men,' as they designate themselves, having linguistic 475 affinities with the Apache nation, with which indeed they are sometimes classed, living in and around the Sierra de los Mimbres;[641] the Mojaves, occupying both banks of the Colorado in Mojave Valley; the Hualapais, near the headwaters of Bill Williams Fork; the Yumas, on the east bank of the Colorado, near its junction with the Rio Gila;[642] the Cosninos, who like the Hualapais are sometimes included in the Apache nation, ranging through the Mogollon Mountains;[643] and the Yampais, between Bill Williams Fork and the Rio Hassayampa.[644] Of the multitude of names mentioned by the early Spanish authorities, I only give in addition to the above the Yalchedunes, located on the west bank of the Colorado in about latitude 33° 20´, the Yamajabs, on the east bank of the same river, in about latitude 34°-35°; the Cochees, in the Chiricagui Mountains of Arizona, the Cruzados[645] in New Mexico, and finally the Nijoras,[646] somewhere about the lower Colorado.[647] 476

The Apache country is probably the most desert of all, alternating between sterile plains and wooded mountains, interspersed with comparatively few rich valleys. The rivers do little to fertilize the soil except in spots; the little moisture that appears is quickly absorbed by the cloudless air and arid plains which stretch out, sometimes a hundred miles in length and breadth, like lakes of sand. In both mountain and desert the fierce, rapacious Apache, inured from childhood to hunger and thirst, and heat and cold, finds safe retreat. It is here, among our western nations, that we first encounter thieving as a profession. No savage is fond of work; indeed, labor and savagism are directly antagonistic, for if the savage continues to labor he can but become civilized. Now the Apache is not as lazy as some of his northern brothers, yet he will not work, or if he does, like the Pueblos who are nothing but partially reclaimed Apaches or Comanches, he forthwith elevates himself, and is no longer an Apache; but being somewhat free from the vice of laziness, though subject in an eminent degree to all other vices of which mankind have any knowledge, he presents the anomaly of uniting activity with barbarism, and for this he must thank his thievish propensities. Leaving others to do the work, he cares not whom, the agriculturists of the river-bottoms or the towns-people of the north, he turns Ishmaelite, pounces upon those near and more remote, and if pursued retreats across the jornadas del muerte, or 'journeys of death' as the Mexican calls them, and finds refuge in the gorges, cañons, and other almost impregnable natural fortresses of the mountains. 477

The disparity in physical appearance between some of these nations, which may be attributed for the most part to diet, is curious. While those who subsist on mixed vegetable and animal food, present a tall, healthy, and muscular development, hardly excelled by the Caucasian race, those that live on animal food, excepting perhaps the Comanches, are small in stature, wrinkled, shriveled, and hideously ugly.[648] All the natives of this family, with the exception of the Apaches proper, are tall, well-built, with muscles strongly developed, pleasing features, although at times rather broad faces, high foreheads, large, clear, dark-colored eyes, possessing generally extraordinary powers of vision, black coarse hair and, for a wonder, beards. Taken as a whole, they are the most perfect specimens of physical manhood that we have yet encountered. While some, and particularly females, are PHYSICAL PECULIARITIES. a light copper color, others again approach near to the dark Californian. Women are generally plumper, inclining more to obesity than the men. Some comely girls are spoken of amongst them, but they grow old early.[649] 478 In contradistinction to all this the Apaches proper, or Apache nation, as we may call them, are slim, ill developed, but very agile. Their height is about five feet 479 four to five inches; features described as ugly, repulsive, emotionless, flat, and approaching the Mongol cast, while the head is covered with an unkempt mass of coarse, shocky, rusty black hair, not unlike bristles. The women are not at all behind the men in ugliness, and a pleasing face is a rarity. A feature common to the family is remarkably small feet; in connection with which may be mentioned the peculiarity which obtains on the lower Colorado, of having the large toe widely separated from the others, which arises probably from wading in marshy bottoms. All the tribes whose principal subsistence is meat, and more particularly those that eat horse and mule flesh, are said to exhale a peculiar scent, something like the animals themselves when heated.[650] 480

All the natives of this region wear the hair much in the same manner, cut square across the forehead, and flowing behind.[651] The Mojave men usually twist or plait it, while with the women it is allowed to hang loose. Tattooing is common, but not universal; many of the Mojave women tattoo the chin in vertical lines like the Central Californians, except that the lines are closer together.[652] Paint is freely used among the Mojaves, black and red predominating, but the Apaches, Yumas, and others use a greater variety of colors.[653] Breech-cloth and moccasins are the ordinary dress of the men,[654] while the 481 women have a short petticoat of bark.[655] The dress of the Mojaves and Apaches is often more pretentious, being a buckskin shirt, skull-cap or helmet, and moccasins of the same material; the latter, broad at the toes, slightly turned up, and reaching high up on the leg, serve as a protection against cacti and thorns.[656] It is a common practice among these tribes to plaster the head and body with mud, which acts as a preventive against vermin and a protection from the sun's rays.[657] In their selection 482 of ornaments the Mojaves show a preference for white, intermixed with blue; necklaces and bracelets made from beads and small shells, usually strung together, but sometimes sewed on to leather bands are much in vogue. The Apache nation adopt a more fantastic style in painting and in their head-dress; for ornament they employ deer-hoofs, shells, fish-bones, beads, and occasionally porcupine-quills, with which the women embroider their short deer-skin petticoats.[658] The Navajoes, both men and women, wear the hair long, tied or clubbed up behind; they do not tattoo or disfigure themselves with paint.[659] The ordinary dress is a species of hunting-shirt, or doublet, of deer-skin, or a blanket confined at the waist by a belt; buckskin breeches, sometimes ornamented up the seams with pieces of silver or porcupine-quills; long moccasins, reaching well up the 483 leg, and a round helmet-shaped cap, also of buckskin, surmounted with a plume of eagle or wild turkey feathers, and fastened with a chin-strap. The women wear a blanket and waist-belt, breeches and moccasins. The belts, which are of buckskin, are frequently richly ornamented with silver. They sometimes also use porcupine-quills, with which they embroider their garments.[660]

The Comanches of both sexes tattoo the face, and body generally on the breast.[661] The men do not cut the hair, but gather it into tufts or plaits, to which they attach round pieces of silver graduated in size from top to bottom; those who cannot obtain or afford silver use beads, tin, or glass.[662] Much time is spent by them in 484 painting and adorning their person—red being a favorite color; feathers also form a necessary adjunct to their toilet.[663] Some few wear a deer-skin shirt, but the more common dress is the buffalo-robe, which forms the sole covering for the upper part of the body; in addition, the breech-cloth, leggins, and moccasins are worn. The women crop the hair short, and a long shirt made of deer-skin, which extends from the neck to below the knees, with leggins and moccasins, are their usual attire.[664] 485

Nomadic and roving in their habits, they pay little attention to the construction of their dwellings. Seldom do they remain more than a week in one locality;[665] hence their lodges are comfortless, and diversified in style according to caprice and circumstances. The frame-work everywhere is usually of poles, the Comanches placing them erect, the Lipans bringing the tops together in cone-shape, while the Apaches bend them over into a low oval;[666] one or other of the above forms is usually adopted by all this family,[667] with unimportant differences depending on locality and variations of climate. The framework is covered with brushwood or 486 skins, sometimes with grass or flat stones. They are from twelve to eighteen feet in diameter at the widest part, and vary from four to eight feet in height,[668] which is sometimes increased by excavation.[669] A triangular opening serves as a door, which is closed with a piece of cloth or skin attached to the top.[670] When on or near rocky ground they live in caves, whence some travelers have inferred that they build stone houses.[671] A few of 487 the Mojave dwellings are so superior to the others that they deserve special notice. They may be described as a sort of shed having perpendicular walls and sloping roof, the latter supported by a horizontal beam running along the center, the roof projecting in front so as to form a kind of portico. The timber used is cottonwood, and the interstices are filled up with mud or straw.[672] None of their houses have windows, the door and smoke-hole in the roof serving for this purpose; but, as many of them have their fires outside, the door is often the only opening.[673]

Small huts about three feet in height constitute their medicine-lodges, or bath-houses, and are generally in form and material like their other structures.[674] The Mojaves also build granaries in a cylindrical form with conical, skillfully made osier roofs.[675]

The food of all is similar;[676] most of them make more or less pretentions to agriculture, and are habituated to a vegetable diet, but seldom do any of them raise a sufficient supply for the year's consumption, and they are therefore forced to rely on the mesquit-bean, the piñon-nut 488 and the maguey-plant, agave mexicana, and other wild fruits, which they collect in considerable quantities.[677] They are but indifferent hunters, and secure only a precarious supply of small game, such as rabbits and squirrels, with ultimate recourse to rats, grasshoppers, lizards and other reptiles.[678] A few fish are taken by those living in the neighborhood of rivers.[679] The 489 Navajos, Mojaves, and Yumas, have long been acquainted with the art of agriculture and grow corn, beans, pumpkins, melons, and other vegetables, and also some wheat; some attempt a system of irrigation, and others select for their crops that portion of land which has been overflowed by the river. The Navajos possess numerous flocks of sheep, which though used for food, they kill only when requiring the wool for blankets. Although in later years they have cows, they do not make butter or cheese, but only a curd from sour milk, from which they express the whey and of which they are very fond.[680]

Their method of planting is simple; with a short sharp-pointed stick small holes are dug in the ground into which they drop the seeds, and no further care is given to the crop except to keep it partially free from weeds.[681]

Maize soaked in water is ground to a paste between two stones. From this paste tortillas, or thin cakes, are made which are baked on a hot stone. To cook the maguey, a hole is made in the ground, in which a fire is kindled; after it has burned some time the maguey-bulb is buried in the hot ashes and roasted. Some concoct a gypsy sort of dish or ollapodrida; game, and such roots or herbs as they can collect, being put in an earthen pot with water and boiled.[682] 490

As before mentioned, the roving Apaches obtain most of their food by hunting and plunder; they eat more meat and less vegetable diet than the other Arizona tribes. They have a great partiality for horse-flesh, seldom eat fish, but kill deer and antelope.[683] When hunting they frequently disguise themselves in a skin, and imitating closely the habits and movements of the animal, they contrive to approach within shooting-distance.[684] Whether it be horse or deer, every portion of the carcass with the exception of the bones, is consumed, the entrails being a special delicacy. Their meat they roast partially in the fire, and eat it generally half raw. When food is plenty they eat ravenously and consume an enormous 491 quantity; when scarce, they fast long and stoically. Most of them hate bear-meat and pork. So Jew-like is the Navajo in this particular that he will not touch pork though starving.[685]

The Comanches do not cultivate the soil, but subsist entirely by the chase. Buffalo, which range in immense herds throughout their country, are the chief food, the only addition to it being a few wild plants and roots; hence they may be said to be almost wholly flesh-eaters.[686] In pursuit of the buffalo they exhibit great activity, skill, and daring. When approaching a herd, they advance in close column, gradually increasing their speed, and as the distance is lessened, they separate into two or more groups, and dashing into the herd at full gallop, discharge their arrows right and left with great rapidity; others hunt buffalo with spears, but the common and more fatal weapon is the bow and arrow. The skinning and cutting up of the slain animals is usually the task of the women.[687] The meat and also the entrails are 492 eaten both raw and roasted. A fire being made in a hole, sticks are ranged round it, meeting at the top, on which the meat is placed. The liver is a favorite morsel, and is eaten raw; they also drink the warm blood of the animal.[688] No provision is made for a time of scarcity, but when many buffalo are killed, they cut portions of them into long strips, which, after being dried in the sun, are pounded fine. This pemican they carry with them in their hunting expeditions, and when unsuccessful in the chase, a small quantity boiled in water or cooked with grease, serves for a meal. When unable to procure game, they sometimes kill their horses and mules for food, but this only when compelled by necessity.[689] In common with all primitive humanity they are filthy—never bathing except in summer[690]—with little or no sense of decency.[691] 493

Throughout Arizona and New Mexico, the bow and arrow is the principal weapon, both in war and in the chase; to which are added, by those accustomed to move about on horseback, the shield and lance;[692] with such also the Mexican riata may now occasionally be seen.[693] In battle, the Colorado River tribes use a club made of hard heavy wood, having a large mallet-shaped head, with a small handle, through which a hole is bored, and in which a leather thong is introduced for the purpose of securing it in the hand.[694] They seldom use the tomahawk. 494 BOW AND LANCE.Some carry slings with four cords attached.[695] The bows are made of yew, bois d'arc, or willow, and strengthened by means of deer-sinews, firmly fastened to the back with a strong adhesive mixture. The length varies from four to five feet. The string is made from sinews of the deer.[696] A leathern arm-guard is worn round the left wrist to defend it from the blow of the string.[697] The arrows measure from twenty to thirty inches, according to length of bow, and the shaft is composed of two pieces; the notch end, which is the longer, consisting of a reed, into which is fitted a shorter piece 495 made of acacia, or some other hard wood, and tipped with obsidian, agate, or iron. It is intended that when an object is struck, and an attempt is made to draw out the arrow, the pointed end shall remain in the wound. There is some difference in the feathering; most nations employing three feathers, tied round the shaft at equal distances with fine tendons. The Tontos have their arrows winged with four feathers, while some of the Comanches use only two. All have some distinguishing mark in their manner of winging, painting, or carving on their arrows.[698] The quiver is usually made of the skin of some animal, deer or sheep, sometimes of a fox or wild-cat skin entire with the tail appended, or of reeds, and carried slung at the back or fastened to a waist-belt.[699] The lance is from twelve to fifteen feet long, the point being a long piece of iron, a knife or sword blade socketed into the pole.[700] Previous to the introduction 496 of iron, their spears were pointed with obsidian or some other flinty substance which was hammered and ground to a sharp edge. The frame of the shield is made of light basket-work, covered with two or three thicknesses of buffalo-hide; between the layers of hide it is usual with the Comanches to place a stuffing of hair, thus rendering them almost bullet proof. Shields are painted in various devices and decorated with feathers, pieces of leather, and other finery, also with the scalps of enemies, and are carried on the left arm by two straps.[701]

Their fighting has more the character of assassination and murder than warfare. They attack only when they consider success a foregone conclusion, and rather than incur the risk of losing a warrior will for days lie in ambush till a fair opportunity for surprising the foe presents itself.[702] The ingenuity of the Apache in preparing an ambush or a surprise is described by Colonel Cremony as follows: "He has as perfect a knowledge of 497 the assimilation of colors as the most experienced Paris modiste. By means of his acumen in this respect, he can conceal his swart body amidst the green grass, behind brown shrubs, or gray rocks, with so much address and judgment that any but the experienced would pass him by without detection at the distance of three or four yards. Sometimes they will envelop themselves in a gray blanket, and by an artistic sprinkling of earth, will so resemble a granite boulder as to be passed within near range without suspicion. At others, they will cover their persons with freshly gathered grass, and lying prostrate, appear as a natural portion of the field. Again they will plant themselves among the Yuccas, and so closely imitate the appearance of that tree as to pass for one of its species."

Before undertaking a raid they secrete their families in the mountain fastnesses, or elsewhere, then two by two, or in greater numbers, they proceed by different routes, to a place of rendezvous, not far from where the assault is to be made or where the ambuscade is to be prepared. When, after careful observation, coupled with the report of their scouts, they are led to presume that little, if any, resistance will be offered them, a sudden assault is made, men, women and children are taken captives, and animals and goods secured, after which their retreat is conducted in an orderly and skillful manner, choosing pathways over barren and rugged mountains which are known only to themselves.[703] Held asunder from congregating in large bodies by a meagerness of provisions, they have recourse to a system of signals which facilitates intercourse with each other. During the day one or more columns of smoke are the 498 signals made for the scattered and roaming bands to rendezvous, or they serve as a warning against approaching danger. To the same end at night they used a fire beacon; besides these, they have various other means of telegraphing which are understood only by them, for example, the displacement and arrangement of a few stones on the trail, or a bended twig, is to them a note of warning as efficient, as is the bugle-call to disciplined troops.[704]

They treat their prisoners cruelly; scalping them, or burning them at the stake; yet, ruled as they are by greediness, they are always ready to exchange them for horses, blankets, beads, or other property. When hotly pursued, they murder their male prisoners, preserving only the females and children, and the captured cattle, though under desperate circumstances they do not hesitate to slaughter the latter.[705] The Apaches returning to their families from a successful expedition, are received by the women with songs and feasts, but if unsuccessful they are met with jeers and insults. On such occasions says Colonel Cremony, "the women turn away from them with assured indifference and contempt. They are upbraided as cowards, or for want of skill and tact, and are 499 told that such men should not have wives, because they do not know how to provide for their wants. When so reproached, the warriors hang their heads and offer no excuse for their failure. To do so would only subject them to more ridicule and objurgation; but Indian-like, they bide their time in the hope of finally making their peace by some successful raid." If a Mojave is taken prisoner he is forever discarded in his own nation, and should he return his mother even will not own him.[706]

The Comanches, who are better warriors than the Apaches, highly honor bravery on the battle-field. From early youth, they are taught the art of war, and the skillful handling of their horses and weapons; and they are not allowed a seat in the council, until their name is garnished by some heroic deed.[707] Before going on the war-path they perform certain ceremonies, prominent among which is the war-dance.[708] They invariably fight on horseback with the bow and arrow, spear and shield, and in the management of these weapons they have no superiors.

Their mode of attack is sudden and impetuous; they advance in column, and when near the enemy form subdivisions charging on the foe simultaneously from opposite sides, and while keeping their horses in constant motion, they throw themselves over the side, leaving only a small portion of the body exposed, and in this position discharge their arrows over the back of the animal or under his neck with great rapidity and precision.[709] 500 A few scalps are taken, for the purpose of being used at the war or scalp dance by which they celebrate a victory. Prisoners belong to the captors and the males are usually killed, but women are reserved and become the wives or servants of their owners, while children of both sexes are adopted into the tribe.[710] Peace ceremonies take place at a council of warriors, when the pipe is passed round and smoked by each, previous to which an interchange of presents is customary.[711]

Household utensils are made generally of wickerwork, or straw, which, to render them watertight, are coated with some resinous substance. The Mojaves and a few of the Apache tribes have also burnt-clay vessels, such as water-jars and dishes.[712] For grinding maize, as before 501 stated, a kind of metate is used, which with them is nothing more than a convex and a concave stone.[713] Of agricultural implements they know nothing; a pointed stick, crooked at one end, which they call kishishai, does service as a corn-planter in spring, and during the later season answers also for plucking fruit from trees, and again, in times of scarcity, to dig rats and prairie dogs from their subterranean retreats. Their cradle is a flat board, padded, on which the infant is fastened; on the upper part is a little hood to protect the head, and it is carried by the mother on her back, suspended by a strap.[714] Their saddles are simply two rolls of straw covered with deer or antelope skin, which are connected by a strap; a piece of raw hide serves for girths and stirrups. In later years the Mexican saddle, or one approaching it in shape, has been adopted, and the Navajos have succeeded in making a pretty fair imitation of it, of hard ash. Their bridles, which consist of a rein attached to the lower jaw, are very severe on the animal.[715] Although not essentially a fish-eating people, 502 the Mojaves and Axuas display considerable ingenuity in the manufacture of fishing-nets, which are noted for their strength and beauty. Plaited grass, or the fibry bark of the willow, are the materials of which they are made.[716] Fire is obtained in the old primitive fashion of rubbing together two pieces of wood, one soft and the other hard. The hard piece is pointed and is twirled on the softer piece, with a steady downward pressure until sparks appear.[717]

The Navajos excel all other nations of this family in the manufacture of blankets.[718] The art with them is perhaps of Mexican origin, and they keep for this industry large flocks of sheep.[719] Some say in making blankets cotton is mixed with the wool, but I find no notice of their cultivating cotton. Their looms are of the most primitive kind. Two beams, one suspended and the other fastened to the ground, serve to stretch the warp perpendicularly, and two slats, inserted between the double warp, cross and recross it and also open a passage for the shuttle, which is simply a short stick with some thread wound around it. The operator sits 503 on the ground, and the blanket, as the weaving progresses, is wound round the lower beam.[720] The wool, after being carded, is spun with a spindle resembling a boy's top, the stem being about sixteen inches long and the lower point made to revolve in an earthen bowl by being twirled rapidly between the forefinger and thumb. The thread after being twisted is wound on the spindle, and though not very even, it answers the purpose very well.[721] The patterns are mostly regular geometrical figures, among which diamonds and parallels predominate.[722] Black and red are the principal variations in color, but blue and yellow are at times seen. Their colors they obtain mostly by dyeing with vegetable substances, but in later years they obtain also colored manufactured materials from the whites, which they again unravel, employing the colored threads obtained in this manner in their own manufactures.[723] They also weave 504 a coarse woolen cloth, of which they at times make shirts and leggins.[724] Besides pottery of burnt clay, wickerwork baskets, and saddles and bridles, no general industry obtains in this family.[725] Featherwork, such as sewing various patterns on skins with feathers, and other ornamental needlework, are also practiced by the Navajos.[726]

Of the Comanches, the Abbé Domenech relates that they extracted silver from some mines near San Saba, 505 from which they manufactured ornaments for themselves and their saddles and bridles.[727]

They have no boats, but use rafts of wood, or bundles of rushes fastened tightly together with osier or willow twigs, and propelled sometimes with poles; but more frequently they place upon the craft their property and wives, and, swimming alongside of it, with the greatest ease push it before them.[728] For their maintenance, especially in latter days, they are indebted in a great measure to their horses, and accordingly they consider them as their most valuable property. The Navajos are larger stock owners than any of the other nations, possessing numerous flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle as well as horses and mules. These, with their blankets, their dressed skins, and peaches which they cultivate, constitute their chief wealth.[729] Certain bands of the Apache nation exchange with the agriculturists pottery and skins for grain.[730] Among the Navajos, husband and wife hold their property separate, and at their death it 506 becomes the inheritance of the nephew or niece. This law of entail is often eluded by the parents, who before death give their goods to their children.[731] Their exchanges are governed by caprice rather than by established values. Sometimes they will give a valuable blanket for a trifling ornament. The Mojaves have a species of currency which they call pook, consisting of strings of shell beads, whose value is determined by the length.[732] At the time of Coronado's expedition, in 1540, the Comanches possessed great numbers of dogs, which they employed in transporting their buffalo-skin tents and scanty household utensils.[733] When a buffalo is killed, the successful hunter claims only the hide; the others are at liberty to help themselves to the meat according to their necessities.[734] In their trading transactions they display much shrewdness, and yet are free from the tricks usually resorted to by other nations.[735]

Their knowledge of decorative art is limited; paintings 507 and sculptures of men and animals, rudely executed on rocks or walls of caverns are occasionally met with; whether intended as hieroglyphical representations, or sketched during the idle moments of some budding genius, it is difficult to determine, owing to the fact that the statements of the various authors who have investigated the subject are conflicting.[736] The Comanches display a certain taste in painting their buffalo-robes, shields, and tents. The system of enumeration of the Apaches exhibits a regularity and diffusiveness seldom met with amongst wild tribes, and their language contains all the terms for counting up to ten thousand.[737] In this respect the Comanches are very deficient; what little knowledge of arithmetic they have is decimal, and when counting, the aid of their fingers or presence of some actual object is necessary, being, as they are, in total ignorance of the simplest arithmetical calculation. The rising sun proclaims to them a new day; beyond this they have no computation or division of time. They know nothing of the motions of the earth or heavenly bodies, though they recognise the fixedness of the polar star.[738]

Their social organization, like all their manners and customs, is governed by their wild and migratory life. Government they have none. Born and bred with the 508 idea of perfect personal freedom, all restraint is unendurable.[739] The nominal authority vested in the war chief, is obtained by election, and is subordinate to the council of warriors.[740] Every father holds undisputed sway over his children until the age of puberty. His power, importance, and influence at the council-fire is determined by the amount of his slaves and other property.[741] Those specially distinguished by their cunning and prowess in war, or success in the chase, are chosen as chiefs.

A chief may at any time be deposed.[742] Sometimes it happens that one family retains the chieftaincy in a tribe during several generations, because of the bravery or wealth of the sons.[743] In time of peace but little authority is vested in the chief; but on the war path, to ensure success, his commands are implicitly obeyed. It 509 also frequently happens that chiefs are chosen to lead some particular war or marauding expedition, their authority expiring immediately upon their return home.[744]

Among the Comanches public councils are held at regular intervals during the year, when matters pertaining to the common weal are discussed, laws made, thefts, seditions, murders, and other crimes punished, and the quarrels of warrior-chiefs settled. Smaller councils are also held, in which, as well as in the larger ones, all are free to express their opinion.[745] Questions laid before them are taken under consideration, a long time frequently elapsing before a decision is made. Great care is taken that the decrees of the meeting shall be in accordance with the opinion and wishes of the majority. Laws are promulgated by a public crier, who ranks next to the chief in dignity.[746]

Ancestral customs and traditions govern the decisions of the councils; brute force, or right of the strongest, with the law of talion in its widest acceptance, direct the mutual relations of tribes and individuals.[747] Murder, 510 adultery, theft, and sedition are punished with death or public exposure, or settled by private agreement or the interposition of elderly warriors. The doctor failing to cure his patient must be punished by death. The court of justice is the council of the tribe, presided over by the chiefs, the latter with the assistance of sub-chiefs, rigidly executing judgment upon the culprits.[748] All crimes may be pardoned but murder, which must pay blood for blood if the avenger overtake his victim.[749]

All the natives of this family hold captives as slaves;[750] some treat them kindly, employing the men as herders 511 and marrying the women; others half-starve and scourge them, and inflict on them the most painful labors.[751] Nothing short of crucifixion, roasting by a slow fire, or some other most excruciating form of death, can atone the crime of attempted escape from bondage. They not only steal children from other tribes and sell them, but carry on a most unnatural traffic in their own offspring.[752]

Womankind as usual is not respected. The female child receives little care from its mother, being only of collateral advantage to the tribe. Later she becomes the beast of burden and slave of her husband. Some celebrate the entry into womanhood with feasting and dancing.[753] Courtship is simple and brief; the wooer 512 pays for his bride and takes her home.[754] Every man may have all the wives he can buy. There is generally a favorite, or chief wife, who exercises authority over MARRIAGE AND CHILD-BIRTH. the others. As polygamy causes a greater division of labor, the women do not object to it.[755] Sometimes a feast of horse-flesh celebrates a marriage.[756] All the labor of preparing food, tanning skins, cultivating fields, making clothes, and building houses, falls to the women, the men considering it beneath their dignity to do anything but hunt and fight. The women feed and saddle the horses of their lords; oftentimes they are cruelly beaten, mutilated, and even put to death.[757] The 513 marriage yoke sits lightly; the husband may repudiate his wife at will and take back the property given for her; the wife may abandon her husband, but by the latter act she covers him with such disgrace that it may only be wiped out by killing somebody[758]—anybody whom he may chance to meet. In the event of a separation the children follow the mother. They are not a prolific race; indeed, it is but seldom that a woman has more than three or four children. As usual parturition is easy; but owing to unavoidable exposure many of their infants soon die. The naming of the child is attended with superstitious rites, and on reaching the age of puberty they never fail to change its name.[759] Immediately after the birth of the child, it is fastened to a small board, by bandages, and so carried for several 514 months on the back of the mother. Later the child rides on the mother's hip, or is carried on her back in a basket or blanket, which in travelling on horseback is fastened to the pommel of the saddle. Boys are early taught the use of weapons, and early learn their superiority over girls, being seldom or never punished.[760]

It is a singular fact that of all these people the thievish meat-eating Apache is almost the only one who makes any pretentions to female chastity. All authorities agree that the Apache women both before and after marriage are remarkably pure.[761]

Yuma husbands for gain surrender not only their slaves, but their wives. Hospitality carries with it the obligation of providing for the guest a temporary wife. The usual punishment for infidelity is the mutilation of the nose or ears, which disfigurement prevents the offender from marrying, and commonly sends her forth as a public harlot in the tribe.[762] The seducer can appease 515 the anger of an injured husband by presents, although before the law he forfeits his life. Even sodomy and incestuous intercourse occur among them. Old age is dishonorable.[763]

They are immoderately fond of smoking, drinking, feasting, and amusements which fill up the many hours of idleness. Dancing and masquerading is the most favorite pastime. They have feasts with dances to celebrate victories, feasts given at marriage, and when girls attain the age of puberty; a ceremonial is observed at the burial of noted warriors, and on other various occasions of private family life, in which both men and women take part. The dance is performed by a single actor or by a number of persons of both sexes to the accompaniment of instruments or their own voices.[764] 516 All festivities are incomplete without impromptu songs, the music being anything but agreeable, and the accompaniment corn-stalk or cane flutes, wooden drums, or calabashes filled with stone and shaken to a constantly varying time.[765] They also spend much time in gambling, often staking their whole property on a throw, including everything upon their backs. One of these games is played with a bullet, which is passed rapidly from one hand to the other, during which they sing, assisting the music with the motion of their arms. The game consists in guessing in which hand the bullet is held. Another Comanche game is played with twelve sticks, each about six inches in length. These are dropped on the ground and those falling across each other are counted for game, one hundred being the limit.[766] Horse-racing is likewise a passion with them;[767] as are also all other athletic sports.[768] When smoking, 517 the Comanches direct the first two puffs, with much ceremony and muttering, to the sun, and the third puff with a like demonstration is blown toward the earth. When short of tobacco, they make use of the dried leaves of the sumach, of willow-bark, or other plants.[769]

The Comanches are remarkable for their temperance, or rather abhorrence for intoxicating drink; all the other nations of this family abandon themselves to this subtle demoralization, and are rapidly sinking under it. They make their own spirits out of corn and out of agave americana, the pulque and mescal, both very strong and intoxicating liquors.[770]

Of all North American Indians the Comanches and Cheyennes are said to be the most skillful riders, and it would be difficult to find their superiors in any part 518 of the world. Young children, almost infants, are tied by their mothers to half-wild, bare-backed mustangs, which place thenceforth becomes their home. They supply themselves with fresh horses from wild droves wandering over the prairies, or from Mexican rancherías. A favorite horse is loved and cherished above all things on earth, not excepting wives or children. The women are scarcely behind the men in this accomplishment. They sit astride, guide the horses with the knee like the men, and catch and break wild colts. In fighting, the Comanches throw the body on one side of the horse, hang on by the heel and shoot with great precision and rapidity. It is beneath the dignity of these horsemen to travel on foot, and in their sometimes long and rapid marches, they defy pursuit.[771] Before horses were known they used to transport their household effects on the backs of dogs, which custom even now prevails among some nations.[772] 519

The Comanche observes laws of hospitality as strictly as the Arab, and he exacts the observance of his rules of etiquette from strangers. When a visitor enters his dwelling, the master of the house points to him a seat, and how to reach it, and the host is greatly offended if his directions are not strictly followed. Meeting on the prairie, friends as well as enemies, if we may believe Colonel Marcy, put their horses at full speed. "When a party is discovered approaching thus, and are near enough to distinguish signals, all that is necessary to ascertain their disposition is to raise the right hand with the palm in front, and gradually push it forward and back several times. They all understand this to be a command to halt, and if they are not hostile, it will at once be obeyed. After they have stopped, the right hand is raised again as before, and slowly moved to the right and left, which signifies, I do not know you. Who are you? They will then answer the inquiry by giving their signal." Then they inflict on strangers the hugging and face-rubbing remarked among the Eskimos, demonstrating thereby the magnitude of their joy at meeting.[773] The various tribes of the Yuma and Mojave nations hold communication with one another by means of couriers or runners, who quickly disseminate important news, and call together the various bands for consultation, hunting, and war. Besides this, there is used everywhere on the prairies, a system of telegraphy, which perhaps is only excelled by the wires themselves. Smoke during the day, and fires at night, perched on mountain-tops, flash intelligence quickly and surely across the plains, giving the call for assistance or the order to 520 disperse when pursued. The advanced posts also inform the main body of the approach of strangers, and all this is done with astonishing regularity, by either increasing or diminishing the signal column, or by displaying it only at certain intervals or by increasing the number.[774] In cold weather many of the nations in the neighborhood of the Colorado, carry firebrands in their hands, as they assert for the purpose of warming themselves, which custom led the early visitors to name the Colorado the Rio del Tizon.[775]

The Comanches stand in great dread of evil spirits, which they attempt to conciliate by fasting and abstinence. When their demons withhold rain or sunshine, according as they desire, they whip a slave, and if their gods prove obdurate, their victim is almost flayed alive. The Navajos venerate the bear, and as before stated, never kill him nor touch any of his flesh.[776] Although early 521 writers speak of cannibalism among these people, there is no evidence that they do or ever did eat human flesh.[777] In their intercourse they are dignified and reserved, and never interrupt a person speaking. Unless compelled by necessity, they never speak any language but their own, it being barbarous in their eyes to make use of foreign tongues.[778]

Although endowed generally with robust and healthy constitutions, bilious and malarial fever, pneumonia, rheumatism, dysentery, ophthalmia, measles, small-pox, and various syphilitic diseases are sometimes met among them; the latter occurring most frequently among the Navajos, Mojaves, Yumas, and Comanches. Whole bands are sometimes affected with the last-mentioned disease, and its effects are often visible in their young. A cutaneous ailment, called pintos, also makes its appearance at times.[779] For these ailments they have different remedies, consisting of leaves, herbs, and roots, of which decoctions or poultices are made; scarification and the hunger cure are resorted to as well. Among the Mojaves the universal remedy is the sweat-house, employed by them and the other nations not only as a remedy for diseases, but for pleasure. There is no essential difference between their sweat-houses and those of northern nations—an air-tight hut near a stream, heated stones, upon which water is thrown to generate steam, and a plunge into the water afterward. As a cure for the bite of a rattlesnake they employ an herb called euphorbia. Broken or wounded limbs are encased in wooden splints 522 until healed. But frequently they abandon their sick and maimed, or treat them with great harshness.[780] Priests or medicine-men possess almost exclusively the secrets of the art of healing. When herbs fail they resort to incantations, songs, and wailings. They are firm believers in witchcraft, and wear as amulets and charms, feathers, stones, antelope-toes, crane's bills, bits of charred wood and the like. Their prophets claim the power of foretelling future events, and are frequently consulted therefor.[781] Most of the nations in the vicinity of the Colorado, burn their dead as soon as possible after death, on which occasion the worldly effects of the deceased are likewise spiritualized; utensils, property, sometimes wives, are sent with their master to the spirit land.[782] 523 Those that do not burn the dead, bury them in caves or in shallow graves, with the robes, blankets, weapons, utensils, and ornaments of the deceased. The Comanches frequently build a heap of stones over the grave of a warrior, near which they erect a pole from which a pair of moccasins is suspended.[783] After burying the corpse, they have some mourning ceremonies, such as dances and songs around a fire, and go into mourning for a month. As a sign of grief they cut off the manes and tails of their horses, and also crop their own hair and lacerate their bodies in various ways; the women giving vent to their affliction by long continued howlings. But this applies only to warriors; children, and old men, are not worth so ostentatious a funeral.[784] 524 The name of a deceased person is rarely mentioned, and the Apaches are shy of admitting strangers to a celebration of funeral ceremonies, which mostly take place at night. In general they are averse to speaking upon the subject of death at all. The Navajos, says Mr Davis, "have a superstitious dread of approaching a dead body, and will never go near one when they can avoid it."[785]

In the character of the several nations of this division there is a marked contrast. The Apaches as I have said, though naturally lazy like all savages, are in their industries extremely active,—their industries being theft and murder, to which they are trained by their mothers, and in which they display consummate cunning, treachery, and cruelty.[786] The Navajos and Mojaves display a more docile nature; their industries, although therein they do not claim to eschew all trickery, being of a 525 more peaceful, substantial character, such as stock-raising, agriculture, and manufactures. Professional thieving is not countenanced. Though treacherous, they are not naturally cruel; and though deaf to the call of gratitude, they are hospitable and socially inclined. They are ever ready to redeem their pledged word, and never shrink from the faithful performance of a contract. They are brave and intelligent, and possess much natural common sense.[787] The Tamajabs have no inclination to share in marauding excursions. Though not wanting in courage, they possess a mild disposition, and are kind to strangers.[788] The Comanches are dignified in their deportment, vain in respect to their personal appearance, ambitious of martial fame, unrelenting in their feuds, always exacting blood for blood, yet not sanguinary. They are true to their allies, prizing highly their freedom, hospitable to strangers, sober yet gay, maintaining a grave stoicism in presence of strangers, and a Spartan indifference under severe suffering or misfortune. Formal, discreet, and Arab-like, they are always faithful to the guest who throws himself upon their hospitality. To the valiant and brave is awarded the highest place in their esteem. They are extremely clannish in their social relations. Quarrels among relatives and friends are unheard of among them.[789] 526

The non-nomadic semi-civilized town and agricultural peoples of New Mexico and Arizona, the second division of this group, I call the Pueblos, or Towns-people, from pueblo, town, population, people, a name given by the Spaniards to such inhabitants of this region as were found, when first discovered, permanently located in comparatively well-built towns. Strictly speaking, the term Pueblos applies only to the villagers settled along the banks of the Rio Grande del Norte and its tributaries, between latitudes 34° 45´ and 36° 30´, and although the name is employed as a general appellation for this division, it will be used, for the most part, only in its narrower and popular sense. In this division, besides the before-mentioned Pueblos proper, are embraced the Moquis, or villagers of eastern Arizona, and the non-nomadic agricultural nations of the lower Gila River,—the Pimas, Maricopas, Pápagos, and cognate tribes. The country of the Towns-people, if we may credit Lieutenant Simpson, is one of "almost universal barrenness," yet interspersed with fertile spots; that of the agricultural nations, though dry, is more generally productive. The fame of this so-called civilization reached Mexico at an early day; first through Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, who belonged to the expedition under the unfortunate Pámphilo de Narvaez, traversing the continent from Florida to the shore of the gulf of California; they brought in exaggerated rumors of great cities to the north, which prompted the expeditions of Marco de Niza in 1539, of Coronado in 1540, and of Espejo in 1586. These adventurers visited the north in quest of the fabulous kingdoms of Quivira, Tontonteac, Marata and others, in which great riches were said to exist. The name of Quivira was 527 afterwards applied by them to one or more of the pueblo cities. The name Cíbola, from cíbolo, Mexican bull, bos bison, or wild ox of New Mexico, where the Spaniards first encountered buffalo, was given to seven of the towns which were afterwards known as the seven cities of Cíbola. But most of the villages known at the present day were mentioned in the reports of the early expeditions by their present names. The statements in regard to the number of their villages differed from the first. Castañeda speaks of seven cities.[790] The following list, according to Lieutenant Whipple's statement, appears to be the most complete. Commencing north, and following the southward course of the Rio Grande del Norte; Shipap, Acoti, Taos, Picuris, San Juan, Pojuaque, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Tesuque, Cochite, Pecos, Santo Domingo, Cuyamanque, Silla, Jemez, San Felipe, Galisteo, Santa Ana, Zandia, Laguna, Acoma, Zuñi, Isleta, and Chilili.[791] The Moquis who speak a distinct language, and who have many customs peculiar to themselves, 528 inhabit seven villages, named Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua.[792]

By the Spanish conquest of New Mexico the natives were probably disturbed less than was usually the case with the vanquished race; the Pueblos being well-domiciled and well-behaved, and having little to be stolen, the invaders adopted the wise policy of permitting them to work in peace, and to retain the customs and traditions of their forefathers as they do, many of them, to this day. Attempts have been made to prove a relationship with the civilized Aztecs of Mexico, but thus far without success. No affinities in language appear to exist; that of the Moquis, indeed, contains a few faint traces of and assimilations to Aztec words, as I shall show in the third volume of this work, but they are not strong enough to support any theory of common origin or relationship.[793]

The Pimas inhabit the banks of the Gila River about two hundred miles above its confluence with the Colorado. Their territory extends from about the bend of the Gila up the river to a place called Maricopa Coppermine; northward their boundary is the Salt River, and south the Picacho. They are generally divided, and 529 known as the upper and lower Pimas, which branches show but slight dialectic differences. When first seen their territory extended further southward into Sonora. The Pápagos, their neighbors, are closely allied to them by language. In nowise related to them, but very similar in their manners and customs, are the Maricopas, who reside in their immediate vicinity, and who claim to have migrated to that place some centuries ago, from a more westerly territory.

All these people, although not dwelling in houses built, like those of the Pueblos, of solid materials, have settled villages in which they reside at all times, and are entirely distinct from the roving and nomadic tribes described in the Apache family. When first found by the Spaniards, they cultivated the soil, and knew how to weave cotton and other fabrics; in fact it was easily observable that they had made a step toward civilization. I therefore describe them together with the Pueblos. The region occupied by them, although containing some good soil, is scantily provided with water, and to enable them to raise crops, they are obliged to irrigate, conducting the water of the Gila to their fields in small canals. The water obtained by digging wells is frequently brackish, and in many places they are forced to carry all the water needed for household purposes quite a long distance. The climate is claimed to be one of the hottest on the American continent.

The Pueblos, and Moqui villagers, are a race of small people, the men averaging about five feet in height, with small hands and feet, well-cut features, bright eyes, and a generally pleasing expression of countenance.[794] Their hair is dark, soft, and of fine texture, and their skin a 530 clear shade of brown.[795] The woman seldom exceed four feet in height, with figure rotund, but a graceful carriage, and face full, with pretty, intelligent features and good teeth.[796] Albinos are at times seen amongst them, who are described as having very fair complexions, light hair, and blue or pink eyes.[797]

The Pimas and their neighbors are men of fine physique, tall and bony, many of them exceeding six feet in height, broad-chested, erect, and muscular, but frequently light-limbed with small hands, though the feet of both sexes are large. They have large features, expressive of frankness and good nature, with prominent cheek-bones and aquiline nose, those of the women being somewhat retroussés.[798] The females are symmetrically formed, with beautifully tapered limbs, full busts, pleasing features, embellished with white and evenly set teeth.[799] Their coarse hair grows to a great length and thickness, and their dark complexion becomes yet darker toward the south.[800] The ordinary dress of the 531 Pueblos is the breech-cloth and blanket; some add a blouse of cotton or deer-skin, a waist-belt, and buckskin leggins and moccasins. The women wear a long, cotton, sleeveless tunic, confined round the waist by a colored girdle, a species of cape bordered in different colors, fastened round the neck at the two corners, and reaching down to the waist, while over the head a shawl is thrown. The feet are protected by neat moccasins of deer-skin or woolen stuff, surmounted by leggins of the same material. They have a habit of padding the leggins, which makes them appear short-legged with small feet.[801] The men bind a handkerchief or colored band round the head. Young women dress the hair in a peculiarly neat and becoming style. Parting it at the back, they roll it round hoops, when it is fastened in two high bunches, one on each side of the head, placing sometimes a single feather in the center; married women gather it into two tight knots at the side or one at the back of the head; the men cut it in front of the ears, and in a line with the eye-brows, while at the back it is plaited or gathered into a single bunch, and tied with a band.[801] On gala occasions they paint and adorn themselves in many grotesque styles; arms, legs, and exposed portions of the body are covered with stripes or rings, 532 and conical-shaped head-dresses; feathers, sheep-skin wigs, and masks, are likewise employed.[802] The habiliments of the Pimas are a cotton serape of their own manufacture, a breech-cloth, with sandals of raw-hide or deer-skin. Women wear the same kind of serape, wound round the loins and pinned, or more frequently tucked in at the waist, or fastened with a belt in which different-colored wools are woven; some wear a short petticoat of deer-skin or bark.[803] They wear no head-dress. Like the Pueblos, the men cut the hair short across the forehead, and either plait it in different coils behind, which are ornamented with bits of bone, shells, or red cloth, or mix it with clay, or gather it into a turban shape on top of the head, leaving a few ornamented and braided locks to hang down over the ears.[804] Each paints in a manner to suit the fancy; black, red, and yellow are the colors most in vogue, black being alone used for war paint. Some tattoo their newly born children round the eyelids, and girls, on arriving at the age of maturity, tattoo from the corners of the mouth to the chin. Some tribes oblige their women to cut the hair, others permit it to grow.[805] For ornament, shell 533 and bead necklaces are used; also ear-rings of a blue stone found in the mountains.[806] The dwellings of the PIMA AND MARICOPA DWELLINGS. agricultural Pimas, Maricopas, and Pápagos consist of dome-shaped huts, either round or oval at the base. There are usually thirty or more to a village, and they are grouped with some regard to regularity. Strong forked stakes are firmly fixed in the ground at regular distances from each other, the number varying according to the size of the hut, cross-poles are laid from one to the other, around these are placed cotton-wood poles, which are bent over and fastened to the transverse sticks, the structure is then wattled with willows, reeds, or coarse straw, and the whole covered with a coat of mud. The only openings are an entrance door about three feet high, and a small aperture in the center of the roof that serves for ventilation. Their height is from five to seven feet, and the diameter from twenty to fifty. Outside stands a shed, open at all sides with a roof of branches or corn-stalks, under which they prepare their food. Their houses are occupied mainly during the rainy season; in summer they build light sheds of twigs in their corn-fields, which not only are more airy, but are also more convenient in watching their growing crops. Besides the dwelling-place, each family has a granary, similar in shape and of like materials but of stronger construction; by frequent plastering with mud they are made impervious to rain.[807] The towns of the Pueblos 534 are essentially unique, and are the dominant feature of these aboriginals. Some of them are situated in valleys, others on mesas; sometimes they are planted on elevations almost inaccessible, reached only by artificial grades or by steps cut in the solid rock. Some of the towns are of an elliptical shape, while others are square, a town being frequently but a block of buildings. Thus a Pueblo consists of one or more squares, each enclosed by three or four buildings of from three to four hundred feet in length, and about one hundred and fifty feet in width at the base, and from two to seven stories of from eight to nine feet each in height. The buildings forming the square do not meet, but in some cases are connected by bridges or covered gangways, and in some instances the houses project over the streets below, which being narrow, are thus given an underground appearance. The stories are built in a series of gradations or retreating surfaces, decreasing in size as they rise, thus forming a succession of terraces.

In some of the towns these terraces are on both sides of the building; in others they face only toward the outside; while again in others they are on the inside. In front of the terraces is a parapet, which serves as a shelter for the inhabitants when forced to defend themselves against an attack from the outside. These terraces are about six feet wide, and extend round the three or four sides of the square, forming a walk for 535 the occupants of the story resting upon it, and a roof for the story beneath; so with the stories above. As there is no inner communication with one another, the only means of mounting to them is by ladders which stand at convenient distances along the several rows of terraces, and they may be drawn up at pleasure, thus cutting off all unwelcome intrusion. The outside walls of one or more of the lower stories are entirely solid, having no openings of any kind, with the exception of, in some towns, a few loopholes. All the doors and windows are on the inside opening on the court. The several stories of these huge structures are divided into multitudinous compartments of greater or lesser size, which are apportioned to the several families of the tribe. Access is had to the different stories by means of the ladders, which at night and in times of danger are drawn up after the person entering. To enter the rooms on the ground floor from the outside, one must mount the ladder to the first balcony or terrace, then descend through a trap door in the floor by another ladder on the inside. The roofs or ceilings, which are nearly flat, are formed of transverse beams which slope slightly outward, the ends resting on the side walls; on these, to make the floor and terrace of the story above, is laid brush wood, then a layer of bark or thin slabs, and over all a thick covering of mud sufficient to render them water-tight. The windows in the upper stories are made of flakes of selenite instead of glass. The rooms are large, the substantial partitions are made of wood, and neatly whitewashed. The apartments on the ground floor are gloomy, and generally used as store-rooms; those above are sometimes furnished with a small fireplace, the chimney leading out some feet above the terrace. PUEBLO HOUSES. Houses are common property, and both men and women assist in building them; the men erect the wooden frames, and the women make the mortar and build the walls. In place of lime for mortar, they mix ashes with earth and charcoal. They make adobes or sun-dried bricks by mixing ashes and earth with water, which is 536 then moulded into large blocks and dried in the sun. Some of the towns are built with stones laid in mud. Captain Simpson describes several ruined cities, which he visited, which show that the inhabitants formerly had a knowledge of architecture and design superior to any that the Pueblos of the present day possess. Yet their buildings are even now well constructed, for although several stories in height, the walls are seldom more than three or four feet in thickness. The apartments are well arranged and neatly kept; one room is used for cooking, another for grinding corn and preserving winter supplies of food, others for sleeping-rooms. On the balconies, round the doors opening upon them, the villagers congregate to gossip and smoke, while the streets below, when the ladders are drawn up, present a gloomy and forsaken appearance. Sometimes villages are built in the form of an open square with buildings on three sides, and again two or more large terraced structures capable of accommodating one or two thousand people are built contiguous to each other, or on opposite banks of a stream. In some instances the outer wall presents one unbroken line, without entrance or anything to indicate the busy life within; another form is to join the straight walls, which encompass three sides of a square, by a fourth circular wall; in all of which the chief object is defense. The Pueblos take great pride in their picturesque and, to them, magnificent structures, affirming that as fortresses they have ever proved impregnable. To wall out black barbarism was what the Pueblos wanted, and to be let alone; under these conditions time was giving them civilization.[808] 537

The sweat-house, or as the Spaniards call it, the estufa, assumes with the Pueblos the grandest proportions. Every village has from one to six of these singular structures. A large, semi-subterranean room, it is at once bath-house, town-house, council-chamber, club-room, and church. It consists of a large excavation, the roof being about on a level with the ground, sometimes a little above it, and is supported by heavy timbers or pillars of masonry. Around the sides are benches, and in the center of the floor a square stone box for fire, wherein aromatic plants are kept constantly burning. Entrance is made by means of a ladder, through a hole in the top placed directly over the fire-place so that it also serves as a ventilator and affords a free passage to the smoke. Usually they are circular in form and of both large and small dimensions; they are placed either within the great building or underground in the court without. In some of the ruins they are found built in the center of what was once a pyramidal pile, and four stories in height. At Jemez the estufa is of one story, twenty-five feet wide by thirty feet high. The ruins of Chettro Kettle contain six estufas, each two or three stories in height. At Bonito are estufas one hundred and seventy-five feet in circumference, built in alternate layers of thick and 538 thin stone slabs. In these subterranean temples the old men met in secret council, or assembled in worship of their gods. Here are held dances and festivities, social intercourse, and mourning ceremonies. Certain of the Pueblos have a custom similar to that practiced by some of the northern tribes, the men sleeping in the sweat-house with their feet to the fire, and permitting women to enter only to bring them food. The estufas of Tiguex were situated in the heart of the village, built underground, both round and square, and paved with large polished stones.[809]

From the earliest information we have of these nations they are known to have been tillers of the soil; and though the implements used and their methods of cultivation were both simple and primitive, cotton, corn, wheat, beans, with many varieties of fruits, which constituted their principal food, were raised in abundance. The Pueblos breed poultry to a considerable extent; fish are eaten whenever obtainable, as also a few wild animals, such as deer, hares, and rabbits, though they are indifferent hunters.[810] The Pápagos, whose country does 539 not present such favorable conditions for agriculture are forced to rely for a subsistence more upon wild fruits and animals than the nations north of them. They collect large quantities of the fruit of the pitahaya (cereus giganteus), and in seasons of scarcity resort to whatever is life-sustaining, not disdaining even snakes, lizards, and toads.[811] Most of these people irrigate their lands by means of conduits or ditches, leading either from the river or from tanks in which rain-water is collected and stored for the purpose. These ditches are kept in repair by the community, but farming operations are carried on by each family for its own separate benefit, which is a noticeable advance from the usual savage communism.[812] Fishing nets are made of twisted thread or of small sticks joined together at the ends. When the rivers are low, fish are caught in baskets or shot with arrows to which a string is attached.[813] The corn which is stored for winter use, is first par-boiled in the shuck, and then suspended from strings to dry; peaches are dried in large quantities, and melons are preserved by peeling and removing the seeds, when they are placed 540 in the sun, and afterward hung up in trees. Meal is ground on the metate and used for making porridge, tortillas, and a very thin cake called guayave, which latter forms a staple article of food amongst the Pueblos. The process of making the guayave, as seen by Lieutenant Simpson at Santo Domingo on the Rio Grande, is thus described in his journal. "At the house of the governor I noticed a woman, probably his wife, going through the process of baking a very thin species of corn cake, called, according to Gregg, guayave. She was hovering over a fire, upon which lay a flat stone. Near her was a bowl of thin corn paste, into which she thrust her fingers; allowing then the paste to drip sparingly upon the stone, with two or three wipes from the palm of her hand she would spread it entirely and uniformly over the stone; this was no sooner done than she peeled it off as fit for use; and the process was again and again repeated, until a sufficient quantity was obtained. When folded and rolled together, it does not look unlike (particularly that made from the blue corn) a hornet's nest—a name by which it is sometimes called." The Pimas do all their cooking out of doors, under a shed erected for the purpose. They collect the pulp from the fruit of the pitahaya, and boiling it in water, make a thick syrup, which they store away for future use. They also dry the fruit in the sun like figs.[814]

The Pueblos and Moquis are remarkable for their personal cleanliness and the neatness of their dwellings.[815] 541

Their weapons are bows and arrows, spears, and clubs. The Pueblos use a crooked stick, which they throw somewhat in the manner of the boomerang; they are exceedingly skillful in the use of the sling, with a stone from which they are said to be able to hit with certainty a small mark or kill a deer at the distance of a hundred yards. For defense, they use a buckler or shield made of raw hide. Their arrows are carried in skin quivers or stuck in the belt round the waist.[816] Bows are made of willow, and are about six feet in length, strung with twisted deer-sinews; arrows are made of reeds, into which a piece of hard wood is fitted.[817] The Pimas wing their war arrows with three feathers and point them with flint, while for hunting purposes they have only two feathers and wooden points.[818] It has been stated that they poison them, but there does not appear to be good foundation for this assertion.[819] Clubs, which are used in hand-to-hand combats, are made of a hard, heavy wood, measuring from twenty to twenty-four inches in length. In former days they were sharpened by inserting flint or obsidian along the edge.[820] 542

The Pimas wage unceasing war against the Apaches, and the Pueblos are ever at enmity with their neighbors, the Navajos. The Pueblos are securely protected by the position and construction of their dwellings, from the top of which they are able to watch the appearance and movements of enemies, and should any be daring enough to approach their walls, they are greeted by a shower of stones and darts. As an additional protection to their towns, they dig pitfalls on the trails leading to them, at the bottom of which sharp-pointed stakes are driven, the top of the hole being carefully covered.[821] Expeditions are sometimes organized against the Navajos for the recovery of stolen property. On such occasions the Towns-people equip themselves with the heads, horns, and tails of wild animals, paint the body and plume the head.[822] Lieutenant Simpson mentions a curious custom observed by them, just previous to going into action. "They halted on the way to receive from their chiefs some medicine from the medicine bags which each of them carried about his person. This they rubbed upon their heart, as they said, to make it big and brave." The Pueblos fight on horseback in skirmishing order, and keep up a running fight, throwing the body into various attitudes, the better to avoid the enemies' missiles, at the same time discharging their arrows with rapidity.[823] The Pimas, who fight usually on foot, when they decide on going to war, select their best warriors, who are sent 543 to notify the surrounding villages, and a place of meeting is named where a grand council is held. A fire being lighted and a circle of warriors formed, the proceedings are opened by war songs and speeches, their prophet is consulted, and in accordance with his professional advice, their plan of operations is arranged.[824] The attack is usually made about day-break, and conducted with much pluck and vigor. They content themselves with proximate success, and seldom pursue a flying foe.[825] During the heat of battle they spare neither sex nor age, but if prisoners are taken, the males are crucified or otherwise cruelly put to death, and the women and children sold as soon as possible.[826] The successful war party on its return is met by the inhabitants of the villages, scalps are fixed on a pole, trophies displayed, and feasting and dancing indulged in for several days and nights; if unsuccessful, mourning takes the place of feasting, and the death-cries of the women resound through the villages.[827]

For farming implements they use plows, shovels, harrows, hatchets, and sticks, all of wood.[828] Baskets of willow-twigs, so closely woven as to be water-tight, and ornamented with figures; and round, baked, and glazed earthen vessels, narrow at the top, and decorated with paintings or enamel, are their household utensils.[829] For 544 mashing hulled corn they used the metate, a Mexican implement, made of two stones, one concave and the other convex, hereafter more fully described. Among their household utensils there must also be mentioned hair sieves, hide ropes, water-gourds, painted fans, stone pipes, and frame panniers connected with a netting to carry loads on their backs.[830] In their manufacture of blankets, of cotton and woolen cloths, and stockings, the Pueblos excel their neighbors, the Navajos, although employing essentially the same method, and using similar looms and spinning instruments, as have been described in the preceding pages. Although the women perform most of this work, as well as tanning leather, it is said that the men also are expert in knitting woolen stockings. According to Mühlenpfordt the Pimas and Maricopas make a basket-boat which they call cora, woven so tight as to be water-proof without the aid of pitch or other application.[831] All these nations, particularly the Pueblos, have great droves of horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, and goats grazing on the extensive plains, and about their houses poultry, turkeys, and dogs. The flocks they either leave entirely unprotected, or else the owner herds them himself, or from 545 each village one is appointed by the war captain to do so. The Pápagos carry on an extensive trade in salt, taken from the great inland salt lakes. Besides corn, they manufacture and sell a syrup extracted from the pitahaya.[832] The laws regulating inheritance of property are not well defined. Among some there is nothing to inherit, as all is destroyed when the person dies; among others the females claim the right of inheritance; at other times the remaining property is divided among all the members of the tribe. In general they care but little for gold, and all their trade, which at times is considerable, is carried on by barter; a kind of blue stone, often called turquoise, beads, skins, and blankets, serving the purpose of currency.[833]

The Pueblos display much taste in painting the walls of their estufas, where are represented different plants, birds, and animals symmetrically done, but without any scenic effect. Hieroglyphic groupings, both sculptured 546 and painted, are frequently seen in the ancient Pueblo towns, depicting, perhaps, their historical events and deeds. With colored earths their pottery is painted in bright colors.[834] Many Spanish authors mention a great many gold and silver vessels in use amongst them, and speak of the knowledge they had in reducing and working these metals; but no traces of such art are found at present.[835]

Among the Pueblos an organized system of government existed at the time of Coronado's expedition through their country; Castañeda, speaking of the province of Tiguex, says that the villages were governed by a council of old men; and a somewhat similar system obtains with these people at the present time. Each village selects its own governor, frames its own laws, and in all respects they act independently of each other. The governor and his council are elected annually by the people; all affairs of importance and matters relating to the welfare of the community are discussed at the estufa; questions in dispute are usually decided by a vote of the majority. All messages and laws emanating from the council-chamber are announced to the inhabitants by town criers. The morals of young people are carefully watched and guarded by a kind of secret police, whose duty it is to report to the governor all irregularities which may occur; and especial attention is given that no improper intercourse shall be allowed between the young men and women, in the event of which the offending parties are brought before the governor and council and, if guilty, ordered to marry, or if they refuse they are restricted from holding intercourse with each other, and if they persist they are 547 whipped. Among their laws deserves to be particularly mentioned one, according to which no one can sell or marry out of the town until he obtains permission from the authorities.[836] In the seven confederate pueblos of the Moquis, the office of chief governor is hereditary; it is not, however, necessarily given to the nearest heir, as the people have the power to elect any member of the dominant family. The governor is assisted by a council of elders, and in other respects the Moqui government is similar to that of the other towns.[837] The Pimas and Maricopas have no organized system of government, and are not controlled by any code of laws; each tribe or village has a chief to whom a certain degree of respect is conceded, but his power to restrain the people is very limited; his influence over them is maintained chiefly by his oratorical powers or military skill. In war the tribe is guided by the chief's advice, and his authority is fully recognized, but in time of peace his rule is nominal; nor does he attempt to control their freedom or punish them for offences. The chief's office is hereditary, yet an unpopular ruler may be deposed and another chosen to fill his place.[838]

Among the Pueblos the usual order of courtship is reversed; when a girl is disposed to marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one to her own liking and consults her father, who visits the parents of the youth and acquaints them with his daughter's 548 wishes. It seldom happens that any objections to the match are made, but it is imperative on the father of the bridegroom to reimburse the parents of the maiden for the loss of their daughter. This is done by an offer of presents in accordance with his rank and wealth. The inhabitants of one village seldom marry with those of another, and, as a consequence, intermarriage is frequent among these families—a fertile cause of their deterioration. The marriage is always celebrated by a feast, the provisions for which are furnished by the bride, and the assembled friends unite in dancing and music. Polygamy is never allowed, but married couples can separate if they are dissatisfied with each other; in such a contingency, if there are children, they are taken care of by the grandparents, and both parties are free to marry again; fortunately, divorces are not of frequent occurrence, as the wives are always treated with respect by their husbands.[839] To the female falls all indoor work, and also a large share of that to be done out of doors. In the treatment of their children these people are careful to guide them in the ways of honesty and industry, and to impress their minds with chaste and virtuous ideas. Mothers bathe their infants with cold water, and boys are not permitted to enter the estufas for the purpose of warming themselves; if they are cold they are ordered to chop wood, or warm themselves by running and exercise.[840] A girl's arrival at the age of puberty among the Gila nations is a period of much rejoicing; when the first symptoms appear, all her friends are duly informed of the important fact, and preparations are made to celebrate the joyful event. The girl is taken by her parents to the prophet, who performs certain ceremonies, which are supposed to drive the evil out of her, and then a singing and dancing festival is held. 549 When a young man sees a girl whom he desires for a wife, he first endeavors to gain the good will of the parents; this accomplished, he proceeds to serenade his lady-love, and will often sit for hours, day after day, near her house, playing on his flute. Should the girl not appear it is a sign she rejects him; but if, on the other hand, she comes out to meet him, he knows that his suit is accepted, and he takes her to his house. No marriage ceremony is performed. Among the Pápagos the parents select a husband for their daughter to whom she is, so to say, sold. It not unfrequently happens that they offer their daughter at auction, and she is knocked down to the highest bidder. However, among all the nations of this family, whether the bridegroom makes a love-match or not, he has to recompense the parents with as much as his means will permit.[841] Although polygamy is not permitted, they often separate and marry again at pleasure. Women, at the time of their confinement as well as during their monthly periods, must live apart; as they believe that if any male were to touch them, he would become sick. The children are trained to war, and but little attention given to teaching them useful pursuits. All the household labor is performed by the women; they also assist largely in the labors of the field; severe laws oblige them to observe the strictest chastity, and yet, at their festivals, much debauchery and prostitution take place.[842]

With but few exceptions, they are temperate in drinking and smoking. Intoxicating liquors they prepare out of the fruits of the pitahaya, agave, aloe, corn, mezcal, 550 prickly pear, wild and cultivated grapes. Colonel Cremony says that the Pimas and Maricopas 'macerate the fruit of the pitahaya (species of cactus) in water after being dried in the sun, when the saccharine qualities cause the liquid to ferment, and after such fermentation it becomes highly intoxicating. It is upon this liquor that the Maricopas and Pimas get drunk once a year, the revelry continuing for a week or two at a time; but it is also an universal custom with them to take regular turns, so that only one third of the party is supposed to indulge at one time, the remainder being required to take care of their stimulated comrades, and protect them from injuring each other or being injured by other tribes.'[843] All are fond of dancing and singing; in their religious rites, as well as in other public and family celebrations, these form the chief diversion. Different PUEBLO DANCES. dances are used on different occasions; for example, they have the arrow, scalp, turtle, fortune, buffalo, green-corn, and Montezuma dances. Their costumes also vary on each of these occasions, and not only are grotesque masks, but also elk, bear, fox, and other skins used as disguises. The dance is sometimes performed by only one person, but more frequently whole tribes join in, forming figures, shuffling, or hopping about to the time given by the music. Lieutenant Simpson, who witnessed a green-corn dance at the Jemez pueblo, describes it as follows:

'When the performers first appeared, all of whom were men, they came in a line, slowly walking and bending and stooping as they approached. They were dressed in a kirt of blanket, the upper portion of their bodies being naked and painted red. Their legs and arms, which were also bare, were variously striped with red, white and blue colors; and around their arms, above 551 the elbow, they wore a green band, decked with sprigs of piñon. A necklace of the same description was worn around the neck. Their heads were decorated with feathers. In one hand they carried a dry gourd, containing some grains of corn; in the other, a string from which were hung several tortillas. At the knee were fastened small shells of the ground turtle and antelope's feet; and dangling from the back, at the waist, depended a fox-skin. The party was accompanied by three elders of the town, whose business it was to make a short speech in front of the different houses, and, at particular times, join in the singing of the rest of the party. Thus they went from house to house, singing and dancing, the occupants of each awaiting their arrival in front of their respective dwellings.'

A somewhat similar Moqui dance is described by Mr Ten Broeck. Some of the Pueblo dances end with bacchanalia, in which not only general intoxication, but promiscuous intercourse between the sexes is permitted.[844] 'Once a year,' says Kendall, 'the Keres 552 have a great feast, prepared for three successive days, which time is spent in eating, drinking and dancing. Near this scene of amusement is a dismal gloomy cave, into which not a glimpse of light can penetrate, and where places of repose are provided for the revellers. To this cave, after dark, repair grown persons of every age and sex, who pass the night in indulgences of the most gross and sensual description.'

Reed flutes and drums are their chief instruments of music; the former they immerse in a shallow basin of water, and thereby imitate the warbling of birds. The drum is made of a hollow log, about two and a half feet long and fifteen inches in diameter. A dried hide, from which previously the hair has been scraped, is stretched over either end, and on this the player beats with a couple of drumsticks, similar to those used on our kettle-drums. Gourds filled with pebbles and other rattles, are also used as a musical accompaniment to their dances.[845]

The Cocomaricopas and Pimas are rather fond of athletic sports, such as football, horse and foot racing, swimming, target-shooting, and of gambling.[846] Many 553 curious customs obtain among these people. Mr Walker relates that a Pima never touches his skin with his nails, but always uses a small stick for that purpose, which he renews every fourth day, and wears in his hair. Among the same nation, when a man has killed an Apache, he must needs undergo purification. Sixteen days he must fast, and only after the fourth day is he allowed to drink a little pinole. During the sixteen days he may not look on a blazing fire, nor hold converse with mortal man; he must live in the woods companionless, save only one person appointed to take care of him. On the seventeenth day a large space is cleared off near the village, in the center of which a fire is lighted. The men form a circle round this fire, outside of which those who have been purified sit, each in a small excavation. Certain of the old men then take the weapons of the purified and dance with them in the circle; for which service they receive presents, and thenceforth both slayer and weapon are considered clean, but not until four days later is the man allowed to return to his family. They ascribe the origin of this custom to a mythical personage, called Szeukha, who, after killing a monster, is said to have fasted for sixteen days.

The Pápagos stand in great dread of the coyote, and the Pimas never touch an ant, snake, scorpion, or spider, and are much afraid of thunderstorms. Like the Mojaves and Yumas, the Maricopas in cold weather carry a firebrand to warm themselves withal. In like manner the Pueblos have their singularities and semi-religious ceremonies, many of which are connected with a certain 554 mythical personage called Montezuma. Among these may be mentioned the perpetual watching of the eternal estufa-fire, and also the daily waiting for the rising sun, with which, as some writers affirm, they expectantly look for the promised return of the much-loved Montezuma. The Moqui, before commencing to smoke, reverently bows toward the four cardinal points.[847]

Their diseases are few; and among these the most frequent are chills and fevers, and later, syphilis. The Pueblos and Moquis resort to the sweat-house remedy, but the Pimas only bathe daily in cold running water. Here, as elsewhere, the doctor is medicine-man, conjuror, and prophet, and at times old women are consulted. If incantations fail, emetics, purgatives, or blood-letting are prescribed.[848]

The Pimas bury their dead immediately after death. At the bottom of a shaft, about six feet deep, they excavate a vault, in which the corpse is placed, after 555 having first been tied up in a blanket. House, horses, and most personal effects are destroyed; but if children are left, a little property is reserved for them. A widow or a daughter mourns for three months, cutting the hair and abstaining from the bath during that time. The Maricopas burn their dead. Pueblo and Moqui burials take place with many ceremonies, the women being the chief mourners.[849]

Industrious, honest, and peace-loving, the people of this division are at the same time brave and determined, when necessity compels them to repel the thieving Apache. Sobriety may be ranked among their virtues, as drunkenness only forms a part of certain religious festivals, and in their gambling they are the most moderate of barbarians.[850] 556

The Lower Californians present a sad picture. Occupying the peninsula from the head of the gulf to Cape San Lucas, it is thought by some that they were driven thither from Upper California by their enemies. When first visited by the Missionary Fathers, they presented humanity in one of its lowest phases, though evidences of a more enlightened people having at some previous time occupied the peninsula were not lacking. Clavigero describes large caves or vaults, which had been dug out of the solid rock, the sides decorated with paintings of animals and figures of men, showing dress and features different from any of the inhabitants. Whom they represented or by whom they were depicted there is no knowledge, as the present race have been unable to afford any information on the subject.

The peninsula extends from near 32° to 23° north latitude; in length it is about seven hundred, varying in width from thirty-five to eighty miles. Its 557 general features are rugged; irregular mountains of granite formation and volcanic upheavals traversing the whole length of the country, with barren rocks and sandy plains, intersected by ravines and hills. Some fertile spots and valleys with clear mountain streams are there, and in such places the soil produces abundantly; then there are plains of greater or less extent, with rich soil, but without water; so that, under the circumstances, they are little more than deserts. These plains rise in places into mesas, which are cut here and there by cañons, where streams of water are found, which are again lost on reaching the sandy plains. Altogether, Lower California is considered as one of the most barren and unattractive regions in the temperate zone, although its climate is delightful, and the mountain districts especially are among the healthiest in the world, owing to their southern situation between two seas. A curious meteorological phenomenon is sometimes observed both in the gulf and on the land; it is that of rain falling during a perfectly clear sky. Savants, who have investigated the subject, do not appear to have discovered the cause of this unusual occurrence.

The greater part of the peninsula, at the time of its discovery, was occupied by the Cochimís, whose territory extended from the head of the gulf to the neighborhood of Loreto, or a little south of the twenty-sixth parallel; adjoining them were the Guaicuris, living between latitude 26° and 23° 30´; while the Pericúis were settled in the southern part, from about 23° 30´ or 24° to Cape San Lucas, and on the adjacent islands.[851] 558

The Lower Californians are well formed, robust and of good stature, with limbs supple and muscular; they are not inclined to corpulence; their features are somewhat heavy, the forehead low and narrow, the nose well set on, but thick and fleshy; the inner corners of the eyes round instead of pointed; teeth very white and regular, hair very black, coarse, straight, and glossy, with but little on the face, and none upon the body or limbs. The color of the skin varies from light to dark brown, the former color being characteristic of the dwellers in the interior, and the latter of those on the sea-coast.[852]

Adam without the fig-leaves was not more naked than were the Cochimís before the missionaries first taught them the rudiments of shame. They ignored even the usual breech-cloth, the only semblance of clothing being a head-dress of rushes or strips of skin interwoven with mother-of-pearl shells, berries, and pieces of reed. The Guaicuris and Pericúis indulge in a still more fantastic head-dress, white feathers entering largely into its composition. The women display more modesty, for, although scantily clad, they at least essay to cover their nakedness. The Pericúi women are the best dressed of all, having a petticoat reaching from the waist to the ankles, made from the fibre of certain palm-leaves, and rendered soft and flexible by beating between two stones. 559 Over the shoulders they throw a mantle of similar material, or of plaited rushes, or of skins. The Cochimí women make aprons of short reeds, strung upon cords of aloe-plant fibres fastened to a girdle. The apron is open at the sides, one part hanging in front, the other behind. As they are not more than six or eight inches wide, but little of the body is in truth covered. When traveling they wear sandals of hide, which they fasten with strings passed between the toes.[853] Both sexes are fond of ornaments; to gratify this passion, they string together pearls, shells, fruit-stones and seeds in the forms of necklaces and bracelets. In addition to the head-dress the Pericúis are distinguished by a girdle highly ornamented with pearls and mother-of-pearl shells. They perforate ears, lips, and nose, inserting in the openings, shells, bones, or hard sticks. Paint in many colors and devices is freely used on war and gala occasions; tattooing obtains, but does not appear to be universal among them. Mothers, to protect them against the weather, cover the entire bodies of their children with a varnish of coal and urine. Cochimí women cut the hair short, but the men allow a long tuft to grow on the crown of the head. Both sexes among the Guaicuris and Pericúis wear the hair long and flowing loosely over the shoulders.[854]

Equally Adamitic are their habitations. They appear to hold a superstitious dread of suffocation if they live 560 or sleep in covered huts; hence in their rare and meagre attempts to protect themselves from the inclemencies of the weather, they never put any roof over their heads. Roving beast-like in the vicinity of springs during the heat of the day, seeking shade in the ravines and overhanging rocks; at night, should they desire shelter, they resort to caverns and holes in the ground. During winter they raise a semi-circular pile of stones or brushwood, about two feet in height, behind which, with the sky for a roof and the bare ground for a bed, they camp at night. Over the sick they sometimes throw a wretched hut, by sticking a few poles in the ground, tying them at the top and covering the whole with grass and reeds, and into this nest visitors crawl on hands and knees.[855]

Reed-roots, wild fruit, pine-nuts, cabbage-palms, small seeds roasted, and also roasted aloe and mescal roots constitute their food. During eight weeks of the year they live wholly on the redundant fat-producing pitahaya, after which they wander about in search of other native vegetable products, and when these fail they resort to hunting and fishing. Of animal food they will eat anything—beasts, birds, and fishes, or reptiles, worms, and insects; and all parts: flesh, hide, and entrails. Men and monkeys, however, as articles of food are an abomination; the latter because they so much resemble the former. The gluttony and improvidence of these people exceed, if possible, those of any other nation; alternate feasting and fasting is their custom. When so fortunate as to have plenty they consume large quantities, preserving none. An abominable habit is related of them, that they pick up the undigested seeds of the pitahaya discharged from their bowels, and after parching and grinding them, eat the meal with much relish. 561 Clavigero, Baegert, and other authors, mention another rather uncommon feature in the domestic economy of the Cochimís; it is that of swallowing their meat several times, thereby multiplying their gluttonous pleasures. Tying to a string a piece of well-dried meat, one of their number masticates it a little, and swallows it, leaving the end of the string hanging out of the mouth; after retaining it for about two or three minutes in his stomach, it is pulled out, and the operation repeated several times, either by the same individual or by others, until the meat becomes consumed. Here is Father Baegert's summary of their edibles: "They live now-a-days on dogs and cats; horses, asses and mules; item: on owls, mice and rats; lizards and snakes; bats, grasshoppers and crickets; a kind of green caterpillar without hair, about a finger long, and an abominable white worm of the length and thickness of the thumb."[856]

Their weapon is the bow and arrow, but they use stratagem to procure the game. The deer-hunter deceives his prey by placing a deer's head upon his own; hares are trapped; the Cochimís throw a kind of boomerang or flat curved stick, which skims the ground and breaks the animal's legs. Fish are taken from pools left by the tide and from the sea, sometimes several miles out, in nets and with the aid of long lances. It is said that at San Roche Island they catch fish with birds. They also gather oysters, which they eat roasted, but use no salt. They have no cooking utensils, but roast their meat by throwing it into the fire and after a time raking it out. Insects and caterpillars are parched over the hot coals in shells. Fish is commonly eaten raw; they 562 drink only water.[857] It is said that they never wash, and it is useless to add that in their filthiness they surpass the brutes.[858]

Besides bows and arrows they use javelins, clubs, and slings of cords, from which they throw stones. Their bows are six feet long, very broad and thick in the middle and tapering toward the ends, with strings made from the intestines of animals. The arrows are reeds about thirty inches in length, into the lower end of which a piece of hard wood is cemented with resin obtained from trees, and pointed with flint sharpened to a triangular shape and serrated at the edges. Javelins are sharpened by first hardening in the fire and then grinding to a point; they are sometimes indented like a saw. Clubs are of different forms, either mallet-head or axe shape; they also crook and sharpen at the edge a piece of wood in the form of a scimeter.[859]

Their wars, which spring from disputed boundaries, are frequent and deadly, and generally occur about fruit and seed time. The battle is commenced amidst yells and brandishing of weapons, though without any preconcerted plan, and a tumultuous onslaught is made without regularity or discipline, excepting that a certain number are held in reserve to relieve those who have expended their arrows or become exhausted. While yet at a distance they discharge their arrows, but soon rush forward and fight at close quarters with their clubs and spears; nor do they cease till many on both sides have fallen.[860] 563

Their implements and household utensils are both rude and few. Sharp flints serve them instead of knives; a bone ground to a point answers the purpose of a needle or an awl; and with a sharp-pointed stick roots are dug. Fire is obtained in the usual way from two pieces of wood. When traveling, water is carried in a large bladder. The shell of the turtle is applied to various uses, such as a receptacle for food and a cradle for infants.

The Lower Californians have little ingenuity, and their display of mechanical skill is confined to the manufacture of the aforesaid implements, weapons of war, and of the chase; they make some flat baskets of wicker work, which are used in the collection of seeds and fruits; also nets from the fibre of the aloe, one in which to carry provisions, and another fastened to a forked stick and hung upon the back, in which to carry children.[861]

For boats the inhabitants of the peninsula construct rafts of reeds made into bundles and bound tightly together; they are propelled with short paddles, and seldom are capable of carrying more than one person. In those parts where trees grow a more serviceable canoe is made from bark, and sometimes of three or more logs, not hollowed out, but laid together side by side and made fast with withes or pita-fibre cords. These floats are buoyant, the water washing over them as over a catamaran. On them two or more men will proceed fearlessly to sea, to a distance of several miles from the coast. To transport their chattels across rivers, 564 they use wicker-work baskets, which are so closely woven as to be quite impermeable to water; these, when loaded, are pushed across by the owner, who swims behind.[862]

Besides their household utensils and boats, and the feathers or ornaments on their persons, I find no other property. They who dwell on the sea-coast occasionally travel inland, carrying with them sea-shells and feathers to barter with their neighbors for the productions of the interior.[863]

They are unable to count more than five, and this number is expressed by one hand; some few among them are able to understand that two hands signify ten, but beyond this they know nothing of enumeration, and can only say much or many, or show that the number is beyond computation, by throwing sand into the air and such like antics. The year is divided into six seasons; the first is called Mejibo, which is midsummer, and the time of ripe pitahayas; the second season Amaddappi, a time of further ripening of fruits and seeds; the third Amadaappigalla, the end of autumn and beginning of winter; the fourth, which is the coldest season, is called Majibel; the fifth, when spring commences, is Majiben; the sixth, before any fruits or seeds have ripened, consequently the time of greatest scarcity, is called Majiibenmaaji.[864]

Neither government nor law is found in this region; every man is his own master, and administers justice in the form of vengeance as best he is able. As Father 565 Baegert remarks: 'The different tribes represented by no means communities of rational beings, who submit to laws and regulations and obey their superiors, but resembled far more herds of wild swine, which run about according to their own liking, being together to-day and scattered to-morrow, till they meet again by accident at some future time. In one word, the Californians lived, salva venia, as though they had been free-thinkers and materialists.' In hunting and war they have one or more chiefs to lead them, who are selected only for the occasion, and by reason of superior strength or cunning.[865]

Furthermore, they have no marriage ceremony, nor any word in their language to express marriage. Like birds or beasts they pair off according to fancy. The Pericúi takes as many women as he pleases, makes them work for him as slaves, and when tired of any one of them turns her away, in which case she may not be taken by another. Some form of courtship appears to have obtained among the Guaicuris; for example, when a young man saw a girl who pleased him, he presented her with a small bowl or basket made of the pita-fibre; if she accepted the gift, it was an evidence that his suit was agreeable to her, and in return she gave him an ornamented head-dress, the work of her own hand; then they lived together without further ceremony. Although among the Guaicuris and Cochimís some hold a plurality of wives, it is not so common as with the Pericúis, for in the two first-mentioned tribes there are more men than women. A breach of female chastity is sometimes followed by an attempt of the holder of the woman to kill the offender; yet morality never attained any great height, as it is a practice with them for different tribes to meet occasionally for 566 the purpose of holding indiscriminate sexual intercourse. Childbirth is easy; the Pericúis and Guaicuris wash the body of the newly born, then cover it with ashes; as the child grows it is placed on a frame-work of sticks, and if a male, on its chest they fix a bag of sand to prevent its breasts growing like a woman's, which they consider a deformity. For a cradle the Cochimís take a forked stick or bend one end of a long pole in the form of a hoop, and fix thereto a net, in which the infant is placed and covered with a second net. It can thus be carried over the shoulder, or when the mother wishes to be relieved, the end of the pole is stuck in the ground, and nourishment given the child through the meshes of the net. When old enough the child is carried astride on its mother's shoulders. As soon as children are able to get food for themselves, they are left to their own devices, and it sometimes happens that when food is scarce the child is abandoned, or killed by its parents.[866]

Nevertheless, these miserables delight in feasts, and in the gross debauchery there openly perpetrated. Unacquainted with intoxicating liquors, they yet find drunkenness in the fumes of a certain herb smoked through a stone tube, and used chiefly during their festivals. Their dances consist of a series of gesticulations and jumpings, accompanied by inarticulate murmurings and yells. One of their great holidays is the pitahaya season, when, with plenty to eat, they spend days and nights in amusements; 567 at such times feats of strength and trials of speed take place. The most noted festival among the Cochimís occurs upon the occasion of their annual distribution of skins. To the women especially it was an important and enjoyable event. Upon an appointed day all the people collected at a designated place. In an arbor constructed with branches, the road to which was carpeted with the skins of wild animals that had been killed during the year, their most skillful hunters assembled; they alone were privileged to enter the arbor, and in their honor was already prepared a banquet and pipes of wild tobacco. The viands went round as also the pipe, and, in good time, the partakers became partially intoxicated by the smoke; then one of the priests or sorcerers, arrayed in his robe of ceremony, appeared at the entrance to the arbor, and made a speech to the people, in which he recounted the deeds of the hunters. Then the occupants of the arbor came out and made a repartition of the skins among the women; this finished, dancing and singing commenced and continued throughout the night. It sometimes happened that their festivals ended in fighting and bloodshed, as they were seldom conducted without debauchery, especially among the Guaicuris and Pericúis.[867]

When they have eaten their fill they pass their time in silly or obscene conversation, or in wrestling, in which sports the women often take a part. They are very adroit in tracking wild beasts to their lairs and taming them. At certain festivals their sorcerers, who were called by some quamas, by others cusiyaes, wore long robes of skins, ornamented with human hair; these sages filled the offices of priests and medicine-men, and threatened their credulous brothers with innumerable ills and death, unless they supplied them with provisions. 568 These favored of heaven professed to hold communication with oracles, and would enter caverns and wooded ravines, sending thence doleful sounds, to frighten the people, who were by such tricks easily imposed upon and led to believe in their deceits and juggleries.[868]

As to ailments, Lower Californians are subject to consumption, burning fevers, indigestion, and cutaneous diseases. Small pox, measles, and syphilis, the last imported by troops, have destroyed numberless lives. Wounds inflicted by the bites of venomous reptiles may be added to the list of troubles. Loss of appetite is with them, generally, a symptom of approaching death. They submit resignedly to the treatment prescribed by their medicine-men, however severe or cruel it may be. They neglect their aged invalids, refusing them attendance if their last sickness proves too long, and recovery appears improbable. In several instances they have put an end to the patient by suffocation or otherwise.[869]

Diseases are treated externally by the application of ointments, plasters, and fomentations of medicinal herbs, particularly the wild tobacco. Smoke is also a great panacea, and is administered through a stone tube placed on the suffering part. The usual juggleries attend the practice of medicine. In extreme cases they attempt to draw with their fingers the disease from the patient's mouth. If the sick person has a child or sister, they cut its or her little finger of the right hand, and let the blood drop on the diseased part. Bleeding with a sharp stone and whipping the affected part with nettles, or applying ants to it, are among the remedies used. For the cure of tumors, the medicine-men burst and suck them with their lips until blood is drawn. Internal 569 diseases are treated with cold-water baths. The means employed by the medicine-man are repeated by the members of the patient's family and by his friends. In danger even the imitation of death startles them. If an invalid is pronounced beyond recovery, and he happens to slumber, they immediately arouse him with blows on the head and body, for the purpose of preserving life.[870]

Death is followed by a plaintive, mournful chant, attended with howling by friends and relatives, who beat their heads with sharp stones until blood flows freely. Without further ceremony they either inter or burn the body immediately, according to the custom of the locality: in the latter case they leave the head intact. Oftentimes they bury or burn the body before life has actually left it, never taking pains to ascertain the fact.[871]

Weapons and other personal effects are buried or burned with the owner; and in some localities, where burying is customary, shoes are put to the feet, so that the spiritualized body may be prepared for its journey. In Colechá and Guajamina mourning ceremonies are practiced certain days after death—juggleries—in which the priest pretends to hold converse with the departed spirit through the scalp of the deceased, commending the qualities of the departed, and concluding by asking on the spirit's behalf that all shall cut off their hair as a sign of sorrow. After a short dance, more howling, hair-pulling, and other ridiculous acts, the priest demands provisions for the spirit's journey, which his 570 hearers readily contribute, and which the priest appropriates to his own use, telling them it has already started. Occasionally they honor the memory of their dead by placing a rough image of the departed on a high pole, and a quama or priest sings his praises.[872]

The early missionaries found the people of the peninsula kind-hearted and tractable, although dull of comprehension and brutal in their instincts, rude, narrow-minded, and inconstant. A marked difference of character is observable between the Cochimís and the Pericúis. The former are more courteous in their manners and better behaved; although cunning and thievish, they exhibit attachment and gratitude to their superiors; naturally indolent and addicted to childish pursuits and amusements, they lived among themselves in amity, directing their savage and revengeful nature against neighboring tribes with whom they were at variance. The Pericúis, before they became extinct, were a fierce and barbarous nation, unruly and brutal in their passions, cowardly, treacherous, false, petulant, and boastful, with an intensely cruel and heartless disposition, often shown in relentless persecutions and murders. In their character and disposition the Guaicuris did not differ essentially from the Pericúis. In the midst of so much darkness there was still one bright spot visible, inasmuch as they were of a cheerful and happy nature, lovers of kind and lovers of country. Isolated, occupying an ill-favored country, it was circumstances, rather than any inherent incapacity for improvement, that held these poor people in their low state; for, as we shall see at some future time, in their intercourse with civilized foreigners, they were not lacking in cunning, diplomacy, selfishness, and other aids to intellectual progress.[873] 571

The Northern Mexicans, the fourth and last division of this group, spread over the territory lying between parallels 31° and 23° of north latitude. Their lands have an average breadth of about five hundred miles, with an area of some 250,000 square miles, comprising the states of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, Nuevo Leon, and the northern portions of Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí and Tamaulipas.

Nearly parallel with the Pacific seaboard, and dividing the states of Sonora and Sinaloa from Chihuahua and Durango, runs the great central Cordillera; further to the eastward, passing through Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and San Luis Potosí, and following the shore line of the Mexican Gulf, the Sierra Madre continues in a southerly direction, until it unites with the first-named range at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. All of these mountains abound in mineral wealth. The table-land between them is intersected by three ridges; one, the Sierra Mimbres, issuing from the inner flank of the Western Cordillera north of Arispe, extending in a northerly direction and following the line of the Rio Grande. The middle mountainous divide crosses from Durango to Coahuila, while the third rises in the state of Jalisco and taking an easterly and afterward northerly direction, traverses the table-land and merges into the Sierra Madre in the state of San Luis Potosí. On these broad table-lands are numerous lakes fed by the streams which have their rise in the mountains adjacent; in but few 572 spots is the land available for tillage, but it is admirably adapted to pastoral purposes. The climate can hardly be surpassed in its tonic and exhilarating properties; the atmosphere is ever clear, with sunshine by day, and a galaxy of brilliant stars by night; the absence of rain, fogs, and dews, with a delicious and even temperature, renders habitations almost unnecessary. All this vast region is occupied by numerous tribes speaking different languages and claiming distinct origins. Upon the northern seaboard of Sonora and Tiburon Island are the Ceris, Tiburones, and Tepocas; south of them the Cahitas, or Sinaloas, which are general names for the Yaquis and Mayos, tribes so called from the rivers on whose banks they live. In the state of Sinaloa there are also the Cochitas, Tuvares, Sabaibos, Zuaques, and Ahomes, besides many other small tribes. Scattered through the states of the interior are the Ópatas, Eudeves, Jovas, Tarahumares, Tubares, and Tepehuanes, who inhabit the mountainous districts of Chihuahua and Durango. East of the Tarahumares, in the northern part of the first-named state, dwell the Conchos. In Durango, living in the hills round Topia, are the Acaxées; south of whom dwell the Xiximes. On the table-lands of Mapimi and on the shores of its numerous lakes, the Irritilas and many other tribes are settled; while south of these again, in Zacatecas and San Luis Potosí, are the Guachichiles, Huamares, and Cazcanes, and further to the east, and bordering on the gulf shores we find the country occupied by scattered tribes, distinguished by a great variety of names, prominent among which are the Carrizas or Garzas, Xanambres, and Pintos.[874]

Most of these nations are composed of men of large 573 stature; robust, and well formed, with an erect carriage; the finest specimens are to be found on the sea-coast, exceptions being the Ópatas and Chicoratas, the former inclining to corpulency, the latter being short, although active and swift runners. The women are well limbed and have good figures, but soon become corpulent. The features of these people are quite regular, the head round and well shaped, with black and straight hair; they have high cheek-bones and handsome mouths, with a generally mild and pleasing expression of countenance. They have piercing black eyes, and can distinguish objects at great distances. The Ceris see best toward the close of the day, owing to the strong reflection from the white sands of the coast during the earlier part of the day. The Carrizas are remarkable for their long upper lip. The men of this region have little beard; their complexion varies from a light brown to a copper shade. Many of them attain to a great age.[875]

For raiment the Cahitas and Ceris wear only a small rag in front of their persons, secured to a cord tied 574 round the waist; the Tarahumares, Acaxées, and other nations of the interior use for the same purpose a square piece of tanned deer-skin painted, except in cold weather, when they wrap a large blue cotton mantle round the shoulders. The women have petticoats reaching to their ankles, made of soft chamois or of cotton or agave-fibre, and a tilma or mantle during the winter. Some wear a long sleeveless chemise, which reaches from the shoulders to the feet. The Ceri women have petticoats made from the skins of the albatross or pelican, the feathers inside. The Ópata men, soon after the conquest, were found well clad in blouse and drawers of cotton, with wooden shoes, while their neighbors wore sandals of raw hide, cut to the shape of the foot.[876]

The Cahitas, Acaxées and most other tribes, pierce the ears and nose, from which they hang small green stones, attached to a piece of blue cord; on the head, neck, and wrists, a great variety of ornaments are worn, made from mother-of-pearl and white snails' shells, also fruit-stones, pearls, and copper and silver hoops; round the ankles some wear circlets of deer's hoofs, others decorate their heads and necks with necklaces of red beans and strings of paroquets and small birds; pearls and feathers are much used to ornament the hair. The practice of painting the face and body is common to all, the colors most in use being red and black. A favorite style with the Ceris is to paint the face in alternate perpendicular stripes of blue, red, and white. The Pintos paint the face, breast, and arms; the Tarahumares tattoo the forehead, lips, and cheeks in various patterns; the Yaquis the chin and arms; while other tribes tattoo the face or body in styles peculiar to themselves. Both sexes are proud of their hair, which they wear long and 575 take much care of; the women permit it to flow, in loose tresses, while the men gather it into one or more tufts on the crown of the head, and when hunting protect it by a chamois cap, to prevent its being disarranged by trees or bushes.[877]

Their houses are of light construction, usually built of sticks and reeds, and are covered with coarse reed matting. The Chinipas, Yaquis, Ópatas and Conchos build somewhat more substantial dwellings of timber and adobes, or of plaited twigs well plastered with mud; all are only one story high and have flat roofs. Although none of these people are without their houses or huts, they spend most of their time, especially during summer, under the trees. The Tarahumares find shelter in the deep caverns of rocky mountains, the Tepehuanes and Acaxées place their habitations on the top of almost inaccessible crags, while the Humes and Batucas build their villages in squares, with few and very small entrances, the better to defend themselves against their enemies—detached buildings for kitchen and store-room purposes being placed contiguous.[878] 576

The Northern Mexicans live chiefly on wild fruits such as the pitahaya, honey, grain, roots, fish, and larvæ; they capture game both large and small, and some of them eat rats, mice, frogs, snakes, worms, and vermin. The Ahomamas along the shores of Lake Parras, the Yaquis, Batucas, Ceris, Tarahumares, and the Ópatas since the conquest have become agriculturists and cattle-breeders, besides availing themselves of fishing and hunting as means of subsistence. On the coast of Sonora, there being no maize, the natives live on pulverized rush and straw, with fish caught at sea or in artificial enclosures. The dwellers on the coast of Sinaloa consume a large quantity of salt, which they gather on the land during the dry season, and in the rainy reason from the bottom of marshes and pools. It is said that the Salineros sometimes eat their own excrement. According to the reports of the older historians, the Tobosos, Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Acaxées, as well as other tribes of Durango and Sinaloa, formerly fed on human flesh,—hunted human beings for food as they hunted deer or other game. The flesh of their brave foes they ate, thinking thereby to augment their own bravery.[879]

The Ceris of Tiburon Island depend for food entirely on fish and game. They catch turtle by approaching the animal and suddenly driving the point of their spear into its back, a cord being attached to the weapon by which they drag the prize on to the raft as soon as its 577 strength has become exhausted. According to Gomara, the natives of Sonora in 1537 were caught poisoning the deer-pools, probably for the skins, or it may have been only a stupefying drink that the pools were made to supply. The Sinaloans are great hunters; at times they pursue the game singly, then again the whole town turns out and, surrounding the thickest part of the forest, the people set fire to the underbrush and bring down the game as it attempts to escape the flames. A feast of reptiles is likewise thus secured. Iguanas are caught with the hands, their legs broken, and thus they are kept until required for food. For procuring wild honey, a bee is followed until it reaches its tree, the sweet-containing part of which is cut off and carried away. The Tarahumares hunt deer by driving them through narrow passes, where men are stationed to shoot them. Others make use of a deer's head as a decoy. For fishing they have various contrivances; some fish between the rocks with a pointed stick; others, when fishing in a pool, throw into the water a species of cabbage or leaves of certain trees, that stupefy the fish, when they are easily taken with the hands; they also use wicker baskets, and near the Pacific Ocean they inclose the rivers, and catch enormous quantities of smelt and other fish, which have come up from the sea to spawn. The Laguneros of Coahuila catch ducks by placing a calabash on their heads, with holes through which to breathe and see; thus equipped, they swim softly among the ducks, and draw them under water without flutter or noise. Tatéma is the name of a dish cooked in the ground by the Tarahumares. The Laguneros make tortillas of flour obtained from an aquatic plant. The Zacatecs make the same kind of bread from the pulp of the maguey, which is first boiled with lime, then washed and boiled again in pure water, after which it is squeezed dry and made into cakes. Most of the people use pozole, or pinolatl, both being a kind of gruel made of pinole, of parched corn or seeds ground, the one of greater thickness than the other; also tamales, boiled beans, and 578 pumpkins. The Ceris of Tiburon eat fish and meat uncooked, or but slightly boiled. The Salineros frequently devour uncooked hares and rabbits, having only removed their furs.[880]

The weapons universally used by these nations were bows and arrows and short clubs, in addition to which the chiefs and most important warriors carried a short lance and a buckler. The arrows were carried in a quiver made of lion or other skins. The Tarahumares and some others wore a leathern guard round the left wrist, to protect it from the blow of the bow-string. Flint knives were employed for cutting up their slain enemies. The Ceris, Jovas, and other tribes smeared the points of their arrows with a very deadly poison, but how it was applied to the point, or whence obtained, it is difficult to determine; some travelers say that this poison was taken from rattlesnakes and other venomous reptiles, which, by teasing, were incited to strike their fangs into the liver of a cow or deer which was presented to them, after which it was left to putrefy, and the arrows being dipped into the poisonous mass, were placed in the sun to dry; but other writers, again, assert that the poison was produced from a vegetable preparation. The wound inflicted by the point, however slight, is said to 579 have caused certain death. The arrows were pointed with flint, or some other stone, or with bone, fastened to a piece of hard wood, which is tied by sinews to a reed or cane, notched, and winged with three feathers; when not required for immediate use, the tying was loosed, and the point reversed in the cane, to protect it from being broken. The Ceris and Chicoratos cut a notch a few inches above the point, so that in striking it should break off and remain in the wound. Their clubs were made of a hard wood called guayacan, with a knob at the end, and when not in use were carried slung to the arm by a leather thong. Their lances were of Brazil wood, bucklers of alligator-skin, and shields of bull's hide, sufficiently large to protect the whole body, with a hole in the top to look through. Another kind of shield was made of small lathes closely interwoven with cords, in such a manner that, when not required for use, it could be shut up like a fan, and was carried under the arm.[881]

Living in a state of constant war, arising out of family quarrels or aggressions made into each other's territories, they were not unskilled in military tactics. Previous 580 to admission as a warrior, a young man had to pass through certain ordeals; having first qualified himself by some dangerous exploit, or having faithfully performed the duty of a scout in an enemy's country. The preliminaries being settled, a day was appointed for his initiation, when one of the braves, acting as his godfather, introduced him to the chief, who, for the occasion, had first placed himself in the midst of a large circle of warriors. The chief then addressed him, instructing him in the several duties required of him, and drawing from a pouch an eagle's talon, with it proceeded to score his body on the shoulders, arms, breast, and thighs, till the blood ran freely; the candidate was expected to suffer without showing the slightest signs of pain. The chief then handed to him a bow and a quiver of arrows; each of the braves also presented him with two arrows. In the campaigns that followed, the novitiate must take the hardest duty, be ever at the post of danger, and endure without a murmur or complaint the severest privations, until a new candidate appeared to take his place.[882]

When one tribe desires the assistance of another in war, they send reeds filled with tobacco, which, if accepted, is a token that the alliance is formed; a call for help is made by means of the smoke signal. When war is decided upon, a leader is chosen, at whose house all the elders, medicine-men, and principal warriors assemble; a fire is then lighted, and tobacco handed round and smoked in silence. The chief, or the most aged and distinguished warrior then arises, and in a loud tone and not unpoetic language, harangues his hearers, recounting to them heroic deeds hitherto performed, victories formerly gained, and present wrongs to be avenged; after which tobacco is again passed round, 581 and new speakers in turn address the assembly. War councils are continued for several nights, and a day is named on which the foe is to be attacked. Sometimes the day fixed for the battle is announced to the enemy, and a spot on which the fight is to take place selected. During the campaign fasting is strictly observed. The Acaxées, before taking the war-path, select a maiden of the tribe, who secludes herself during the whole period of the campaign, speaking to no one, and eating nothing but a little parched corn without salt. The Ceris and Ópatas approach their enemy under cover of darkness, preserving a strict silence, and at break of day, by a preconcerted signal, a sudden and simultaneous attack is made. To fire an enemy's house, the Tepagues and others put lighted corn-cobs on the points of their arrows. In the event of a retreat they invariably carry off the dead, as it is considered a point of honor not to leave any of their number on the field. Seldom is sex or age spared, and when prisoners are taken, they are handed over to the women for torture, who treat them most inhumanly, heaping upon them every insult devisable, besides searing their flesh with burning brands, and finally burning them at the stake, or sacrificing them in some equally cruel manner. Many cook and eat the flesh of their captives, reserving the bones as trophies. The slain are scalped, or a hand is cut off, and a dance performed round the trophies on the field of battle. On the return of an expedition, if successful, entry into the village is made in the day-time. Due notice of their approach having been forwarded to the inhabitants, the warriors are received with congratulations and praises by the women, who, seizing the scalps, vent their spleen in frantic gestures; tossing them from one to another, these female fiends dance and sing round the bloody trophies, while the men look on in approving silence. Should the expedition, however, prove unsuccessful, the village is entered in silence and during the dead of night. All the booty taken is divided amongst the aged men and women, as it is 582 deemed unlucky by the warriors to use their enemy's property.[883]

Their household utensils consist of pots of earthen ware and gourds, the latter used both for cooking and drinking purposes; later, out of the horns of oxen cups are made. The Tarahumares use in place of saddles two rolls of straw fastened by a girdle to the animal's back, loose enough, however, to allow the rider to put his feet under them. Emerging from their barbarism, they employ, in their agricultural pursuits, plows with shares of wood or stone, and wooden hoes. The Ceris have a kind of double-pointed javelin, with which they catch fish, which, once between the prongs, are prevented from slipping out by the jagged sides.[884]

The Ahomoas, Eudebes, Jovas, Yaquis, and Ópatas weave fabrics out of cotton or agave-fibre, such as blankets or serapes, and cloth with colored threads in neat designs and figures; these nations also manufacture matting from reeds and palm-leaves. Their loom consists of four short sticks driven into the ground, to which a frame is attached to hold the thread. The shuttle is an oblong piece of wood, on which the cross-thread is wound. After passing through the web, the shuttle is seized and pressed close by a ruler three inches in breadth, which is placed between the web and supplies the place of a comb. When any patterns are to be worked, several women assist to mark off with wooden pegs the amount of thread required. The Yaquis and Ceris manufacture common earthen ware, and the Tarahumares twist horse-hair 583 into strong cords; they also use undressed hides cut in strips, and coarse aloe-fibres.[885]

No boats or canoes are employed by any of the natives of this region; but the Ceris, the Tiburones, and the Tepocas make rafts of reeds or bamboos, fastened together into bundles. These rafts are about eighteen feet long and tapering toward both ends; some are large enough to carry four or five men; they are propelled with a double-bladed paddle, held in the middle and worked alternately on both sides.[886]

Subsequent to the conquest, the Ópatas and Yaquis accumulated large flocks of sheep, cattle, and bands of horses; the latter are good miners, and expert divers for pearls. Their old communistic ideas follow them in their new life; thus, the landed property of the Tarahumares is from time to time repartitioned; they have also a public asylum for the sick, helpless, and for orphans, who are taken care of by male and female officials called tenanches. Pearls, turquoises, emeralds, coral, feathers, and gold were in former times part of their property, and held the place of money; trade, for the most part, was carried on by simple barter.[887]

The Northern Mexicans make no pretensions to art; nevertheless, Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan the walls of the houses were decorated with 584 obscene paintings. They are all great observers of the heavenly bodies and the changes in the atmosphere; the Yaquis count their time by the moon. They are good musicians, imitating to perfection on their own instruments almost any strain they happen to hear. Their native melodies are low, sweet, and harmonious. In Petatlan they embroidered dresses with pearls, and as they had no instrument for piercing the jewel, they cut a small groove round it, and so strung them. With pearls they formed on cloth figures of animals and birds.[888]

I find nowhere in this region any system of laws or government. There are the usual tribal chieftains, selected on account of superior skill or bravery, but with little or no power except in war matters. Councils of war, and all meetings of importance, are held at the chief's house.[889]

The Ceris and Tepocas celebrate the advent of womanhood with a feast, which lasts for several days. The Ahome maiden wears on her neck a small carved shell, as a sign of her virginity, to lose which before marriage is a lasting disgrace. On the day of marriage the bridegroom removes this ornament from his bride's neck. It is customary among most of the tribes to give presents to the girl's parents. The Tahus, says Castañeda, are obliged to purchase a maiden from her parents, and deliver her to the cacique,[890] chief, or possibly high priest, 585 to whom was accorded the droit de seigneur. If the bride proves to be no virgin, all the presents are returned by her parents, and it is optional with the bridegroom to keep her or condemn her to the life of a public prostitute. The Bauzarigames, Cabezas, Contotores, and Tehuecos practice polygamy and inter-family marriages, but these are forbidden by the Ceris, Chinipas, Tiburones, and Tepocas. Different ceremonies take place upon the birth of the first child. Among some, the father is intoxicated, and in that state surrounded by a dancing multitude, who score his body till the blood flows freely. Among others, several days after the birth of a male child, the men visit the house, feel each limb of the newly born, exhort him to be brave, and finally give him a name; women perform similar ceremonies with female children. The couvade obtains in certain parts; as for instance, the Lagunero and Ahomama husbands, after the birth of a child, remain in bed for six or seven days, during which time they eat neither fish nor meat. The Sisibotaris, Ahomes, and Tepehuanes hold chastity in high esteem, and both their maidens and matrons are remarkably chaste. The standard of morality elsewhere in this vicinity is in general low, especially with the Acaxées and Tahus, whose incestuous connections and system of public brothels are notorious. According to Arlegui, Ribas, and other authors, among some of these nations male concubinage prevails to a great extent; these loathsome semblances of humanity, whom to call beastly were a slander upon beasts, dress themselves in the clothes and perform the functions of women, the use of weapons even being denied them.[891] 586

Drunkenness prevails to a great extent among most of the tribes; their liquors are prepared from the fruit of the pitahaya, mezquite-beans, agave, honey, and wheat. In common with all savages, they are immoderately fond of dancing, and have numerous feasts, where, with obscene carousals and unseemly masks, the revels continue, until the dancers, from sheer exhaustion or intoxication, are forced to rest. The Ópatas hold a festival called torom raqui, to insure rain and good crops. Clearing a square piece of ground, they strew it with seeds, bones, boughs, horns, and shells; the actors then issue forth from huts built on the four corners of the square, and there dance from sunrise to sunset. On the first day of the year they plant in the ground a tall pole, to which are tied long ribbons of many colors. A number of young maidens, fancifully attired, dance round the pole, holding the ends of the ribbons, twisting themselves nearer or away from the center in beautiful figures. Upon other occasions they commemorate, in modern times, what is claimed to be the journey of the Aztecs, and the appearance of Montezuma among them. Hunting and war expeditions are inaugurated by dances. Their musical instruments are flutes and hollow trunks beaten with sticks or bones, and accompanied with song and impromptu words, relating the exploits of their gods, warriors, and hunters. They are passionately fond of athletic sports, such as archery, wrestling, and racing; but the favorite pastime is a kind of foot-ball. The game is played between two parties, with a large elastic ball, on a square piece of ground prepared expressly for the purpose. The players must strike the ball with the shoulders, knees, or hips, but never with 587 the hand. Frequently one village challenges another as upon the occasion of a national festival, which lasts several days, and is accompanied with dancing and feasting. They have also games with wooden balls, in which sticks are used when playing. The players are always naked, and the game often lasts from sunrise to sunset, and sometimes, when the victory is undecided, the play will be continued for several successive days. Bets are freely made, and horses and other property staked with the greatest recklessness.[892]

Loads are carried on the head, or in baskets at the back, hanging from a strap that passes across the forehead. Another mode of carrying burdens is to distribute equally the weight at both ends of a pole which is slung across the shoulder, à la Chinoise. Their conceptions of the supernatural are extremely crude; thus, the Ópatas, by yells and gesticulations, endeavor to dispel eclipses of the heavenly bodies; before the howling of the wind they cower as before the voice of the Great Spirit. The Ceris superstitiously celebrate the new moon, and bow reverentially to the rising and setting sun. Nuño de Guzman states that in the province of Culiacan tamed serpents were found in the dwellings of the natives, which they feared and venerated. Others have a great veneration for the hidden virtues of poisonous plants, and believe that if they crush or destroy one, some harm will happen to them. It is a common 588 custom to hang a small bag containing poisonous herbs round the neck of a child, as a talisman against diseases or attacks from wild beasts, which they also believe will render them invulnerable in battle. They will not touch a person struck by lightning, and will leave him to die, or, if dead, to lie unburied.[893]

Intermittent and other fevers prevail among the people of Northern Mexico. Small-pox, introduced by Europeans, has destroyed many lives; syphilis was introduced among the Carrizos by the Spanish troops. The Tarahumares suffer from pains in the side about the end of the spring. The Ópatas of Oposura are disfigured by goitres, but this disease seems to be confined within three leagues of the town. Wounds inflicted by arrows, many of them poisoned, and bites of rattlesnakes are common. Friends, and even parents and brothers leave to their fate such as are suffering from contagious diseases; they, however, place water and wild fruits within the sufferer's reach. To relieve their wearied legs and feet after long marches, they scarify the former with sharp flints. In extreme cases they rub themselves with the maguey's prickly leaf well pounded, which, acting as an emollient on their hardened bodies, affords them prompt relief. The Carrizos cure syphilis with certain plants, the medicinal properties of which are known to them. As a purgative they use the grains of the maguacate, and as a febrifuge the cenicilla (teraina frutescens). With the leaves of the latter they make a decoction which, mixed with hydromel, is an antidote for intermittent fevers. They also use the 589 leaves of the willow in decoction, as a remedy for the same complaint. In Sinaloa, the leaf and roots of the guaco are used by the natives as the most efficacious medicine for the bites of poisonous reptiles. The Ópatas employ excellent remedies for the diseases to which they are subject. They have a singular method of curing rattlesnake bites, a sort of retaliative cure; seizing the reptile's head between two sticks, they stretch out the tail and bite it along the body, and if we may believe Alegre, the bitten man does not swell up, but the reptile does, until it bursts. In some parts, if a venomous snake bites a person, he seizes it at both ends, and breaks all its bones with his teeth until it is dead, imagining this to be an efficacious means of saving himself from the effect of the wounds. Arrow wounds are first sucked, and then peyote powder is put into them; after two days the wound is cleaned, and more of the same powder applied; this operation is continued upon every second day, and finally powdered lechugilla-root is used; by this process the wound, after thoroughly suppurating, becomes healed. Out of the leaves of the maguey, lechugilla, and date-palm, as well as from the rosemary, they make excellent balsams for curing wounds. They have various vegetable substances for appeasing the thirst of wounded persons, as water is considered injurious. The Acaxées employ the sucking processes, and blowing through a hollow tube, for the cure of diseases. The Yaquis put a stick into the patient's mouth, and with it draw from the stomach the disease; the Ceris of Tiburon Island also employ charms in their medical practice.[894]

I find nothing of cremation in these parts. The dead body is brought head and knees together, and 590 placed in a cave or under a rock. Several kinds of edibles, with the utensils and implements with which the deceased earned a support while living, are deposited in the grave, also a small idol, to serve as a guide and fellow traveler to the departed on the long journey. On the lips of dead infants is dropped milk from the mother's breast, that these innocents may have sustenance to reach their place of rest. Among the Acaxées, if a woman dies in childbirth, the infant surviving is slain, as the cause of its mother's death. Cutting the hair is the only sign of mourning among them.[895]

The character of the Northern Mexicans, as portrayed by Arlegui, is gross and low; but some of these tribes do not deserve such sweeping condemnation. The Mayos, Yaquis, Acaxées, and Ópatas are generally intelligent, honest, social, amiable, and intrepid in war; their young women modest, with a combination of sweetness and pride noticed by some writers. The Ópatas especially are a hard-working people, good-humored, free from intemperance and thievishness; they are also very tenacious of purpose, when their minds are made up—danger often strengthening their stubbornness the more. The Sisibotaris, Ahomamas, Onavas, and Tarahumares are quiet and docile, but brave when occasion requires; the last-mentioned are remarkably honest. The Tepocas and Tiburones are fierce, cruel, and treacherous, more warlike and courageous than the Ceris of the main land, who are singularly devoid of good qualities, being sullenly stupid, lazy, inconstant, revengeful, depredating, and much given to intemperance. Their country even has become a refuge for evil-doers. In former times they were warlike and brave: but even this quality they have lost, and have become as cowardly as they are cruel. The Tepehuanes and other mountaineers are savage and warlike, and their animosity to the whites perpetual. The Laguneros and other tribes of Coahuila are intelligent, domestic, and hospitable; the former especially are very brave. In Chihuahua 591 they are generally fierce and uncommunicative. At El Paso, the women are more jovial and pleasant than the men; the latter speak but little, never laugh, and seldom smile; their whole aspect seems to be wrapped in melancholy—everything about it has a semblance of sadness and suffering.[896]

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VI.
WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

Territorial Aspects—Two Main Divisions; Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico—The Coras and others in Jalisco—Descendants of the Aztecs—The Otomís and Mazahuas adjacent to the Valley of Mexico—The Pames— The Tarascos and Matlaltzincas of Michoacan—The Huaztecs and Totonacs of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas—The Chontales, Chinantecs, Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chatinos, Miztecs, Zapotecs, Mijes, Huaves, Chiapanecs, Zoques, Lacandones, Choles, Mames, Tzotziles, Tzendales, Chochones, and others of Southern Mexico.

The term Wild Tribes of Mexico, which I employ to distinguish this from the other groupal divisions of the Native Races of the Pacific States needs some explanation. The territory embraced under this title extends from latitude 23° north, to the eighteenth parallel on the Atlantic, and the fifteenth on the Pacific; that is to the Central American line, including Yucatan and excluding Guatemala. At the time of the conquest, a large portion of this region as well as part of Central America was occupied by those nations that we call civilized, which are fully described in the second volume of this work. These several precincts of civilization may be likened to suns, shining brightly at their respective centres, and radiating into the surrounding darkness with greater or less intensity according to distance and circumstances. The bloody conquest achieved, these suns were dimmed, their light went out; part of this civilization 616 merged into that of the conquerors, and part fell back into the more distant darkness. Later many of the advanced aboriginals became more and more identified with the Spaniards; the other natives soon came to be regarded as savages, who, once pacified, spread over the seat of their nation's former grandeur, obliterating many of the traces of their peoples' former high advancement;—so that very shortly after the Spaniards became masters of the land, any description of its aborigines could but be a description of its savage nations, or of retrograded, or partially obliterated peoples of higher culture. And thus I find it, and thus must treat the subject, going over the whole territory almost as if there had been no civilization at all.

For variety and striking contrasts the climate and scenery of central and southern Mexico is surpassed by no region of equal extent in the world. It is here that the tierra caliente, or hot border-land of either ocean, the tierra templada, or temperate belt adjacent, and the tierra fria, or cool elevated table-land assume their most definite forms. The interior table-lands have an average elevation above the sea of from 5,000 to 8,000 feet. The geological formation is on a Titanic scale; huge rocks of basalt, granite, and lava rise in fantastic shapes, intersected by deep barrancas or ravines presenting unparalleled scenes of grandeur. Prominent among the surrounding mountains tower the snow-clad crests of Orizaba and Popocatepetl,—volcanic piles whose slumbering fires appear to be taking but a temporary rest. The plateau is variegated with many lakes; the soil, almost everywhere fertile, is overspread with a multitudinous variety of nopal, maguey, and forests of evergreen, among which the graceful fir and umbrageous oak stand conspicuous. Seasons come and go and leave no mark behind; or it may be said that spring, satisfied with its abode, there takes up its perpetual rest; the temperature is ever mellow, with resplendent sunshine by day, while at night the stars shine with a brilliancy nowhere excelled. The limits of the tierra templada 617 it is impossible to define, as the term is used in a somewhat arbitrary manner by the inhabitants of different altitudes. On the lowlands along the coast known as the tierra caliente, the features of nature are changed; vegetation assumes a more luxuriant aspect; palms, parasitical plants and trees of a tropical character, take the place of the evergreens of a colder clime; the climate is not salubrious, and the heat is oppressive. On the Atlantic side furious storms, called 'northers,' spring up with a suddenness and violence unexampled in other places, often causing much destruction to both life and property.

For the purpose of description, I separate the Wild Tribes of Mexico in two parts,—the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico, and the Wild Tribes of Southern Mexico. The first of these divisions extends from 23° north latitude to the northern boundary of the state of Oajaca, or rather to an imaginary line, taking as its base said boundary and running from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico, that is to say from Vera Cruz to Acapulco.

To enumerate and locate all the nations and tribes within this territory, to separate the uncivilized from the civilized, the mythical from the real, is not possible. I have therefore deferred to the end of this chapter such authorities as I have on the subject, where they will be found ranged in proper order under the head of Tribal Boundaries. Of the tribes that are known to have possessed no civilization, such as was found among the Aztecs and other cultivated nations, I will only mention the people denominated Chichimecs, under which general name were designated a multitude of tribes inhabiting the mountains north of the valley of Mexico, all of which were prominently dependent on the result of the chase for their subsistence; the ancient Otomís who mostly occupied the mountains which inclose the valley of Mexico; and the Pames in Querétaro. South of Mexico were numerous other nations who were more or less intermixed with those more civilized. Finally, I shall describe those people 618 who, since they came in contact with the whites, have retrograded in such a degree, that their manners and customs can only be given in connection with those of the Wild Tribes, and which comprise a large proportion of all the present aborigines of Mexico.[897]

The natives of the valley of Mexico are represented by some authorities as tall, by others as of short stature; but from what I gather we may conclude that on the whole they are over rather than under the middle height, well made and robust. In Vera Cruz they are somewhat shorter, say from four feet six inches to five feet at most, and clumsily made, having their knees further apart than Europeans and walking with their toes turned in; the women are shorter than the men and become fully developed at a very early age. In Jalisco both sexes are tall; they are also well built, and among the women are found many forms of such perfection that they might well serve as models for sculpture. Throughout the table-lands, the men are muscular and well proportioned. Their skin is very thick and conceals the action of the muscles; they are out-kneed, turn their toes well in, and their carriage is anything but graceful.[898] Various opinions have been advanced by competent persons in regard to the features of the natives of Mexico. Baron Von Humboldt describes them as resembling the aborigines of Canada, Peru, Florida, and Brazil; having 619 elongated eyes, the corners turned towards the temples, prominent cheek-bones, large lips, and a sweet expression about the mouth, forming a strong contrast with their otherwise gloomy and severe aspect. Rossi says that their eyes are oval, and that their physiognomy resembles that of the Asiatics. According to Prescott, they bear a strong resemblance to the Egyptians, and Viollet le Duc asserts that the Malay type predominates. They have generally a very narrow forehead, an oval face, long black eyes set wide apart, large mouth with thick lips, teeth white and regular, the nose small and rather flat. The general expression of the countenance is melancholy, and exhibits a strange combination of moroseness and gentleness. Although some very handsome women are to be found among them, the majority of the race, both men and women, are ugly, and in old age, which with the women begins early, their faces are much wrinkled and their features quite harsh. They have acute senses, especially that of sight, which remains unimpaired to a very advanced age. Long, straight, black, thick, and glossy hair is common to all; their beard is thin, and most of them, especially in the capital and its vicinity, have a small moustache; but very few, if any, have hair on their legs, thighs, or arms. It is very seldom that a gray-haired native is found. All the people referred to, are remarkable for their strength and endurance, which may be judged of by the heavy burdens they carry on their backs. The inhabitants of the table-lands are of various hues; some are olive, some brown, others of a red copper color. In the Sierras some have a bluish tint as if dyed with indigo. The natives of the tierras calientes are of a darker complexion, inclining to black. There are some called Indios Pintos, whose cuticle is of a less deep color, inclining more to yellowish and marked with dark copper-colored spots.[899] 620

In the valley of Mexico the natives wear the ichapilli, or a sort of shirt without sleeves, made of white and blue striped cotton, which reaches to the knees and is gathered round the waist with a belt. This is frequently the only garment worn by the aborigines of the Mexican valley. In lieu of the ancient feather ornaments for the head, they now use large felt or straw hats, the rim of which is about nine inches in width; or they bind round the head a colored handkerchief. Most of the men and women go barefooted, and those who have coverings for their feet, use the cacles, or huaraches, (sandals) made of tanned leather and tied with thongs to the ankles. The dress of the women has undergone even less change than that of the men, since the time of the Spanish conquest. Many of them wear over the ichapilli a cotton or woolen cloth, bound by a belt just above the hips; this answers the purpose of a petticoat; it is woven in stripes of dark colors or embellished with figures. The ichapilli is white, with figures worked on the breast, and is longer than that worn by the men. In Puebla the women DRESS IN MICHOACAN. wear very narrow petticoats and elegant quichemels covering the breast and back and embroidered all over with silk and worsted. In the state of Vera Cruz and other parts of the tierra caliente the men's apparel consists of a short white cotton jacket or a dark-colored woolen tunic, with broad open sleeves fastened round the waist with a sash, and short blue or white breeches open at the sides near the knee; these are a Spanish innovation, but they continue to wear the square short cloak, tilma or tilmatli, with the end tied on one of the shoulders or across the breast. Sometimes a pair of shorter breeches made of goat or deer skin are worn over the cotton ones, and also a jacket of the same material. The women wear a 621 coarse cotton shift with large open sleeves, often worked about the neck in bright colored worsted, to suit the wearer's fancy; a blue woolen petticoat is gathered round the waist, very full below, and a blue or brown rebozo is used as a wrapper for the shoulders. Sometimes a muffler is used for the head and face.[900] They bestow great care on their luxuriant hair, which they arrange in two long braids that fall from the back of the head, neatly painted and interwoven with worsted of lively colors, and the ends tied at the waist-band or joined behind; others bind the braids tightly round the head, and occasionally add some wild flowers.[901] In the tierra fria, a thick dark woolen blanket with a hole in the centre through which passes the head protects the wearer during the day from the cold and rain, and serves at night for a covering and often for the bed itself. This garment has in some places taken the place of the tilmatli. Children are kept in a nude state until they are eight or ten years old, and infants are enveloped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and limbs exposed. The Huicholas of Jalisco have a peculiar dress; the men wear a short tunic made of coarse brown or blue woolen fabric, tightened at the waist with a girdle hanging down in front and behind, and very short breeches of poorly dressed goat or deer skin without hair, at the lower edges of which are strung a number of leathern thongs. Married men and women wear straw hats with high pointed crowns and broad turned-up rims; near the top is a narrow and handsomely woven band of many colors, with long tassels. Their long bushy hair is secured tightly 622 round the crown of the head with a bright woolen ribbon. Many of the men do up the hair in queues with worsted ribbons, with heavy tassels that hang below the waist.[902] De Laet, describing the natives of Jalisco early in the seventeenth century, speaks of square cloths made of cotton and maguey tied on the right or left shoulder, and small pebbles or shells strung together as necklaces. Mota Padilla, in his history of New Galicia, says that the Chichimecs at Xalostitlan, in 1530, went naked. The inhabitants of Alzatlan about that time adorned themselves with feathers. In Zacualco, the common dress of the women about the same period, particularly widows, was the huipil, made of fine cotton cloth, generally black. The natives of the province of Pánuco, for many years after the Spanish Conquest, continued to go naked; they pulled out the beard, perforated the nose and ears, and, filing their teeth to a sharp point, bored holes in them and dyed them black. The slayer of a human being used to hang a piece of the skin and hair of the slain at the waist, considering such things as very valuable ornaments. Their hair they dyed in various colors, and wore it in different forms. Their women adorned themselves profusely, and braided their hair with feathers. Sahagun, speaking of the Matlaltzincas, says that their apparel was of cloth made from the maguey; referring to the Tlahuicas, he mentions among their faults that they used to go overdressed; and of the Macoaques, he writes: that the oldest women as well as the young ones paint themselves with a varnish called tecocavitl, or with some colored stuff, and wear feathers about their arms and legs. The Tlascaltecs in 1568 wore cotton-cloth mantles painted in various fine colors. The inhabitants of Cholula, according to Cortés, dressed better than the Tlascaltecs; the better class wearing over their other clothes a garment resembling the Moorish cloak, yet somewhat different, as that of Cholula had pockets, but in the cloth, the 623 cut, and the fringe, there was much resemblance to the cloak worn in Africa. Old Spanish writers tell us that the natives of Michoacan made much use of feathers for wearing-apparel and for adorning their bodies and heads. At their later religious festivals, both sexes appear in white, the men with shirt and trowsers, having a band placed slantingly across the breast and back, tied to a belt round the waist, and on the head a small red cloth arranged like a turban, from which are pendent scarlet feathers, similar to those used by the ancient Aztec warriors. The man is also adorned with a quantity of showy beads, and three small mirrors, one of which is placed on his breast, another on his back, and the third invariably on his forehead. At his back he carries a quiver, and in his hand a bow, adorned with bright colored artificial flowers, or it may be the Aztec axe, so painted and varnished as to resemble flint. At the present time, a native woman, however poor, still wears a necklace of coral or rows of red beads. The unmarried women of Chilpanzinco used to daub their faces with a pounded yellow flower. In Durango, the natives were accustomed to rub their swarthy bodies with clay of various colors, and paint reptiles and other animals thereon.[903] 624

The dwellings of the Wild Tribes of Central Mexico vary with climate and locality. In the lowlands, sheds consisting of a few poles stuck in the ground, the spaces between filled with rushes, and the roof covered with palm-leaves, afforded sufficient shelter. In the colder highlands they built somewhat more substantial houses of trunks of trees, tied together with creeping plants, the walls plastered with mud or clay, the roof of split boards kept in place with stones. In treeless parts, houses were constructed of adobe or sun-dried bricks and stones, and the interior walls covered with mats; the best houses were only one story high, and the humbler habitations too low to allow a man to stand erect. The entire house constituted but one room, where all the family lived, sleeping on the bare ground. A few stones placed in the middle of the floor, served as a fireplace where food was cooked. In Vera Cruz there is a separate small hut for cooking purposes. The wild nomadic Chichimecs lived in caverns or fissures of rocks situated in secluded valleys, and the Pames contented themselves with the shade afforded by the forest-trees.[904]

Corn, beans, tomatoes, chile, and a variety of fruits and vegetables constitute the chief subsistence of the people, and in those districts where the banana flourishes, it ranks as an important article of food. The natives of Vera Cruz and Tamaulipas gather large quantities of the pitahaya, by means of an osier basket attached to a long pole; round the brim are arranged several forks, for the purpose of detaching the fruit, which then drops into the basket. From the blossoms and buds they make a ragout, and also grind the seeds for bread. From the sea and rivers they obtain a plentiful supply of fish, and they have acquired from childhood a peculiar habit of eating earth, which is said to be injurious to their physical development. It has been 625 stated that in former days they used human flesh as food.

The Otomís and tribes of Jalisco cultivated but little grain, and consumed that little before it ripened, trusting for a further supply of food to the natural productions of the soil and to game, such as rabbits, deer, moles, and birds, and also foxes, rats, snakes and other reptiles. Corn-cobs they ground, mixed cacao with the powder, and baked the mixture on the fire. From the lakes in the valley of Mexico they gathered flies' eggs, deposited there in large quantities by a species of flies called by the Mexicans axayacatl, that is to say, 'water-face,' and by MM. Meneville and Virlet d'Aoust corixa femorata and notonecta unifasciata. The eggs being pounded, were moulded into lumps and sold in the market-place; they were esteemed a special delicacy, and were eaten fried. These people are also accused by some authors of having eaten human flesh.[905]

Other tribes, inhabiting the valley of Mexico, Puebla, Michoacan, and Querétaro, show a greater inclination to cultivate the soil, and live almost wholly on the products of their own industry. They plant corn by making a hole in the ground with a sharp-pointed stick, into which the seed is dropped and covered up. Honey is plentiful, and when a tree is found where bees are at work, they stop the entrance with clay, cut off the branch and hang it outside their huts; after a short time they remove the clay, and the bees continue their operations in their new locality, as if they had not been disturbed.[906]

Gemelli Careri thus describes a novel method of catching ducks: "Others contrive to deceive ducks, as 626 shy as they are; for when they have us'd 'em to be frequently among calabashes left floating on the lake for that purpose, they make holes in those calabashes, so that putting their heads in them, they can see out of them, and then going up to the neck in the water, they go among the ducks and draw 'em down by the feet." For making tortillas, the corn is prepared by placing it in water, to which a little lime is added, and allowing it to soak all night, or it is put to simmer over a slow fire; the husk is then easily separated and the corn mashed or ground on the metate. From this paste the tortilla is formed by patting it between the hands into a very thin cake, which is cooked on an earthern pan placed over the fire; the tortilla is eaten with boiled beans, and a mixture of chile and lard. The ground corn is also mixed with water and strained through a sieve; of this liquor they make a gruel, to which is added a little cacao or sugar. The sediment which remains in the sieve is used to make tamales, which are a combination of chopped meat, chile, and onions, which ingredients are covered with the corn paste, and the whole enveloped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked. The Mexicans are very moderate eaters, but have an insatiable passion for strong liquors.[907]

Laziness and filth follow us as we proceed southward in our observations; among the Mexicans, the poorer classes especially are filthy in their persons, and have a disgusting appearance, which increases with the infirmities of age. Many of them indulge freely in the use of a steam-bath called temazcalli, similar to the Russian 627 vapor-bath, but it does not appear to have the effect of cleansing their persons.[908]

All these tribes use bows and arrows; the latter carried in a quiver slung at the back, a few spare ones being stuck in the belt for immediate use. A heavy club is secured to the arm by a thong, and wielded with terrible effect at close quarters. In battle, the principal warriors are armed with spears and shields. Another weapon much in use is the sling, from which they cast stones to a great distance and with considerable accuracy. The natives of the valley of Mexico kill birds with small pellets blown through a hollow tube.[909]

The clubs, which are from three to four feet in length, are made of a species of heavy wood, some having a round knob at the end similar to a mace, others broad and flat, and armed with sharp pieces of obsidian, fastened on either side. Acosta states that with these weapons they could cut off the head of a horse at one stroke. Spears and arrows are pointed with flint or obsidian, the latter having a reed shaft with a piece of hard wood inserted into it to hold the point. Their quivers are made of deer-skin, and sometimes of seal or shark-skin. Shields are ingeniously constructed of small canes so woven together with thread that they can be folded up and carried tied under the arm. When wanted for use they are loosed, and when opened out they cover the greater part of the body.[910] 628

Aboriginally, as with most northern nations, warfare was the normal state of these people. The so-called Chichimecs attacked all who entered their domain, whether for hunting, collecting fruit, or fighting. War once declared between two tribes, each side endeavors to secure by alliance as many of their neighbors as possible; to which end ambassadors are despatched to the chiefs of adjacent provinces, each bearing in his hand an arrow of the make peculiar to the tribe of the stranger chief. Arriving at the village, the messenger seeks out the chief and lays the arrow at his feet; if the proposal of his master be accepted by the stranger chief, the rendezvous is named and the messenger departs. The ambassadors having returned with their report, preparations are at once made for the reception of the allies, a feast is prepared, large quantities of game and intoxicating drink are made ready, and as soon as the guests arrive the viands are placed before them. Then follow eating and drinking, concluding with drunken orgies; this finished, a council is held, and the assault planned, care being taken to secure places suitable for an ambuscade and stones for the slingers. A regular organization of forces is observed and every effort made to outflank or surround the enemy. Archers and slingers march to an attack in single file, always occupying the van, while warriors armed with clubs and lances are drawn up in the rear; the assault is commenced by the former, accompanied with furious shouts and yells. During the period of their wars against the Spaniards, they often expended much time and labor in the fortification of heights by means of tree-trunks, and large rocks, which were so arranged, one on top of another, that at a given signal they might be loosened, and let fall on their assailants. The chiefs of the Tepecanos and contiguous tribes carried no weapons during the action, but had rods 629 with which they chastised those who exhibited symptoms of cowardice, or became disorderly in the ranks.[911] The slain were scalped or their heads cut off, and prisoners were treated with the utmost barbarity, ending invariably in the death of the unfortunates; often were they scalped while yet alive, and the bloody trophy placed upon the heads of their tormentors. The heads of the slain were placed on poles and paraded through their villages in token of victory, the inhabitants meanwhile dancing round them. Young children were sometimes spared, and reared to fight in the ranks of their conquerors; and in order to brutalize their youthful minds and eradicate all feelings of affection toward their own kindred, the youthful captives were given to drink the brains and blood of their murdered parents. The Chichimecs carried with them a bone, on which, when they killed an enemy, they marked a notch, as a record of the number each had slain. Mota Padilla states that when Nuño de Guzman arrived in the valley of Coynan, in Jalisco, the chiefs came out to meet him, and, as a sign of peace and obedience, dropped on one knee; upon being raised up by the Spaniards, they placed round their necks strings of rabbits and quails, in token of respect.[912]

As the wants of the people are few and simple, so is the inventory of their implements and household furniture. Every family is supplied with the indispensable metate, an oblong stone, about twelve by eighteen inches, smooth on the surface and resting upon three legs in a slanting position; with this is used a long stone roller, 630 called the metlapilli, for rubbing down the maize, and a large earthen pan, called the comalli, on which to bake the tortillas. Their bottles, bowls, and cups are made from gourds, often prettily painted, and kept hanging round the walls; some unglazed earthenware vessels, ornamented with black figures on a dull red ground, are used for cooking, a block of wood serves for a stool and table, and lastly a few petates (Aztec, petlatl, 'palm-leaf mat'), are laid upon the ground for beds. These comprise the whole effects of a native's house. For agricultural purposes, they have wooden spades, hoes, and sharp stakes for planting corn. Their products are carried home or to market in large wicker-work frames, often five feet high by two and a half feet broad, made from split palm-leaves.[913]

In the State of Jalisco, the natives are celebrated for the manufacture of blankets and woolen mantas; in other parts of the country they continue to weave cotton stuffs in the same manner as before the conquest, all on very primitive hand-looms. The common designs are in blue or red and white stripes, but they are sometimes neatly worked with figures, the juice from the murex or purple shell supplying the vermilion color for the patterns. The inhabitants of Tonala exhibit much taste and excellence in the production of pottery, making a great variety of toys, masks, figures, and ornaments, besides the vessels for household use. In the vicinity of Santa Cruz, the fibres of the aloe, crushed upon the metate, are employed for the manufacture of ropes, nets, bags, and flat round pelotas, used in rubbing down the body after a bath. Palm-leaf mats and dressed skins also figure largely among the articles of native industry.[914] 631

In Vera Cruz, they have canoes dug out of the trunk of a mahogany or cedar tree, which are capable of holding several persons, and are worked with single paddles.[915]

A considerable trade is carried on in pottery, mats, dressed skins, and manufactures of the aloe-fibre; also fruit, feathers, vegetables, and fish. All such wares are packed in light osier baskets, which, thrown upon their backs, are carried long distances to the several markets. In the province of Vera Cruz, vanilla, jalap, and other herbs are important articles of native commerce, and all the interior tribes place a high value on salt, for which they readily exchange their products.[916]

The natives display much patience and skill in ornamental work, especially carvings in stone, and in painting; although the figures, their gods bearing witness, are all of grotesque shapes and appearance. With nothing more than a rude knife, they make very ingenious figures, of wax, of the pith of trees, of wood, charcoal, clay, and bone. They are fond of music, and readily imitate any strain they hear. From time immemorial they have retained a passion for flowers, in all seasons of the year tastefully decorating therewith their dwellings and shops. The art of working in gold and silver is well known to the natives of Jalisco, who execute well-shaped specimens of cups and vases, beautifully engraved and ornamented.[917] 632

The wild tribes surrounding, and in places intermixed with, the Civilized Nations of Central Mexico, as far as I can learn, do not appear to have had any systematic tribal government; at least, none of the old historians have given any account of such. Some of the tribes attach themselves to chiefs of their own choice, to whom they pay a certain tribute from the produce of their labor or hunting expeditions, while others live without any government or laws whatsoever, and only elect a chief on going to war.[918]

Marriage takes place at an early age, and girls are seldom found single after they attain fourteen or fifteen years. Gomara, however, says that women in the district of Tamaulipas are not married till they reach the age of forty. The Otomís marry young, and if, when arrived at the age of puberty, a young girl has not found a mate, her parents or guardians select one for her, so that none shall remain single. Among the Guachichiles, when a young man has selected a girl, he takes her on trial for an indefinite period; if, afterwards, both parties are satisfied with each other, the ceremony of marriage is performed; should it happen, however, that the man be not pleased, he returns the girl to her parents, which proceeding does not place any obstacle in the way of her obtaining another suitor. The Chichimecs cannot marry without the consent of parents; if a young man violates this law and takes a girl without first obtaining the parental sanction, even with the intention of marrying her, the penalty is death; usually, in ancient times, the offender was shot with arrows. When one of this people marries, if the girl proves not to be a virgin, the marriage is null, and the girl is returned to her parents. When a young man desires to marry, his parents make a visit to those of the intended bride, and leave with them a bouquet of flowers bound with red 633 wool; the bride's parents then send round to the houses of their friends a bunch of mariguana, a narcotic herb, which signifies that all are to meet together at the bride's father's on the next night. The meeting is inaugurated by smoking; then they chew mariguana, during which time all preliminaries of the marriage are settled. The following day the resolutions of the conclave are made known to the young man and woman, and if the decision is favorable, the latter sends her husband a few presents, and from that time the parties consider themselves married, and the friends give themselves up to feasting and dancing.[919]

A plurality of wives was found among all the inhabitants of this region at the time of the Spanish conquest, the first wife taking precedence of those who came after her. Many had concubines who, it may be said, ranked third in the family circle. The missionary Fathers, however, soon put an end to the custom of more than one wife, whenever they had the power to do so. Herrera says that the Chichimecs indulged in one wife only, but that they had the habit of repudiating her for any slight cause, and of taking another. The women are kept under subjection by their husbands, and not only have all the indoor work to do, such as cooking, spinning, and mat-making, but they are also required to carry heavy burdens home from the market, and bring all the wood and water for household use. Infants are carried on the mother's back, wrapped in a coarse cotton cloth, leaving the head and legs free. Among the Chichimecs, when a woman goes out of her house, she places her child in a wicker basket, and there leaves it, usually suspending it from the branch of a tree. A child is suckled by the mother until another comes on and crowds it out. Mühlenpfordt relates that he saw a boy of 634 seven or eight years of age demanding suck and receiving it from his mother. A woman near her time of confinement, retires to a dark corner of the house, attended by some aged woman, who sings to her, and pretends to call the baby from afar. This midwife, however, does not in any way assist at the birth, but as soon as the child is born she goes out, meanwhile covering her face with her hands, so that she may not see. Having walked once round the house, she opens her eyes, and the name of the first object she sees is chosen as the name of the child. Among the Otomís, a young woman about to become a mother is the victim of much unnecessary suffering arising from their superstitious practices; loaded with certain amulets and charms, she must carefully avoid meeting certain individuals and animals whose look might produce evil effects—a black dog especially must be avoided. The song of a mocking-bird near the house is held to be a happy omen. At certain hours the mother was to drink water which had been collected in the mountains, and previously presented to the gods; the phases of the moon were carefully watched. She was obliged to undergo an examination from the old crone who attended her, and who performed certain ceremonies, such as burning aromatic herbs mingled with saltpetre. Sometimes, amidst her pains, the ancient attendant obliged her charge to jump about, and take powerful medicines, which frequently caused abortion or premature delivery. If the child was a boy, one of the old men took it in his arms and painted on its breast an axe or some implement of husbandry, on its forehead a feather, and on the shoulders a bow and quiver; he then invoked for it the protection of the gods. If the child proved to be a female, the same ceremony was observed, with the exception that an old woman officiated, and the figure of a flower was traced over the region of the heart, while on the palm of the right hand a spinning-wheel was pictured, and on the left a piece of wool, thus indicating the several duties of after life. According to the Apostólicos 635 Afanes, the Coras call the child after one of its uncles or aunts. In twelve months' time a feast is prepared in honor of said young, and the mother and child, together with the uncle or aunt, placed in the middle of the circle of relatives. Upon these occasions much wine is drunk, and for the first time salt is placed in the child's mouth. As soon as the child's teeth are all cut, a similar meeting takes place, and the child is then given its first meal; and again, at the age of twelve, the ancients come together, when the youth is first given wine to drink. As a rule, young people show great respect and affection for their parents; all their earnings being at once handed over to them.[920]

In early times, immorality and prostitution existed among these nations to an unparalleled extent. Gomara says that in the province of Tamaulipas there were public brothels, where men enacted the part of women, and where every night were assembled as many as a thousand, more or less, of these worse than beastly beings, according to the size of the village. It is certain that incest and every species of fornication was commonly practiced, especially in the districts of Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, and Querétaro.[921]

Their amusements are stamped with the general melancholy of their character. Dancing, accompanied with music and singing, is their favorite pastime, but it is seldom indulged in without the accompanying vice of intoxication. When the Totonacs join in their national dances, they attach a kind of rattle called aiacachtli to a band round the head, that produces a peculiar sound during the performance. Among some tribes women are not permitted to join in the dances. 636 They make various kinds of drinks and intoxicating liquors. One is made from the fruit of the nopal or prickly pear, which is first peeled and pressed; the juice is then passed through straw sieves, and placed by a fire or in the sun, where in about an hour it ferments. Another drink, called chicha, is made from raw sugar-cane, which is mashed with a wooden mallet and passed through a pressing-machine. Their principal and national drink is pulque, made from the agave americana, and is thus prepared: When the plant is about to bloom, the heart or stalk is cut out, leaving a hole in the center, which is covered with the outer leaves. Every twenty-four hours, or in the hotter climates twice a day, the cavity fills with the sap from the plant, which is taken out and fermented by the addition of some already-fermented pulque, and the process is continued until the plant ceases to yield a further supply. The liquor obtained is at first of a thick white color, and is at all times very intoxicating.[922]

Father Joseph Arlegui, in his Chrónica de la Provincia de Zacatecas, which province then comprised a much larger extent of territory than the present state of Zacatecas, describes a singular ceremony nowhere else mentioned. It is employed when one nation wishes to form a close connection, friendship, alliance, family or blood relationship, so to say (tratan de hacerse parientes), with another nation; and the process is as follows: From the tribe with which the alliance is desired, a man is seized, and a feast or drunken carousal commenced. Meanwhile the victim destined to form the connecting link between the two bands, and whose blood is to cement their friendship, is kept without food for twenty-four hours. Into him is then poured of their execrable beverages until he is filled, 637 and his senses are deadened, when he is stretched before a fire, built in a wide open place, where all the people may have access to him. Having warmed well his body, and rubbed his ears, each aspirant to the new friendship, armed with a sharp awl-shaped instrument, made of deer's bone, proceeds to pierce the ears of the prostrate wretch, each in turn forcing his sharpened bone through some new place, which causes the blood to spurt afresh with every incision. With the blood so drawn, the several members of the tribe anoint themselves, and the ceremony is done. On the spot where the relative of a Cora is killed in a fight, a piece of cloth is dipped in blood, and kept as a remembrance, until his death be avenged by killing the slayer, or one of the males of his family. When meeting each other on a journey, they make use of many complimentary salutations, and a kind of freemasonry appears to exist among them. Major Brantz Mayer mentions a tribe at Cuernavaca that, in the event of a white man arriving at their village, immediately seize and place him under guard for the night in a large hut; he and his animals are carefully provided for until the following day, when he is despatched from the village under an escort, to wait upon him until far beyond the limits of the settlement. The custom, at the present day, of hiding money in the ground is universal; nothing would induce a native to entrust his savings with another. The inhabitants of Querétaro spend much of their time basking in the sun, and if the sun does not yield sufficient warmth, they scoop out a hole in the ground, burn in it branches and leaves of the maguey, and when properly heated, lay themselves down in the place, and cover themselves with a mat or the loose earth.[923] 638

The Mexicans are not subject to many diseases. Small-pox, brought into the country at the time of the conquest, typhoid fever, and syphilis are those which cause the greatest destruction of life; the two former are aggravated by the filthy condition of the villages. Yellow fever, or black vomit, very rarely attacks the aborigines. The measles is a prevalent disease. Death is likewise the result of severe wounds, fractures, or bruises, most of which end in mortification, owing to neglect, or to the barbarous remedies applied to combat them. The Huastecs of Vera Cruz suffer from certain worms that breed in their lips, and highly esteem salt for the curative properties they believe it to possess against this disorder. At the village of Comalá, in the state of Colima, a considerable number of the children are born deaf and dumb, idiots, or deformed; besides which, when they reach a mature age, if we may believe the early chroniclers, the goitres are more or less developed on them, notwithstanding Humboldt's assertion that the aborigines never suffer from this disorder. There is another disease, cutaneous in its character, which is quite prevalent in many parts of the country, and is supposed to be contracted under the influence of a warm, humid, and unhealthy climate, and may be described as follows: Without pain the skin assumes a variety of colors, the spots produced being white, red, brownish, or blue. The Pintos, as south-western coast-dwellers are called, the chief victims to this disorder, experience no physical pain, except when they go into a cold climate; then they feel twitchings in the places where the skin has changed color. The disease is declared to be contagious: and from all accounts no remedy for it has been as yet discovered. Formerly, an epidemic called the matlalzahuatl visited the country at long intervals and caused terrible havoc. All the Spanish writers who speak of it call it the peste, and suppose it to be the same scourge that destroyed nearly the whole population 639 of the Toltec empire in the eleventh century. Others believe it to have borne a greater similarity to yellow fever. The disease, whatever it is, made its appearance in 1545, 1576, and 1736, since which date I find no mention of it, destroying each time an immense number of people; but upon no occasion did it attack the pure whites or the mestizos. Its greatest havoc was in the interior, on the central plateau, and in the coldest and most arid regions, the lowlands of the coast being nearly, if not entirely, free from its effects.[924]

When small-pox was first introduced, the natives resorted to bathing as a cure, and a very large number succumbed to the disease. An old Spanish author, writing in 1580, states that the natives of the kingdom of New Spain had an extensive knowledge of medicinal herbs; that they seldom resorted to bleeding or compound purgatives, for they had many simple cathartic herbs. They were in the habit of making pills with the India-rubber gum mixed with other substances, which they swallowed, and rubbed themselves withal, to increase their agility and suppleness of body. Cold water baths are commonly resorted to when attacked with fever, and they cannot be prevailed upon to abandon the practice. The temazcalli or sweat-bath, is also very much used for cases of severe illness. The bath-house stands close to a spring of fresh water, and is built and heated not unlike a European bake-oven. When up to the required temperature the fire is taken out, and water thrown in; the patient is then thrust into it naked, feet foremost and head near the aperture, and laid on a mat that covers the hot stones. The hole that affords him air for breathing is about eighteen inches 640 square. When sufficiently steamed, and the body well beaten with rushes, a cold water bath and a brisk rubbing complete the operation.[925]

In Michoacan, the natives believe that the leaves of a plant called cozolmecatl or olcacaran applied to a sore part of the body will foretell the result of the disorder; for if the leaves adhere to the spot, it is a sure sign that the sufferer will get well, but if they fall off, the contrary will happen. When prostrated with disease, the nearest relatives and friends surround the patient's couch and hold a confab upon the nature of his ailment and the application of the remedy. Old sorceresses and charlatans put in practice their spells; fumigations and meltings of saltpetre abound; and by some jugglery, out of the crystallized saltpetre is brought a monstrous ant, a horrible worm, or some other object, which, as they allege, is the cause of the disorder. As the disease progresses, the friends of the sufferer severally recommend and apply, according to the judgment each may have formed of the matter, oil of scorpions or of worms, water supposed to produce miraculous effects on fevers, or like applications, and these empirical remedies, most of which are entirely useless, and others extremely barbarous, are applied together without weight or measure.[926]

In common with other peoples, it is usual with these nations to place several kinds of edibles in the grave with the deceased. Among the Coras, when one died, the corpse was dressed and wrapped in a mantle; if a man, with bow and arrows, and if a woman, with her distaff, etc., and in this manner the body was buried in a cave previously selected by the deceased. All his worldly goods were placed at the door of his 641 former house, so that he might come and take them without crossing the threshold, as they believed the dead returned to see about property. If the deceased had cattle, his friends and relatives every now and then placed some meat upon sticks about the fields, for fear he might come for the cattle he formerly owned. Five days after death a hired wizard essayed to conjure away the shade of the departed property-holder. These spirit-scarers went smoking their pipes all over the dead man's house, and shook zapote-branches in the corners, till they pretended to have found the fancied shadow, which they hurled headlong to its final resting-place. Upon the second of November most of the natives of the Mexican valley bring offerings to their dead relatives and friends, consisting of edibles, live animals, and flowers, which are laid on or about the graves. The anniversary or commemoration of the dead among the ancient Aztecs occurred almost upon the same day.[927]

The thick-skinned, thoughtful and reserved aboriginals of central Mexico are most enigmatical in their character. Their peculiar cast of features, their natural reserve, and the thickness of their skin, make it extremely difficult to ascertain by the expression of the face what their real thoughts are. The general characteristics of this people may be summed up as follows: peaceable, gentle and submissive to their superiors, grave even to melancholy, and yet fond of striking exhibitions and noisy revelry; improvident but charitable, sincerely pious, but wallowing in ignorance and superstitions; quick of perception, and possessed of great facility for acquiring knowledge, especially of the arts, very imitative, but with little originality, unambitious, 642 unwilling to learn, and indifferent to the comforts of life. Irascibility is by no means foreign to their nature, but it seems to lie dormant until awakened by intoxication or some powerful impulse, when the innate cruelty flames forth, and they pass suddenly from a state of perfect calmness to one of unrestrained fierceness. Courage and cowardice are so blended in their character that it is no easy matter to determine which is the predominant trait. A fact worthy of notice is that upon many occasions they have proved themselves capable of facing danger with the greatest resolution, and yet they will tremble at the angry frown of a white man. Laziness, and a marked inclination to cheating and stealing are among the other bad qualities attributed to them; but there is abundant evidence to show, that although naturally averse to industry, they work hard from morning till night, in mining, agriculture, and other occupations, and in their inefficient way accomplish no little labor. Murder and highway robbery are crimes not generally committed by the pure aboriginal, who steals rarely anything but food to appease his hunger or that of his family. A Mexican author says, the Indian cuts down a tree to pick its fruit, destroys an oak of ten years growth for a week's firewood; in other words, he produces little, consumes little, and destroys much. Another Mexican writer affirms that the Indian is active, industrious, handy in agricultural labor, a diligent servant, a trusty postman, humble, hospitable to his guests, and shows a sincere gratitude to his benefactors.[928] 643

The Pames, Otomís, Pintos, and other nations north of the Mexican valley were, at the time of the conquest, a barbarous people, fierce and warlike, covetous even of trifles and fond of display. The Michoacaques or Tarascos are warlike and brave, and for many years after the conquest showed themselves exceedingly hostile to the whites, whom they attacked, plundered, and frequently murdered, when traveling through their country. In 1751 they were already quiet, and gave evidences of being intelligent and devoted to work. The men in the vicinity of the city of Vera Cruz are careless, lazy, and fickle; much given to gambling and drunkenness; but the women are virtuous, frugal, cleanly, and extremely industrious. The natives of Jalapa, judging by their countenance, are less intelligent, and lack the sweetness of character that distinguishes the inhabitants of the higher plateau; they are, however, peaceable and inoffensive. The wild tribes of the north are rude, revengeful, dull, irreligious, lazy, and given to robbery, plunder, and murder. Such are the characteristics attributed to them under the name of Chichimecs by old Spanish authors and others. Indeed, the only creditable traits they were allowed to possess, were, in certain parts, courage and an independent spirit. Of the nations of Jalisco, both ancient and modern writers bear testimony to their bravery. They are also sagacious and somewhat industrious, but opposed to hard labor (as what savage is not), and not easily kept under restraint. Those who dwell on Lake Chapala are quiet and mild, devoted to agricultural pursuits. They indeed proved themselves high-spirited and efficient in defending their rights, when long oppression had exhausted their forbearance. The Coras were hardy and warlike, averse to any intercourse with the whites and to the Christian religion, but by the efforts of the missionaries, and the heavy 644 blows of the Spanish soldiers, they were brought under subjection, and became tractable.[929]

The Southern Mexicans, under which name I group the people inhabiting the present states of Oajaca, Guerrero, Chiapas, the southern portion of Vera Cruz, Tabasco, and Yucatan, constitute the second and last division of this chapter. Much of this territory is situated within the tierras calientes, or hot lands, wherein every variety of tropical vegetation abounds in luxuriant profusion. The heat, especially along the coast, to the unacclimated is most oppressive. The great chain of the cordillera in its transit across the Tehuantepec isthmus, approaches nearer to the Pacific seaboard than to the Atlantic, and dropping from the elevated table-land of central Mexico, seeks a lower altitude, and breaks into cross-ridges that traverse the country in an east and west direction. Upon the northern side of the isthmus are plains of considerable extent, of rich alluvial soil, through which several rivers, after draining the mountain districts, discharge into the Mexican gulf. These streams, in their course through the table-lands, are bordered by rich lands of greater or lesser extent. On the southern side, nature puts on a bolder aspect and a narrower belt of lowlands is traversed by several rivers, which discharge the drainage of the southern slope into the Pacific Ocean, and into the lagoons that border the ocean. One of the most important features of Yucatan is the absence of any important river. The coast, which is of great extent, has in general a bleak and arid appearance, and is little broken except on the north-west, 645 where it is indented by the laguna de Terminos, and on the eastern side by the bays of Ascension, Espíritu Santo, and Chetumel. The central part of the Yucatan peninsula is occupied by a low ridge of mountains, of barren aspect. A short distance from the coast the general appearance of the country improves, being well-wooded, and containing many fertile tracts.

Many of the nations occupying this region at the time of the conquest may be called cultivated, or at least, progressive, and consequently belong to the civilized nations described in the second volume of this work; others falling back into a state of wildness after the central civilization was extinguished, makes it extremely difficult to draw any line separating civilization from savagism. Nevertheless we will examine them as best we may; and if it be found that what we learn of them refers more to the present time than has been the case with nations hitherto treated, the cause will be obvious.

The Zapotecs, who were in former times a very powerful nation, still occupy a great portion of Oajaca, surrounded by the ruins of their ancient palaces and cities. The whole western part of the state is taken up by the Miztecs. Tributary to the above before the conquest, were the Mijes and other smaller tribes now residing in the mountain districts in the centre of the isthmus. The Huaves, who are said to have come by sea from the south, and to have landed near the present city of Tehuantepec, spread out over the lowlands and around the lagoons on the south-western coast of Oajaca. In the province of Goazacoalco, and in Tabasco, are the Ahualulcos, and Chontales, who occupy a large portion of the latter state. South of them in Chiapas are the Choles, Tzendales, Zotziles, Alames, and Quelenes, and in the extreme south-eastern end of the same state, and extending into Central America, some tribes of the Lacandones are located. The extensive peninsula of Yucatan, the ancient name of which was Mayapan, formed the independent and powerful kingdom of the Mayas, who held undisputed possession of the country until, after a heroic 646 resistance, they were finally compelled to yield to the superior discipline and weapons of the Spanish invaders.[930]

The Zapotecs proper are well-formed and strong; the features of the men are of a peculiar cast and not pleasing; the women, however, are delicately formed, and graceful with handsome features. Another tribe of the same nation, the Zapotecs of Tehuantepec, are rather under the medium height, with a pleasing oval face and present a fine personal appearance. Not a few of them have light-colored hair, and a somewhat fair complexion. Their senses, especially that of sight, are acute, and the constitution sound and robust, notwithstanding their habits of intoxication. The females have regular and handsome features, and though of small stature and bizarre in their carriage, are truly graceful and seductive. Dark lustrous eyes, long eye-lashes, well defined eye-brows, luxuriant and glossy jet-black hair, play havoc with the men. Those of Acayucan village are particularly noted for their beauty. But not all are thus; instance the Chatinos who are remarkably ugly. The natives of Oajaca are generally large and well-formed; those of Sierra are of a light-yellow complexion, and their women are tolerably white with mild features. Some branches of the Miztecs and Mazatecs carry upon their shoulders very large loads. Father Burgoa writing of the Miztecs, of Yangüistlan, in the year 1541, speaks of their beautiful complexion and fine forms. The Mijes are of good height, strongly built, hardy, and active; they wear a beard, and altogether their aspect is repulsive. The Zoques are very much like the Mijes, their features are as prominent and unprepossessing; but they are probably more athletic. The Chontales are 647 tall and very robust. In the village of Tequisistlan, Oajaca, shortly after the Spanish conquest, they were all reported as of a gigantic stature. The Huaves present a different appearance from any of the other natives of the isthmus of Tehuantepec. They are generally well-made, and of strong constitutions. The natives of Tabasco who dwell in the country bordering on the river of that name, are of medium height, and with well-developed limbs. Both men and women have round flat faces, low foreheads, small eyes, flattish noses, thick lips, small but quite full mouths, white teeth, and tawny complexions. The Ahualulcos are rather under the middle height, but of great physical strength. They have a low narrow forehead, salient cheek-bones, full lips, white teeth, small beard, and coarse hair. Their features are aquiline, and the expression of their countenance is melancholy, one of gentleness blended with sternness. They strongly resemble the descendants of the Aztecs of Mexico. The women are more delicately made, and some beautiful ones are seen among them. They move quickly and with much natural grace.[931]

The descendants of the Mayas are of medium size, with good limbs, large faces and mouth, the upper lip slightly arched, and a marked tendency to stoutness; the nose is somewhat flat, eyes sleepy-looking and hair black and glossy, which rarely turns gray; complexion of a copper color, and in some instances yellowish. Naturally strong, the Maya or Yucatec can carry heavy loads long distances, and perform a great deal of hard labor without showing signs of fatigue. An old Spanish 648 writer mentions that they were generally bow-legged, and many of them squint-eyed. The same author says they had good faces, were not very dark, did not wear a beard, and were long-lived. The women are plump, and generally speaking not ugly.[932]

Very scanty was the dress of the dwellers on Tehuantepec isthmus. In Oajaca and Chiapas, the men wore a piece of deer or other skin fastened round the waist, and hanging down in front, and the women wore aprons of maguey-fibre. Montanus in describing the Mijes says they were quite naked, but that some wore round the waist a white deer-skin dressed with human hearts. The Lacandones, when going to war, wore on their shoulders the skin of a tiger, lion, or deer. The Quelenes wrapped round their head a colored cloth, in the manner of a turban, or garland of flowers. At present, the usual dress of the Zapotecs is a pair of wide Mexican drawers, and short jacket of cotton, with a broad-brimmed hat, made of felt or straw—yet the Huaves and many of the poorer class, still wear nothing but a breech-cloth. The costume of the women is simple, and not without elegance. That of the Miztecs, Zapotecs, and others dwelling in the city of Tehuantepec is a skirt made of cotton,—sometimes of wool—that reaches nearly to the ankles, prettily and often elaborately worked in various designs and colors. The upper part of the body is covered with a kind of chemisette, with short sleeves called the huipil, of fine texture, and adorned with lace and gold or silk threads. On the head is a white cotton covering, made like a narrow sack or sleeve, which is drawn on and hangs down over the back. In Tabasco, the dress of the men differs little from that of the people of Tehuantepec; the Tabascan women wear a cotton petticoat or a few yards of calico wrapped round the waist, and reaching below the knees. Over the petticoat 649 they wear a frock with sleeves to the wrist, leaving the bosom and neck exposed. Children and boys go naked; indeed, whenever clothing to any extent is found in this region, we may be sure that the foreign trader is at the bottom of it.[933]

Both sexes usually wear the hair long, parting it in the middle, and either permit it to hang in loose tresses over the shoulders, or, binding it with gay colored ribbons, loop it up on the back of the head, where it is fastened with a large comb. On festive occasions they interweave flowers with the hair, and also mingle with it a species of shining beetle, called cucullo, which emits a phosphorescent light, and produces a very pretty effect. Among the Zoques who reside at San Miguel and Santa María Chimalapa, the males shave the crown of the head, a custom of possible monkish origin peculiar to themselves. Feather tufts and skins of green birds were formerly much used for ornaments; they had also necklaces made of pieces of gold joined together, and amber beads. Nose and ears were pierced, and pieces of stone or amber or gold rings or a bit of carved wood inserted. Montanus describes a kind of snake called ibobaca, which he says the inhabitants of Chiapas wore round the neck.[934] They also painted and stained the face. When Fernandez de Córdova explored the northern coast of Yucatan, he found the people clad in cotton garments, and at the present day this forms the principal material from which their clothing is made. Men now wear a cotton shirt or blouse, usually without sleeves, and wide drawers; round the waist is tied a 650 white or colored sash; for protection from the sun, a straw hat is worn, or perhaps a piece of colored calico, and their sandals are made from deer-skin. Instead of drawers, they used to wear a broad cotton band passed round the loins, the ends of which were arranged to hang one in front and the other behind; a cloak or mantle of cotton called zugen was thrown over the shoulders. Colonel Galindo mentions that they used the bark of the India-rubber tree for making garments, and Cogolludo says that when the Spaniards arrived at Aké, in the year 1527, the army of natives were in a state of nudity, with only their privy parts covered, and the whole body besmeared with clay of different colors. The women display considerable taste in the style of their garments; over a petticoat, which reaches to their ankles, and prettily bordered at the bottom, they have a dress with sleeves down to the elbow; the skirt is open at the sides, and does not fall as low as the petticoat, so that the border of the latter may be seen, the bosom of the dress is open, and on each side of the breast and round the neck it is embroidered with coarse silk, as in Tehuantepec; the huipil (Aztec, vipilli) is also worn. In country places women wear the petticoat alone, using the overskirt or huipil only on special occasions. When out of doors, they cover the head and part of the face with a piece of cotton cloth.[935] All permit the hair to attain to its full length; the men plait theirs and wind it round the head, leaving a short end to hang down behind, while that of the women hangs in dark masses over their shoulders, or is neatly bound up behind and decorated with flowers or feathers. Herrera states that it was customary to scorch the faces of young children to prevent the growth 651 of their beards, and the men allowed the hair to grow down over the eyebrows, making their heads and foreheads flat on purpose. They pierced nose and ears, ornamenting them with rings set with pearls and bits of amber, and wore collars and bracelets of gold. Some among them filed their teeth. They painted the face and all exposed parts of the body in many colors, using white or yellow with black and red, covering themselves from the waist upward with a variety of designs and figures. When going to battle paint was much used, in order to render their appearance more formidable; men tattooed on the chest, and the women mixed liquid amber with their pigments, which, when rubbed over the body, emitted a perfume.[936]

The better class of Zapotecs of the present day build their houses in a substantial manner of adobes; the common people construct a more simple dwelling with branches arranged in a double row, and the space between filled in with earth; they also make them of wattled cane-work plastered with clay. Such dwellings are cool and proof against the frequent earthquakes that occur in their territory. Roofs are thatched with palmetto-leaves without opening, nor are there any windows in the walls. The interior is divided into several compartments, according to size and necessity.[937] The Mijes thatch their houses with bundles of coarse straw. The Chinantecs, Chochos, and Chontales originally built no houses, but sought out the most shady forests, where they dwelt, or they located themselves in ravines and 652 rocky parts, living in caverns or holes under the rocks; the Tzendales of Chiapas had many towns and painted their houses; the Ahualulcos lived together in communities, and had commodious, well-built houses of interwoven cane, plastered on the inside with mud, the roof thatched with palmetto.[938]

From the earliest times of which we have any record, the natives of Oajaca and the isthmus of Tehuantepec cultivated corn and vegetables, and likewise followed the chase; those who dwelt on the borders of the sea or lakes applied themselves to fishing. The Zapotecs now raise wheat, and build mills. It is asserted by an old Spanish chronicler that this nation exceeded all others in eating and drinking. As early as 1690, they gathered crops of maguey, maize, Spanish peas, chile, potatoes, and pumpkins, and bred swine and poultry. Of late they cultivate rice, sugar-cane, and other tropical productions, as also do the inhabitants of Tehuantepec. Primitive agriculture has undergone but little alteration; deer are caught by means of traps and nets. The Miztecs, Mijes, and Cuicatecs have from the earliest times been cultivators of the soil. The Mijes make a coarse or impure sugar from sugar-cane; their corn-fields are often many miles distant from their dwellings. The Huaves, the greater portion of whom are on the borders of the lagoons on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, live mostly on the proceeds of their fisheries, although they raise a small supply of grain and fruit. Their fishing is almost exclusively done with sweep-nets in shallow waters, and during one month of the year they catch large schools of shrimps in traps. The Zoques produce the small quantity of corn that they need, some achote, many very fine oranges, and tobacco. They are fond of iguanas and their eggs, and of parrots, killing the latter with stones. The Chontales of Tabasco and Tehuantepec use maize 653 and cocoa as food. They eat flesh only upon great religious festivals, marriages, or other celebrations, but are fond of fish. In olden times they were cannibals, and Antonio de Herrera, the chief chronicler of the Indies, accused also the natives of Chiapas of being eaters of human flesh. Since the conquest the natives have lived mostly on corn and other vegetable productions, cultivated by themselves. A large portion of the Mayas and of the other aborigines of Yucatan are to-day engaged in the cultivation of the soil, they also breed such domestic animals as they need for themselves. They are very simple and frugal in their eating.[939] All the natives of this section of the Mexican republic grind their maize in the same manner; after first soaking it in lye or in lime and water, it is bruised on the metate, or rubbing-stone, being wet occasionally, until it becomes a soft paste. With this they make their tortillas and other compounds, both to eat and drink. To make tortillas the maize paste is shaped into thin cakes with the palms of the hands and cooked upon a flat clay pan. The totoposte is a smaller cake used for journeys in lieu of the tortillas. The difference between them is in the manner of preparation; the totopostes are cooked one side only and laid near the fire which makes them crisp, and require to be moistened in order to render them eatable. Tamales are a favorite dish and are made of pork, game, or poultry. The meat is cut up in small pieces and washed; a small quantity of the maize paste seasoned with cinnamon, saffron, cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter, and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan and as soon as it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel, it is removed, mixed with the meat, some 654 more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for a few moments. It is then divided into small portions, which are enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are covered with a banana-leaf or corn-husk and placed in a pot or pan over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one hour and a half to two hours. The posole is a nourishing drink made of sour maize paste mixed with water; sometimes they add a little honey to it. They also prepare a drink by parching corn and grinding it to powder on the metate, and mixing it with water and a little achote. This last drink they prefer to the posole, for long journeys.[940]

The natives of Tehuantepec and especially those who reside in the Goazacoalco district are neat and clean in regard to their personal habits. They observe the custom of bathing daily. In their ablutions they make use of a plant called chintule the root of which they mix with water, thereby imparting to their bodies a strong aromatic odor. The same plant is used when they wash their clothes, the scent from which remains on them for some time. A pleasing feature in the appearance of these people is the spotless whiteness of their cotton dresses and the care they bestow on their luxuriant hair.

The other tribes who inhabit this isthmus as well as those of Chiapas are not so clean in their persons, and as a consequence are much infested with vermin which the women have a disgusting habit of eating when picked from the heads of their children. The Mayas make frequent use of cold water, but this practice appears to be more for pleasure than for cleansing purposes, as neither in their persons nor in their dwellings do they present an appearance of cleanliness.[941] 655

The weapons of the Southern Mexicans were in most respects similar to those used by the Central Mexicans, namely, bows and arrows, macanas, and lances, the latter of great length and very strong. In Tabasco they carried turtle-shell shields highly polished so as to reflect the sun; they also had flint stones for lances and arrow-points, but sometimes weapon-points were made from strong thorns and fish-bones. The hard wooden sword of the Maya was a heavy and formidable weapon, and required the use of both hands to wield it; the edge was grooved for the purpose of inserting the sharp flint with which it was armed. Slings were commonly used by all these nations. In addition to shields the Mayas had for defensive armor garments of thickly quilted cotton called escaupiles, which covered the body down to the lower part of the thigh, and were considered impervious to arrows. The flint knife of former days has now been replaced by the machete which serves the purpose of both cutlass and chopping-knife, and without it no native ever goes into the woods.[942]

When the Spaniards first arrived at Tabasco, they encountered a people well-skilled in the art of war, with a fair knowledge of military tactics, who defended their country with much bravery; their towns and villages were well fortified with intrenchments or palisades, and strong towers and forts were built on such places as presented the most favorable position for resisting attacks. 656 To their forts they retired when invaded by a superior force, and from the walls they hurled large rocks with damaging effect against their foes. Cortés found erected on the bank of the Tabasco River, in front of one of their towns, a strong wooden stockade, with loopholes through which to discharge arrows; and subsequently, during his march through their country, they frequently set fire to their villages, with the object of harassing his troops. When advancing to battle they maintained a regular formation, and they are described as having met Francisco Montejo in good order, drawn up in three columns, the centre under the command of their chief, accompanied by their chief priest. The combatants rushed forward to the attack with loud shouts, cheered on by the blowing of horns and beating of small drums called tunkules. Prisoners taken in battle were sacrificed to their gods.[943]

The furniture of their houses is of the plainest description, and limited to their absolute wants. Their tables or benches are made of a few rough boards, and a mat called petate, spread on the floor, serves for a bed, while a coarse woolen blanket is used for covering; some few have small cane bedsteads. The natives of Tabasco and Yucatan more commonly have a network hamaca or hammock, suspended from two posts or trees. Their cooking-utensils consist of the metate, pots made of earthenware, and gourds. The universal machete carried by man and boy serves many purposes, such as chopping firewood, killing animals, eating, and building houses. Burgoa describes nets of a peculiar make used by the Zapotecs for catching game; in the knots of the net were fixed the claws of lions, tigers, bears, and other 657 wild beasts of prey, and at intervals were fastened a certain number of small stones; the object of such construction being probably to wound or disable the animal when caught.[944]

The Zapotecs, Miztecs, Mayas, and others, since the conquest, have long been justly celebrated for the manufacture of cotton stuffs, a fact that is all the more surprising when we consider the very imperfect implements they possessed with which to perform the work. Burgoa speaks of the excellence and rich quality of their manufactures in cotton, silk, and gold thread, in 1670, and Thomas Gage, writing about the same time, says "it is rare to see what works those Indian women will make in silk, such as might serve for patterns and samplers to many Schoolmistresses in England." All the spinning and weaving is done by the women; the cotton clothes they make are often interwoven with beautiful patterns or figures of birds and animals, sometimes with gold and silk thread. A species of the agave americana is extensively cultivated through the country, from the fibres of which the natives spin a very strong thread that is used chiefly for making hammocks; the fibre is bleached and then dyed in different rich tints. The materials they have for dyeing are so good that the colors never fade. The Zapotecs have also an intimate knowledge of the process of tanning skins, which they use for several domestic purposes.[945] 658

Notwithstanding their proximity to the sea-coast, and although their country is in many parts intersected by rivers and lagoons, they have a surprisingly slight knowledge of navigation, few having any vessels with which to venture into deep water. The inhabitants of Tabasco, the Yucatan coast, and Cozumel island possess some canoes made from the single trunk of a mahogany-tree, which they navigate with small lateen sails and paddles. The Huaves and others are in complete ignorance of the management of any description of boats.[946]

The Zoques make from the ixtle and pita thread and superior hammocks, in which they have quite a trade. In the neighborhood of Santa María they grow excellent oranges, and sell them throughout all the neighboring towns. The Zapotecs have, many of them, a considerable commerce in fruits, vegetables, and seeds. In the city of Tehuantepec the business of buying and selling is conducted exclusively by women in the market-place. The Ahualulcos are chiefly employed in cutting planks and beams, with which they supply many places on this isthmus; they also trade to some extent in seeds and cotton cloths. Different kinds of earthenware vessels for domestic purposes are made by the natives of Chiapas, and by them exchanged for salt, hatchets, and glass ornaments. The Mayas have an extensive business in logwood, which, besides maize and poultry, they transport to several places along the coast. Mr Stephens describes a small community of the Maya nation, numbering about a hundred men with their families, living at a place called Schawill, who hold and work their lands in common. The 659 products of the soil are shared equally by all, and the food for the whole settlement is prepared at one hut. Each family contributes its quota of provisions, which, when cooked, are carried off smoking hot to their several dwellings. Many of the natives of Tabasco earn a livelihood by keeping bee-hives; the bees are captured wild in the woods, and domesticated. The Huaves breed cattle and tan hides; cheese and tasajo, or jerked meat, are prepared and exported by them and other tribes on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. At the present day cochineal is cultivated to a considerable extent, and forms an important article of commerce among the inhabitants. A rather remarkable propensity to the possession of large numbers of mules is peculiar to the Mijes; such property in no way benefits them, as they make no use of them as beasts of burden; indeed, their owners seem to prefer carrying the loads on their own backs.[947]

Formerly the Zapotecs were governed by a king, under whom were caciques or governors who ruled over certain districts. Their rank and power descended by inheritance, but they were obliged to pay tribute to the king, from whom they held their authority in fief. At the time of the conquest the most powerful among them was the Lord of Cuicatlan; for the service of his household, ten servants were furnished daily, and he was treated with the greatest respect and homage. In later years a cacique was elected annually by the people, and under him officers were appointed for the different villages. Once a week these sub-officers assembled to consult with and receive instructions from the cacique on matters relating to the laws and regulations of their districts. In the towns of the Miztecs a municipal form of government was established. Certain officials, elected annually, appointed the work which was to be done by the people, and every morning at sunrise the town-criers 660 from the tops of the highest houses called the inhabitants to their allotted tasks. It was also the duty of the town-criers to inflict the punishment imposed on all who from laziness or other neglect failed to perform their share of work. A somewhat similar system appears to have prevailed in Chiapas, where the people lived under a species of republican government.[948] The Mayas were at one time governed by a king who reigned supreme over the whole of Yucatan. Internal dissensions and wars, however, caused their country to be divided up into several provinces, which were ruled over by lords or petty kings, who held complete sway, each in his own territory, owing allegiance to none, and recognizing no authority outside of their own jurisdiction. These lords appointed captains of towns, who had to perform their duties subject to their lord's approval. Disputes arising, the captains named umpires to determine differences, whose decisions were final. These people had also a code of criminal laws, and when capital punishment was ordered, public executioners carried the sentence into effect. The crime of adultery in the man was punishable by death, but the injured party could claim the right to have the adulterer delivered to him, and he could kill or pardon him at pleasure; disgrace was the punishment of the woman. The rape of a virgin was punished by stoning the man to death.[949] 661

Slavery existed among the tribes of Goazacoalco and Tabasco. Doña Marina was one of twenty female slaves who were presented to Cortés by the cacique of the latter place; and when her mother, who lived in the province of Goazacoalco, gave her away to some traveling merchants, she, to conceal the act, pretended that the corpse of one of her slaves who died at that time was that of her own daughter.[950]

Among the Zapotecs and other nations who inhabit the isthmus of Tehuantepec, marriages are contracted at a very early age; it happens not unfrequently that a youth of fourteen marries a girl of eleven or twelve. Polygamy is not permissible, and gentleness, affection, and frugality characterize the marital relations. Certain superstitious ceremonies formerly attended the birth of children, which, to a modified extent, exist at the present day. When a woman was about to be confined, the relatives assembled in the hut, and commenced to draw on the floor figures of different animals, rubbing each one out as soon as it was completed. This operation continued till the moment of birth, and the figure that then remained sketched upon the ground was called the child's tona or second self. When the child grew old enough, he procured the animal that represented him and took care of it, as it was believed that health and existence were bound up with that of the animals, in fact, that the death of both would occur simultaneously. Soon after the child was born, the parents, accompanied by friends and relatives, carried it to the nearest water, where it was immersed, while at the same time they invoked the inhabitants of the water to extend their protection to the child; in like manner they afterwards prayed for the favor of the animals of the land. It is a noticeable trait, much to the credit of the parents, that their children render to them as well as to all aged people the greatest respect and obedience. That the women are strictly moral cannot 662 be asserted. Voluptuous, with minds untrained, and their number being greatly in excess of the men, it is not surprising that travelers have noted an absence of chastity among these women; yet few cases of conjugal infidelity occur, and chastity is highly esteemed. Illegitimate children are not common, partly the result, perhaps, of early marriages.[951] Among the Quelenes, when a contract of marriage was made, the friends and relatives collected at the assembly-house common to every village. The bride and bridegroom were then introduced by the parents, and in the presence of the cacique and priest confessed all the sins of which they were guilty. The bridegroom was obliged to state whether he had had connection with the bride or with other women, and she, on her part, made a full confession of all her shortcomings; this ended, the parents produced the presents, which consisted of wearing-apparel and jewelry, in which they proceeded to array them; they were then lifted up and placed upon the shoulders of two old men and women, who carried them to their future home, where they laid them on a bed, locked them in, and there left them securely married.[952] Among the Mayas early marriage was a duty imposed by the Spanish Fathers, and if a boy or girl at the age of twelve or fourteen had not chosen a mate, the priest selected one of equal rank or 663 fortune and obliged them to marry. The usual presents were dresses; and a banquet was prepared, of which all present partook. During the feast the parents of the parties addressed them in speeches applicable to the occasion, and afterwards the house was perfumed by the priest, who then blessed the company and the ceremony ended. Previous to the wedding-day the parents fasted during three days. The young man built a house in front of that of his father-in-law, in which he lived with his wife during the first years of his servitude, for he was obliged to work for his father-in-law four or five years. If he failed to perform faithful service, his father-in-law dismissed him, and gave his daughter to another. Widowers were exempt from this servitude, and could choose whom they pleased for a wife without the interference of relatives. It was forbidden a man to marry a woman of the same name as his father. They married but one wife, though the lords were permitted to make concubines of their slaves. Mr Stephens, in his description of the inhabitants of the village of Schawill, says: "Every member must marry within the rancho, and no such thing as a marriage out of it had ever occurred. They said it was impossible; it could not happen. They were in the habit of going to the villages to attend the festivals; and when we suggested a supposable case of a young man or woman falling in love with some village Indian, they said it might happen; there was no law against it; but none could marry out of the rancho. This was a thing so little apprehended, that the punishment for it was not defined in their penal code; but being questioned, after some consultations, they said that the offender, whether man or woman would be expelled. We remarked that in their small community constant intermarriages must make them all relatives, which they said was the case since the reduction of their numbers by the cholera. They were in fact all kinsfolk, but it was allowable for kinsfolk to marry, except in the relationship of brothers and sisters." 664

In divisions of property women could not inherit; in default of direct male heirs the estate went to the brothers or nearest male relatives. When the heir was a minor, one of his male relatives was appointed guardian, until the days of his minority should have passed, when the property was delivered up to him. The Southern Mexicans were particular to keep a strict chronology of their lineage. Young children underwent a kind of baptismal ceremony. The Mayas believed that ablution washed away all evil; and previous to the ceremony the parents fasted three days, and they were particular to select for it what they considered a lucky day. The age at which the rite was performed was between three and twelve years, and no one could marry until he had been baptized. Habits of industry as well as respect for parents and aged people was strongly impressed upon the minds of the children.[953]

The Southern Mexicans are fond of singing and dancing, though there is not much variety either in their melancholy music or monotonous dances. Their favorite instrument is the marimba, composed of pieces of hard wood of different lengths stretched across a hollowed-out canoe-shaped case. The pieces of wood or keys are played upon with two short sticks, one held in each hand. The sound produced is soft and pleasing, and not unlike that of a piano. Another instrument is the tunkul or drum, made of a hollow log with sheep-skin stretched over the end; it is struck with the fingers of the right hand, the performer holding it under his left arm. Their movements during their dances are slow and graceful. The men are addicted to intoxication at their feasts, the liquor in common use among them being mescal and aguardiente, a colorless spirit made from the sugar-cane. Many of the natives have a small still in their houses.[954] 665

The Zapotecs are exceedingly polite to one another in their common salutations, calling each other brother, and to the descendants of their ancient caciques or lords the utmost reverence is paid. It is related by a Mexican writer that in a village not distant from the city of Oajaca, whenever an aged man, the son of one of their ancient lords was seen by the natives out walking, with a majesty that well became his fine form, position, and age, they uncovered their heads, kissed his hands, which he held out to them, with much tenderness, calling him daade (father), and remained uncovered until he was lost to sight. They are a theocratic people, much addicted to their ancient religious belief and customs. Those who live in the vicinity of Mitla entertain a peculiar superstition; they will run to the farthest villages and pick up even the smallest stones that formed a part of the mosaic work of that famous ruin, believing that such stones will in their hands turn into gold. Some of them hold the belief that anyone who discovers a buried or hidden treasure has no right to appropriate to his own use any portion of it, and that if he does, death will strike him down within the year, in punishment of the sacrilege committed against the spirit of the person who hid or buried the treasure. One of the first priests that lived among the Zapotecs says that after they had entered the pale of the church, they still clung to their old religious practices, and made offerings of aromatic gums, and living animals; and that when the occasion demanded a greater solemnity, the officiating priest drew blood from the under part of his tongue, and from the back part of his ears, with which he sprinkled some thick coarse straw, held as sacred and used at the sacrifices. To warm themselves, the Chochos, or Chuchones, of Oajaca used, in cold weather, 666 towards the evening, to burn logs and dry leaves close to the entrance of their caves, and blow the smoke into their dwellings, which being quite full, all the family, old and young, males and females, rushed in naked and closed the entrance. The natives of Goazacoalco and other places practiced some of the Jewish rites, including a kind of circumcision, which custom they claimed to have derived from their forefathers; hence have arisen innumerable analogies to prove the Jewish origin of these peoples. The Huaves still preserve ancient customs at their feasts. It is a remarkable fact that although nearly all these people are fishermen, very few of them can swim. The Mijes have a habit of speaking in very loud tones; this is attributed by some to their haughty spirit, and by others to their manner of life in the most rugged portion of the mountains. When bound upon a journey, if they have no other load to carry, they fill their tonates, or nets, with stones. This is generally done by them on the return home from the market-place of Tehuantepec. These loads rest upon their backs, and hang by a band from their foreheads. In ancient times, when they were in search of a new country to settle in, they subjected the places they had devastated to the fire proof. This was done by putting a firebrand over night into a hole, and if it was found extinguished in the morning, they considered that the Sun desired his children (that is themselves) to continue their journey. They are much given, even at the present time, to idolatrous practices, and will make sacrifices in their churches, if permitted, of birds as offerings to the false gods they worshiped before their partial conversion to Christianity. The natives attribute eclipses of the moon to an attempt by the sun to destroy their satellite, and to prevent the catastrophe make a frightful uproar, employing therefor everything they can get hold of.[955] 667

The diseases most prevalent among the Southern Mexicans are fevers, measles, and severe colds. All these people possess an excellent knowledge of medicinal herbs, and make use of them in cases of pains and sickness. They still practice some of their mysterious ceremonies, and are inclined to attribute all complaints to the evil influence of bewitchments. Father Baeza, in the Registro Yucateco, says they consulted a crystal or transparent stone called zalzun, by which they pretended to divine the origin and cause of any sickness. When suffering with fever or other disorders, the disease is often much aggravated and death caused by injudicious bathing in the rivers. In ancient times tobacco was much used as a specific against pains arising from colds, rheumatism, and asthma; the natives found that it soothed the nerves and acted as a narcotic. They also practiced bleeding with a sharp flint or fish-bone. The Zapotecs attempted cures by means of a blow-pipe, at the same time invoking the assistance of the gods.[956]

When a death occurs the body is wrapped in a cotton cloth, leaving the head and face uncovered, and in this condition is placed in a grave. Very few of the ancient funeral usages remain at the present day, though some traces of superstitious ceremonies may still be observed among them; such as placing food in the grave, or at different spots in its immediate vicinity. Sometimes a funeral is conducted with a certain degree of pomp, and the corpse carried to its last resting-place followed by 668 horn-blowers, and tunkul-drummers. As in the case of the central Mexicans, a memorial day is observed, when much respect is shown for the memory of the dead, at which times fruits, bread, and cakes are placed upon the graves.[957]

The character of the inhabitants of the Tehuantepec isthmus and Yucatan is at the present day one of docility and mildness. With a few exceptions they are kind-hearted, confiding, and generous, and some few of them evince a high degree of intelligence, although the majority are ignorant, superstitious, of loose morality as we esteem it, yet apparently unconscious of wrong. Cayetano Moro says they are far superior to the average American Indian. The Zapotecs are a bold and independent people, exhibit many intellectual qualities, and are of an impatient disposition, though cheerful, gentle, and inoffensive; they make good soldiers; they are fanatical and superstitious like their neighbors. The women are full of vivacity, of temperate and industrious habits, their manners are characterized by shyness rather than modesty, and they are full of intrigue. To this nation the Mijes present a complete contrast; of all the tribes who inhabit the isthmus, they are the most brutal, degraded, and idolatrous; they are grossly stupid, yet stubborn and ferocious. The Chontales and Choles are barbarous, fierce, and quarrelsome, and greatly addicted to witchcraft. The Cajonos and Nexitzas, of Oajaca, are of a covetous and malicious nature, dishonest in their dealings, and much inclined to thieving. The Zoques are more rational in their behavior; although they are ignorant and intemperate in their habits, they are naturally kind and obliging, as well as patient and enduring. The Huaves are deficient in intelligence, arrogant and inhospitable to strangers, and of a reticent and perverse disposition. The Miztecs are 669 grave and steady; they exhibit many traits of ingenuity, are industrious, hospitable, and affable in their manners, and retain an ardent love for liberty.[958] The Mayas exhibit many distinguished characteristics. Although of limited intelligence, and more governed by their senses than their reason, their good qualities predominate. Formerly they were fierce and warlike, but these characteristics have given place to timidity, and they now appear patient, generous, and humane; they are frugal and satisfied with little, being remarkably free from avarice. Herrera describes them as fierce and warlike, much given to drunkenness and other sins, but generous and hospitable. Doctor Young, in his History of Mexico, says: "They are not so intelligent or energetic, though far more virtuous and humane than their brethren of the north." The women are industrious, have pleasing manners, and are inclined to shyness. To sum it all up, I may say that the besetting vice of these nations is intemperance, but the habit of drinking to excess is found to be much more common among the mountain tribes than among the inhabitants of the lowlands. Quarrels among themselves seldom occur, and there is abundant evidence to show that many of them possess excellent natural qualifications both for common labor, and artistic industry; and that there is no cause to prevent their becoming, under favorable circumstances, useful citizens.[959] 670

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VII.
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

Physical Geography and Climate—Three Groupal Divisions; First, the nations of Yucatan, Guatemala, Salvador, Western Honduras, and Nicaragua; Second, The Mosquitos of Honduras; Third, the nations of Costa Rica and the Isthmus of Panamá—The Popolucas, Pipiles, and Chontales—The Descendants of the Maya-Quiché Races—The Natives of Nicaragua—The Mosquitos, Poyas, Ramas, Lencas, Towkas, Woolwas, and Xicaques of Honduras—The Guatusos of the Rio Frio—The Caimanes, Bayamos, Dorachos, Goajiros, Mandingos, Savanerics, Sayrones, Viscitas, and others living in Costa Rica and on the Isthmus.

Of the Wild Tribes of Central America, which territorial group completes the line of our Pacific States seaboard, I make three divisions following modern geographical boundaries, namely, the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, which I call Guatemalans; the people of the Mosquito Coast and Honduras, Mosquitos; and the nations of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien, or Panamá, Isthmians.

The territory occupied by this group of nations lies between the eighteenth and the seventh parallels of north latitude, that is to say, between the northern boundary of the Central American states, and the river Atrato, which stream nearly severs the Isthmus from the South American continent. This continental tract is a narrow, irregular, indented coast-country of volcanic character, in which Guatemala and Honduras alone present any 685 considerable breadth. The two cordilleras, running through Mexico and meeting on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, continue their course through Guatemala, where they form a broken table-land studded with elevations, of less height than the plateaux of Mexico. After sinking considerably at the isthmus formed by the gulf of Honduras, this mountain range takes a fresh start and offers a formidable barrier along the Pacific coast, which sends a number of transverse ranges into the interior of Honduras, and gives rise to countless rivers, chiefly emptying into the Atlantic. The chain passes at a diminished altitude through Nicaragua, where it forms a large basin, which holds the lakes of Nicaragua and Managua; but on reaching Costa Rica it again becomes a bold, rugged range, capped by the volcano of Cartago. Seemingly exhausted by its wild contortions, it dwindles into a series of low ridges on entering Veragua, and passes in this form through the isthmus of Panamá, until it unites with the South American Andes. The scenery of this region is extremely varied, uniting that of most countries of the globe; lakes, rivers, plains, valleys, and bays abound in all forms and sizes. The north-east trade winds blow the greater part of the year, and, meeting the high ranges, deposit their superabundant moisture upon the eastern side, which is damp, overgrown with rank vegetation, filled with marshes, and unhealthful. The summer here, is hot and fever-breeding. Relieved of their moisture, and cooled by the mountains, the trade winds continue their course through the gaps left here and there, and tend materially to refresh the atmosphere of the Pacific slope for a part of the year; while the south-west winds, blowing from May to October, for a few hours at a time, bring short rains to temper what would otherwise be the hot season on this coast. Dew falls everywhere, except in the more elevated regions, and keeps vegetation fresh. Palms, plantains, mahogany, and dye-woods abound in the hot district; maize flourishes best in the temperate parts, while cedars, pines, and hardier growths find a home in the tierra fria. The animal kingdom is best 686 represented on the Atlantic side, for here the puma, the tiger-cat, and the deer, startled only by the climbing opossum or the chattering monkey, find a more secure retreat. Birds of brilliant plumage fill the forests with their songs, while the buzz of insects everywhere is heard as they swarm over sweltering alligators, lizards, and snakes. The manifold productions, and varied features of the country have had, no doubt, a great influence in shaping the destiny of the inhabitants. The fine climate, good soil, and scarcity of game on the Pacific side must have contributed to the allurements of a settled life and assisted in the progress of nations who had for centuries before the conquest lived in the enjoyment of a high culture. It is hard to say what might have been the present condition of a people so happily situated, but the advent of the white race, bent only upon the acquirement of present riches by means of oppression, checked the advancement of a civilization which struck even the invaders with admiration. Crossing to the Atlantic side we find an over-abundant vegetation, whose dark recesses serve as a fitting shelter for the wild beast. Here man, imbibing the wildness of his surroundings, and oppressed by a feverish climate, seems content to remain in a savage state depending upon natural fruits, the chase, and fishing for his subsistence. Of a roaming disposition, he objects to the restraint imposed by government and forms. The natives of Costa Rica and the isthmus of Darien escaped the civilizing influence of foreign intercourse,—thanks to their geographical isolation,—and remain on about the same level of culture as in their primitive days.

Under the name of Guatemalans, I include the natives of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua. I have already pointed out the favorable features of the region inhabited by them. The only sultry portion of Guatemala is a narrow strip along the Pacific; it is occupied by a few planters and fishermen, who find most of their requirements supplied by the palms that grow here in the greatest luxuriance. The chief part of the population is 687 concentrated round the various lakes and rivers of the table-land above, where maize, indigo, cochineal, and sugar-cane are staple products. In the altos, the banana is displaced by hardier fruits sheltered under the lofty cedar, and here we find a thrifty and less humble people who pay some attention to manufactures. Salvador presents less abrupt variation in its features. Although outside of the higher range of mountains, it still possesses a considerable elevation running through its entire length, which breaks out at frequent intervals into volcanic peaks, and gives rise to an abundant and well-spread water system. Such favorable conditions have not failed to gather a population which is not only the most numerous comparatively, but also the most industrious in Central America. Northern Nicaragua is a continuation of Salvador in its features and inhabitants; but the central and southern parts are low and have more the character of the Guatemalan coast, the climate being hot, yet not unhealthful. Its Atlantic coast region, however, partakes of the generally unfavorable condition described above.

The Spanish rulers naturally exercised a great influence upon the natives, and their ancient civilization was lost in the stream of Caucasian progress, a stream which, in this region, itself flowed but slowly in later times. Oppressed and despised, a sullen indifference has settled upon the race, and caused it to neglect even its traditions. The greater portion still endeavor to keep up tribal distinctions and certain customs; certain tribes of lesser culture, as the cognate Manches and Lacandones, retired before the Spaniards to the north and north-east, where they still live in a certain isolation and independence. The name Lacandones has been applied to a number of tribes, of which the eastern are described to be quite harmless as compared with the western. The Quichés, a people living in the altos, have also surrounded themselves with a certain reserve, and are truer to their ancient customs than the Zutugils, Cakchiquels, and many others related by language 688 to the Quichés surrounding them. The Pipiles, meaning children, according to Molina, are the chief people in Salvador, where their villages are scattered over a large extent of territory. In Nicaragua we find several distinct peoples. The aboriginal inhabitants seem to have been the different peoples known as Chorotegans, who occupy the country lying between the bay of Fonseca and lake Nicaragua. The Chontales (strangers, or barbarians) live to the north-east of the lakes, and assimilate more to the barbarous tribes of the Mosquito country adjoining them. The Cholutecs inhabit the north from the gulf of Fonseca towards Honduras. The Orotiñans occupy the country south of the lake of Nicaragua and around the gulf of Nicoya. Further information about the location of the different nations and tribes of this family will be found at the end of this chapter.[960]

The Guatemalans, that is to say the aborigines of Guatemala, Salvador, and Nicaragua, are rather below the middle size, square and tough, with a finely developed physique. Their hue is yellow-brown, in some parts coppery, varying in shade according to locality, but lighter than that of the standard American type. The full round face has a mild expression; the forehead is low and retiring, the cheek-bones protruding, chin and nose short, the latter thick and flat, lips full, eyes black and small, turned upwards at the temples, with a stoical, 689 distrustful look. The cranium is slightly conical; hair long, smooth, and black, fine but strong, retaining its color well as old age approaches, though sometimes turning white. Although the beard is scanty, natives may be seen who have quite a respectable moustache. The limbs are muscular, the calf of the leg being especially large; hands and feet small; a high instep, which, no doubt, partly accounts for their great endurance in walking. The women are not devoid of good looks, especially in Nicaragua, where, in some districts, they are said to be stronger and better formed than the men. The custom of carrying pitchers of water upon the head, gives to the women an erect carriage and a firm step. The constitution of the males is good, and, as a rule, they reach a ripe old age; the females are less long-lived. Deformed persons are extremely rare. Guatemala, with its varied geographical aspects, presents striking differences in physique; the highlanders being lighter in complexion, and finer in form and features than the inhabitants of the lowlands.[961]

Intercourse with Spaniards seems to have produced little change in the dress of the Guatemalans, which is pretty much the same as that of the Mexicans. The poorer class wear a waist-cloth of white cotton, or of pita, which is a kind of white hemp, or a long shirt of the same material, with short sleeves, partly open at the sides, the ends of which are passed between the legs, and fastened at the waist; a strip of cotton round the 690 head, surmounted by a dark-colored hat of straw or palm-leaves, with a very wide brim, completes the attire. This cotton cap or turban is an indispensable article of dress to the highlander, who passes suddenly from the cold air of the hilly country, to the burning plains below. Sumptuary regulations here obtain, as aboriginally the lower classes were not allowed to wear anything better than pita clothing, cotton being reserved for the nobles. The primitive dress of the nobility is a colored waist-cloth, and a mantle ornamented and embroidered with figures of birds, tigers, and other designs, and, although they have adopted much of the Spanish dress, the rich and fanciful stitchings on the shirt, still distinguish them from their inferiors. On feast-days, and when traveling, a kind of blanket, commonly known as serape, manga, or poncho, is added to the ordinary dress. The serape, which differs in style according to locality, is closer in texture than the ordinary blanket and colored, checked, figured, or fringed, to suit the taste. It has an opening in the centre, through which the head is passed, and hanging in loose folds over the body it forms a very picturesque attire. Some fasten it with a knot on one shoulder, leaving it to fall over the side from the other. The serape also serves for rain-coat and wrapper, and, at night, it is wound round the head and body, serving for bed as well as covering, the other portion of the dress being made into a pillow. The carriers of Guatemala use a rain-proof palm-leaf called suyacal. Shepherds are distinguished by a black and white checked apron, somewhat resembling the Scotch kilt. The hair, which, before the conquest of Guatemala, was worn long, and hung in braids down the back, is now cut short, except in the remote mountain districts, where long loose hair is still the fashion. In Salvador and Nicaragua, on the other hand, the front part of the hair used to be shaved off, the brave often appearing perfectly bald. Most natives go bare-footed, except when traveling; they then put on sandals, which consist of a piece of hide fastened by thongs. The women, when at home, content themselves 691 with a waist-cloth, generally blue-checked, secured by a twisted knot; but, on going abroad, they put on the huipil, which is a piece of white cotton, having an opening in the middle for the head, and covering the breast and back, as far as the waist. Some huipils are sewed together at the sides and have short sleeves. On this part of their dress the women—who, for that matter, attend to the manufacture and dyeing of all the clothing—expend their best efforts. They embroider, or dye, the neck and shoulders with various designs, whose outlines and coloring often do great credit to their taste. In Guatemala, the colors and designs are distinct for different villages, so that it may at once be seen to which tribe the wearer belongs. The hair is plaited into one or two braids, interlaced with bright-colored ribbons, and usually wreathed turban-fashion round the head. The Quichés, whose red turban-dress is more pronounced than others, sometimes vary it by adding yellow bands and tassels to the braids, which are permitted to hang down to the heels. Thomas Gage, who lived in Guatemala from about 1627 to 1638, relates that on gala-days the fair natives were arrayed in cotton veils reaching to the ground. The ancient custom of painting, and of piercing the ears and lip, to hold pendants, is now restricted to the remote hill country, and ornaments are limited to a few strings of beads, shells, and metal for the arms and neck, with an occasional pair of ear-rings; the women add flowers and garlands to their head-dress, especially on feast-days. Some mountain tribes of Guatemala wear red feathers in their cotton turbans—the nobles and chiefs using green ones—and paint the body black: the paint being, no doubt, intended for a protection against mosquitos. The apron worn by the women is made of bark, which, after being soaked and beaten, assumes the appearance of chamois leather. The Lacandones also wore cotton sacks adorned with tassels, and the women had bracelets of cords with tassels. In Nicaragua, tattooing seems to have been practiced, for Oviedo says that the natives cut their faces and arms 692 with flint knives, and rubbed a black powder obtained from pine gum into the scars. Children wear no other dress than that provided by nature: here and there, however, the girls are furnished with a strip of cotton for the waist.[962]

The conquerors have left numerous records of large cities with splendid palaces and temples of stone, but these exist now only in their ruins. The masses had, doubtless, no better houses than those we see at present. Their huts are made of wooden posts and rafters supporting a thatched roof of straw or palm-leaves, the side being stockaded with cane, bamboo, or rush, so as to allow a free passage to the air. Generally they have but one room; two or three stones in the centre of the hut compose the fireplace, and the only egress for the smoke is through the door. The room is scantily furnished with a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware. Their villages are generally situated upon rising ground, and, owing to the houses being so scattered, they often extend over a league, which gives some foundation to the statements of the conquerors reporting the existence of towns of enormous size. The better kind of villages have regular streets, a thing not to be seen in the ordinary hamlets; and the houses, which are often of adobes (sun-burnt bricks), or of cane plastered over, containing two or three rooms and a loft, are surrounded by neatly kept gardens, enclosed within hedges. 693 When a Guatemalan wishes to build a hut, or repair one, he notifies the chief, who summons the tribe to bring straw and other needful materials, and the work is finished in a few hours; after which the owner supplies the company with chocolate. Some of the Vera Paz tribes are of a roaming disposition. They will take great trouble in clearing and preparing a piece of ground for sowing, and, after one or two harvests, will leave for another locality. Their dwellings, which are often grouped in hamlets, are therefore of a more temporary character, the walls being of maize-stalks and sugar-cane, surmounted by a slight palm-leaf roof. During an expedition into the country of the Lacandones, the Spaniards found a town of over one hundred houses, better constructed than the villages on the Guatemalan plateau. In the centre of the place stood three large buildings, one a temple, and the other two assembly houses, for men and women respectively. All were enclosed with fences excellently varnished. The Nicaraguan villages seem to be the neatest; the houses are chiefly of plaited cane or bamboo frame-work, raised a few feet from the ground, and standing in the midst of well-arranged flowers and shrubbery. Dollfus describes a simple but ingenious method used by the Guatemalans to cross deep rivers. A stout cable of aloe-fibres is passed over the stream, and fixed to the banks at a sufficient height from the surface of the water. To this rope bridge, called garucha, is attached a running strap, which the traveler passes round his body, and is pulled across by men stationed on the opposite side.[963] 694

These natives are essentially agricultural, but, like all who inhabit the warm zone, desire to live with the least possible labor. Most of them are content with a small patch of ground round their huts, on which they cultivate, in the same manner as did their forefathers, the little maize, beans, and the banana and plantain trees necessary for their subsistence. There are, however, a number of small farmers, who raise cochineal, cacao, indigo, and cotton, thereby adding to their own and their country's prosperity. In the more thinly settled districts, hunting enables them to increase the variety of their food with the flesh of wild hogs, deer, and other game, which are generally brought down with stone-headed arrows. When hunting the wild hog, they stretch a strong net, with large meshes, in some part of the woods, and drive the animals towards it. These rush headlong into the meshes, and are entangled, enabling their pursuers to dispatch them with ease.

Beans, and tortillas of maize, with the inevitable chile for seasoning, and plantains or bananas are their chief food. To these may be added meat in small quantities, fish, eggs, honey, turtle, fowl, and a variety of fruit and roots. Salt is obtained by boiling the soil gathered on the sea-shore. Maize is prepared in several ways. When young and tender, the ears are boiled, and eaten with salt and pepper; or a portion of them are pressed, and the remainder boiled with the juice thus extracted. When ripe, the fruit is soaked and then dried between the hands, previous to being crushed to flour between two stones. It is usually made into tortillas, which are eaten hot, with a strong sprinkling of pepper and occasionally a slight addition of fat. Tamales is the name for balls of cooked maize mixed with beef and chile, and rolled in leaves. A favorite dish is a dumpling made of maize and frijoles. The frijoles, or beans, of which a stock is always kept, are boiled a short time with chile; they 695 are then mixed with maize, and again put into the pot until thoroughly cooked, when they are eaten with a sauce made of salt, chile, and water. There are a number of fluid and solid preparations made chiefly from maize, and known as atole, to which name various prefixes are added to denote the other ingredients used. Meat, which is usually kept jerked, is a feast-day food. Gage describes the jerking process as follows: Fresh meat is cut into long strips, salted, and hung between posts to dry in the sun for a week. The strips are then smoked for another week, rolled up in bundles, which become quite hard, and are called tassajo or cesina. Another mode of preparing meat is described by the same author: When a deer has been shot, the body is left until decay and maggots render it appetizing; it is then brought home and parboiled with a certain herb until the flesh becomes sweet and white. The joint is afterwards again boiled, and eaten with chile. The Lacandones preserve meat as follows: A large hole is made in the ground, and lined with stones. After the hole has been heated, the meat is thrown in, and the top covered with leaves and earth, upon which a fire is kept burning. The meat takes four hours to cook, and can be preserved for eight or ten days. Cacao forms an important article of food, both as a drink and as bread. The kernel is picked when ripe, dried on a mat, and roasted in an earthen pan, previous to being ground to flour. Formerly, cacao was reserved for the higher classes, and even now the poor endeavor to economize it by adding sapuyal, the kernel of the sapote. They observe no regularity in their meals, but eat and drink at pleasure. When traveling, some roasted maize paste called totoposte, crumbled in boiling water with an addition of salt and pepper, and a cup of warm water, suffice for a repast. Fire is obtained in the usual primitive manner, by rubbing two sticks together.[964] 696

Most authorities agree that they are clean in their habits, and that frequent bathing is the rule, yet it is hinted that leprosy is caused partially by uncleanliness.[965]

Since the Spaniards assumed control of the country, weapons, as applied to war, have fallen into disuse, and it is only in the mountain districts that we meet the hunter armed with bow and spear, and slung over his shoulder a quiver full of reed arrows, pointed with stone. In Salvador and Nicaragua, the natives are still very expert in the use of the sling, game often being brought down by it.[966]

I find no record of any wars among the aborigines since the conquest, and the only information relating to their war customs, gathered from the account of skirmishes which the Spaniards have had with some of the tribes in eastern Guatemala, is, that the natives kept in the back-ground, hidden by rocks or trees, waiting for the enemy to approach. As soon as the soldiers came close enough, a cloud of arrows came whizzing among them, and the warriors appeared, shouting with all their might. The Lacandones occasionally retaliate upon the planters on their borders for ill-treatment received at their hands. A number of warriors set out at night with faggots of dry sticks and grass, which are lighted as they approach the plantation, and thrown into the enemy's camp; during the confusion that ensues, the proposed 697 reprisal is made. One writer gives a brief description of the ceremonies preceding and following their expeditions. In front of the temple are burning braziers filled with odoriferous resin; round this the warriors assemble in full dress, their arms being placed behind them. A smaller brazier of incense blazes in front of each warrior, before which he prostrates himself, imploring the aid of the Great Spirit in his enterprise. On their return, they again assemble, disguised in the heads of various animals, and go through a war dance before the chief and his council. Sentinels are always pacing the summit of the hills, and give notice to one another, by trumpet blast, of the approach of any stranger. If it is an enemy, they speedily form ambuscades to entrap him.[967]

I have already referred to the bare interior of their dwellings: a few mats, a hammock, and some earthenware being the only apology for furniture. The mats are plaited of bark or other fibres, and serve, among other purposes, as a bed for the children, the grown persons generally sleeping in hammocks attached to the rafters. Scattered over the floor may be seen the earthen jar which the women so gracefully balance on their head when bringing it full of water from the well; the earthen pot for boiling plantains, with its folded banana-leaf cover; cups made from clay, calabash, cocoa-nut, or wacal shells, with their stands, often polished and bearing the marks of native sculpture; the metate for grinding the family flour; the comal, a clay plate upon which the tortilla is baked. A banana-leaf serves for a plate, and a fir-stick does the duty of a candle. Their hunting or bag nets are made of pita or bark-fibres. The steel machete and the knife have entirely displaced their ancient silex tools, of which some relics may still be found among the Lacandones. Valenzuela mentions that in the meeting-house of this tribe, the conquerors found two hundred hanging seats.[968] 698

These natives still excel in the manufacture of pottery, and produce, without the aid of tools, specimens that are as remarkable for their fanciful forms, as for their elegance and coloring. Water-jars are made sufficiently porous to allow the water to percolate and keep the contents cool; other earthenware is glazed by rubbing the heated vessel with a resinous gum. Nor are they behind-hand in the art of weaving, for most of the fabrics used in the country are of native make. The aboriginal spinning machine is not yet wholly displaced, and consists, according to Squier, of a thin spindle of wood, fifteen or sixteen inches in length, which is passed through a wheel of hard, heavy wood, six inches in diameter, and resembles a gigantic top. When used, it is placed in a hollowed piece of wood, to prevent it from toppling over. A thread is attached to the spindle just above the wheel, and it is then twirled rapidly between the thumb and forefinger. The momentum of the wheel keeps it in motion for half a minute, and meantime the thread is drawn out by the operator from the pile of prepared cotton in her lap. Their mode of weaving is the same as that of the Mexicans, and the fabrics are not only durable, but tastefully designed and colored to suit the quality and price. The dyes used are, indigo for blue, cochineal for red, and indigo mixed with lemon juice for black. The Nicaraguans obtain a highly prized purple by pressing the valve of a shell-fish found on the sea-shore. Baily says that they take the material to the seaside, and, after procuring a quantity of fresh coloring matter, dip each thread singly into it, and lay it aside to dry. From the aloe, and pita, or silk-grass, which are very strong and can easily be bleached, they 699 obtain a very fine thread, suitable for the finest weaving. Reeds and bark give material for coarser stuff, such as ropes and nets. Mats and hammocks, which are made from any of the last-mentioned fibres, are often interwoven with gray colors and rich designs. Some idea may be formed of the patient industry of the native when we learn that he will work for months upon one of the highly prized hats made from the fibre of the half-formed carludovica palmata leaf. They drill holes in stones, for pipes and other objects, by twirling a stick rapidly between the hands in some sand and water placed upon the stone.[969]

Canoes are the usual 'dug-outs,' made from a single cedar or mahogany log, cedar being liked for its lightness, mahogany for its durability. They are frequent enough on the coast, and even the north-eastern Guatemalans used to muster fleets of several hundred canoes on their lakes and rivers, using them for trade as well as war. Pim, when at Greytown, particularly observed the hollowed-out boats, some upwards of fifty feet in length, and straight as an arrow. He says that they are very skillfully handled, and may be seen off the harbor in any weather. The paddles, which are used both for steering and propelling, are of light mahogany, four feet long, with very broad blades, and a cross at the handle.[970]

Their wealth, which, since the conquest, mostly consists of household goods, is the product of their farms and industry mentioned under food, implements, and manufactures. The coast tribes, in Salvador, have a source of wealth not yet referred to—balsam—and they are very jealous of their knowledge of obtaining it. The process, 700 as described by Dollfus, is to make several deep incisions in the trunk of the balsam-tree, and stuff the holes with cotton rags. When these have absorbed sufficient balm, they are placed in jars of water, and submitted to a moderate heat. The heat separates the substance from the rags, and the balsam rises to the surface to be skimmed and placed in well-closed jars for shipment. These people possess no written records to establish ownership to their property, but hold it by ancient rights transmitted from father to son, which are transferable. The right of first discovery, as applied to fruit-trees and the like, is respected, and can be transmitted. Goods and lands are equally divided among the sons. There is a general interchange of products on a small scale, and as soon as the farm yield is ready, or a sufficient quantity of hammocks, mats, hats, and cups have been prepared, the native will start on a short trading-tour, with the load on his back—for they use no other mode of transport. The ancient custom of holding frequent markets in all towns of any importance has not quite disappeared, for Masaya, among other places, continues to keep a daily tianguez. Cacao-beans, which were formerly the chief currency, are still used for that purpose to a certain extent, and make up a large item in their wealth. The Lacandones at one time drove a brisk trade on the rio de la Pasion, employing several hundred canoes, but this has now greatly diminished, and they seem to grow less and less inclined to intercourse. Hardcastle relates that two shy mountain tribes of Guatemala "exchange dogs and a species of very sharp red pepper, by leaving them on the top of the mountain, and going to the spot in turn."[971]

The native's aptitude for art is well illustrated by the various products of his industry, decorated as they are 701 with fanciful designs, carvings, and coloring. The calabash cups are widely circulated, and the artistic carving of leaves, curious lines, and figures of all descriptions, in relief, with which the outside is ornamented, has been much admired. No less esteemed are the small Guatemalan earthen figures, painted in natural colors, representing the various trades and occupations of the people, which may be said to rival European productions of the same character. The ornaments on their pottery bear some resemblance to the Etruscan. They are equally advanced in painting, for many of the altar-pieces in Central America are from the native brush, and their dishes are often richly colored in various designs. Original lyric poetry seems to flourish among them, and is not wanting in grace, although the rendering of it may not be exactly operatic. The subject generally refers to victorious encounters with monsters, but contains also sarcasms on government and society.[972]

A reverential respect for authority is innate with these people, and the chief, usually a descendant of the ancient caciques, who is also the head of the municipal government introduced among them by the Spaniards, receives the homage paid him with imperturbable gravity. These chiefs form a proud and powerful noblesse, who rule with an iron hand over their submissive followers. Although governed to all appearance by the code of the country, they have their own laws based on custom and common sense, which are applied to civil as well as criminal cases. Among the Lacandones, the chief is elected by a council of old men, when death, misconduct, or the superior abilities of some one else call for such a step. Pontelli adds that the new chief is invested with lion-skins and a collar of human teeth to represent his 702 victories; a crown of feathers or a lion-skin is his usual distinctive head-dress. The wife of the chief is required to possess some rare qualities. These people are very strict in executing the law; the offender is brought before the old men, and if the crime is serious his relatives have often to share in his punishment. The people of Salvador, according to Dollfus, have frequent reunions in their council-house at night. The hall is then lighted up by a large fire, and the people sit with uncovered heads, listening respectfully to the observations and decisions of the ahuales—men over forty years of age, who have occupied public positions, or distinguished themselves in some way. Gage makes a curious statement concerning the rio Lempa that may be based upon some ancient law. Any man who committed a heinous crime on the one side of the river, and succeeded in escaping to the other, was allowed to go unmolested, provided he did not return.[973]

Marriages take place at an early age, often before puberty, and usually within the tribe. When the boy, in Guatemala and Salvador, has attained the age of nine, his parents begin to look around for a bride for him, the mother having a good deal to say in this matter. Presents are made to the parents of the girl chosen, and she is transferred to the house of her future father-in-law, where she is treated as a daughter, and assists in the household duties, until she is old enough to marry. It sometimes happens that she has by this time become distasteful to the affianced husband, and is returned to her parents. The presents given for her are then demanded back, a refusal naturally follows, and feuds result, lasting for generations. Gage states that when the parties to the betrothal are of different tribes, the chiefs are notified, and meet in solemn conclave to consult about the expediency of the alliance. The consultations often 703 extend over a period of several months, during which the parents of the boy supply the council with refreshments, and make presents to the girl's family for her purchase. If the council disagree, the presents are returned, and the matter drops. When the youth has reached his sixteenth or eighteenth year, and the maid her fourteenth, they are considered able to take care of themselves; a house is accordingly built, and the father gives his son a start in life. The cacique and relations are summoned to witness the marriage ceremony, now performed by the priest, after which the pair are carried upon the shoulders of their friends to the new house, placed in a room, and shut in. The bride brings no dowry, but presents are made by the friends of the families. Several tribes in Guatemala are strictly opposed to marriages outside of the tribe, and destroy the progeny left by a stranger. The Lacandones still practice polygamy, each wife having a separate house and field for her support. In Nicaragua, where women are more independent, and fewer of the ancient marriage customs have been retained than elsewhere, the ceremony is often quickly disposed of, the husband and wife returning to their avocations immediately after. The life of the woman is one of drudgery; household duties, weaving, and the care of children keeping her constantly busy, while the husband is occupied in dolce far niente; yet their married life is not unhappy. Although the female dresses scantily and is not over shy when bathing, she is by no means immodest or unchaste, but bears rather a better character than women of the superior race. Childbirth is not attended with any difficulties, for it sometimes happens that the woman, after being delivered on the road, will wash the child and herself in the nearest stream, and proceed on her journey, as if nothing had occurred. The Quichés, among others, still call in the sorcerer to take the horoscope of the new-born, and to appeal to the gods in its behalf. He also gives the infant the name of some animal, which becomes its guardian spirit for life. Belly states that more boys 704 are born to the natives, while the whites have more girls. The mother invariably nurses the child herself until its third year, and, when at work, carries it on her back in a cloth passed round her body; the movements of the mother in washing or kneading tending to rock the infant to sleep. Otherwise the child is little cared for, and has to lie on the bare ground, or, at most, with a mat under it. As the boy grows older the father will take him into the field and forest, suiting the work to his strength, and instructing him in the use of tools, while the mother takes charge of the girl, teaching her to cook, spin, and weave. Respect for parents and older people is inculcated, and children never presume to speak before a grown person unless first addressed. They remain under the parents' roof until married, and frequently after, several generations often living together in one house under the rule of the eldest. The native is fond of home, for here he escapes from the contempt of the other races, and reigns supreme over a family which is taught to respect him: patriotism has been replaced by love of home among this oppressed people.[974]

Their amusements are less common and varied than among the whites, and are generally reserved for special occasions, when they are indulged in to excess. Still, they have orderly gatherings round the hearth, at which wondrous and amusing stories form the chief part of the entertainment. Songs follow in natural order, and are loudly applauded by the listeners, who join in repeating the last words of the verse. The subject, as given by some local poet, or transmitted from an ancient bard, is pleasing enough, but the rendering is in a plaintive, disagreeable 705 monotone. Their instrumental music is an improvement on the vocal, in some respects, and practice has enabled the player to execute pieces from memory with precision and accord. The marimba, a favorite instrument, consists of a series of vertical tubes of different length but equal diameter, fastened together in a line by bark fibre, and held firm between two pieces of wood. The tubes have a lateral opening at the base covered with a membrane, and the upper end is closed by a small, movable elastic plate, upon which the performer strikes with light drumsticks. The play of the plates causes a compression of air in the tube, and a consequent vibration of the membrane, which produces a sound differing in character according to the length of the tube. All the parts are of wood, the tube being, however, occasionally of terra-cotta, or replaced by calabash-shells. The marimba of usual size is over a yard in length, and consists of twenty-two tubes ranging from four to sixteen inches in length, forming three complete octaves. The pitch is regulated by a coating of wax on the key-plates. Some drumsticks are forked to strike two plates at once. Occasionally, several persons join in executing an air upon the instrument, or two marimbas are played in perfect accord with some song. Their usual drum is called tepanabaz, described by Gage as a smooth hollow trunk with two or three clefts on the upper side and holes at the ends. It is beaten with two sticks, and produces a dull heavy sound. Other drums covered with wild goat skin, tortoise-shells, pipes, small bells, and rattles, are chiefly used at dances. The Lacandones possess a kind of mandolin, a double-necked, truncated cone, with one string, made to pass four times over the bridge; also a clarionet-like instrument named chirimiya; their drum is called tepanahuaste. A dance is generally a grand affair with the native, combining as it does dress with dramatic and saltatory exhibitions. At the tocontin dance, in Guatemala, from twenty to forty persons dressed in white clothes richly embroidered, and bedecked with gaudy bands, colored feathers in 706 gilt frames fastened on the back, fanciful helmets topped with feathers, and feathers, again, on their legs, in form of wings. The conductor stands in the centre beating time on the tepanabaz, while the dancers circle round him, one following the other, sometimes straight, sometimes turning half-way, at other times fully round, and bending the body to the ground, all the time shouting the fame of some hero. This continues for several hours, and is often repeated in one house after another. In another dance they disguise themselves with skins of different animals, acting up to the character assumed, and running in and out of the circle formed round the musicians, striking, shrieking, and hotly pursuing some particular performer. There are also several dances like those of the Mexicans, in which men dress in women's clothes and other disguises. The Nicaraguan dances vary but little from the above. Several hundred people will gather in some well-cleared spot, their arms and legs ornamented with strings of shells, their heads with feathers, and with fans in their hands. The leader, walking backwards, commences some movements to be imitated by the dancers, who follow in threes and fours, turning round, intermingling, and again uniting. The musicians beat drums and sing songs to which the leader responds, the dancers taking up the refrain in their turn, and shaking their calabash rattles. After a while they pass round each other and perform the most curious antics and grimaces, crying, laughing, posturing, acting lame, blind, and so on. Drinking is inseparable from these reunions, and they do not usually break up until all have attained the climax of their wishes—becoming helplessly drunk. The principal drinks are, atole made from maize, but which assumes different prefixes, according to the additional ingredients used, as istatole, jocoatole, etc.; pulque, chiefly used in the highlands; and, not least, chicha, made from maize and various fruits and roots, fermented with honey or sugar-cane juice. Gage states that tobacco-leaves and toads were added to increase the flavor. The Nicaraguans make their favorite 707 drink from a wild red cherry. It takes several weeks to prepare these liquors, but by the generous aid of friends the stock is often consumed at one carousal.[975]

Ignorant and oppressed as they are, superstition is naturally strong among them, the evil eye, ominous import of animals and the like being firmly believed in. Nicaraguans gave as a reason for speaking in whispers at night, that loud talking attracts mosquitos. The Quichés, of Istlávacan, among others, believe in certain evil and certain good days, and arrange their undertakings accordingly. When meeting a stranger, they present the forehead to be touched, thinking that a beneficial power is imparted to them by this means. They still adhere to their sorcerers, who are called in upon all important occasions, to predict the future, exorcise evil spirits and the like, with the aid of various decoctions and incantations. The Chontales have diviners who, with the aid of drugs, taken after a fast, fall into a trance, during which they prophesy. They form a sort of guild, and live alone in the mountains with a few pupils, who support them in return for the instruction received. Although idolatry proper is abolished, some ancient practices still live, blended with their Christian worship, and it is said that tribes inhabiting the remote mountain regions still keep up their old rites in secret. Dollfus is apparently inclined to believe that the songs he heard the natives chant every morning and evening may be the relic of some ancient religious ceremony. The Itzas hold deer sacred, and these animals were consequently quite familiar with man, before the conquerors subdued the country. The Lacandones are said to have been the last who publicly worshiped in their 708 temple, and whose priests sacrificed animals to idols. By the side of the temple stood two other large buildings used as meeting-houses, one for men, the other for women. Dogs and tame parrots formed part of their domestic establishment. The native is very taciturn before strangers, but on paying a visit to friends he will deliver long harangues full of repetition. It is almost impossible to obtain a direct answer from him to any question. Another peculiarity with many is to hoard money at the expense of bodily comfort. It is buried in some secret place, and the owner dies without even caring to inform his kin of the whereabouts of his treasures. The favorite occupation of the people is to act as porters, and Guatemala certainly possesses the most excellent carriers, who are trained for the business from an early age. They usually go in files, headed by a chief, all armed with long staffs and water-proof palm-leaf mats, and travel from twenty to thirty miles a day, for days in succession, without suffering any inconvenience. The weight varies from one hundred to two hundred and fifty pounds, according to road and distance, and is carried on the back, supported by straps passed over the forehead and shoulders. They are very moderate in eating, and never drink cold water if they can avoid it; when tired, they stretch themselves at full length on the ground, and are speedily refreshed. Women are also accustomed to carry burdens, and may frequently be seen taking several filled pitchers to market in nets suspended from their forehead and shoulders. Water they usually bring in jars balanced on the head.[976]

The ruling diseases are small-pox, which makes yearly havoc; dysentery, which is also not uncommon in the 709 highlands during the summer; and leprosy, manifested by wounds and eruptions, and caused by filth, immoral habits, and bad food. In some parts of Nicaragua, the latter disease breaks out in horny excrescences, similar in appearance to the tips of cow-horns. Rheumatism and chest diseases are rare, in spite of their rough life. Superstitious practices and empirical recipes transmitted from their ancestors are the remedies resorted to. Hot bathing is the favorite treatment. They are skillful at blood-letting, making very small punctures, and applying a pinch of salt to them after the operation is ended. Cauterizing wounds to prevent inflammation is not uncommon, and does not affect the patient much. The principal remedy of the Chorotegans consists of a decoction from various herbs injected by means of a tube. Some tribes of the highlands call in sorcerers to knead and suck the suffering part. After performing a variety of antics and grimaces, the wise man produces a black substance from the mouth, which he announces as the cause of the sickness; the friends of the patient take this matter and trample it to pieces amidst noisy demonstrations.[977]

Their dead are washed, and dressed in a fresh suit; friends then assemble to express their regard and sorrow by burning copal and performing a wild dance round the corpse, which is buried with all its belongings, as well as food for sustenance on the long journey. The Itzas, inhabiting the islands in the lake Peten, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake, for want of room.[978]

The character of the Guatemalans exhibits a number of excellent traits. They have always been a gentle 710 race, and easily led by kindness, but centuries of oppression have thrown over them a timid, brooding spirit. Far from warlike, they have nevertheless proved themselves efficient soldiers during the late civil wars. Their honesty and faithfulness to a trust or engagement is universally admitted, and every traveler bears witness to their hospitality and obliging disposition. Although taciturn before strangers, whom they naturally distrust, they are quite voluble and merry among themselves, especially the women; their mirth, however, wants the ring of true happiness. Looking at the darker side, it is found that drunkenness stands preëminent, and if the native is not oftener drunk, it is because the means for carousing are wanting. Surrounded by a bountiful nature, he is naturally lazy and improvident, whole days being passed in dreamy inaction, without a symptom of ennui. He is obstinate, and clings to ancient customs, yet he will not dispute with you, but tacitly forms his own opinion. Taught to be humble, he does not possess much manliness, has a certain cunning, will weep at trifles, and is apt to be vindictive, especially if his jealousy is aroused. The highlanders form an exception to these general characteristics in many respects. The purer air of the mountain has infused in them a certain independent energy, and industry. Nor are the women to be classed as lazy, for their position is rather that of slaves than of wives, yet they are vivacious and not devoid of coquetry, but of undisputed modesty. Many of the remoter tribes are brave, and the Manches, for instance, behaved lately in so spirited a manner as to compel the government to treat with them. The Itzas are said to have been warlike and cruel, but their neighbors the Lacandones are not so ferocious as supposed. The Quichés bear a high character for industry, and intelligence, while those of Rabinal excel in truthfulness, honesty, and morality. The Vera Paz tribes are less active and industrious than those of the plateau; this applies especially to the eastern nations who are also more stupid than the western. 711 The Salvador people are noted for their phlegmatic temperament, and the provoked stranger who seeks to hurry them, is merely laughed at; otherwise they, as well as the Nicaraguans, are more docile and industrious than the Guatemalans, but also more superstitious. Scherzer thinks that they have all the inclination for becoming robbers, but want the energy. The Aztec remnants in Nicaragua are particularly patient and thrifty, but extremely shy and brooding. The Chontales, on the other hand, are said to have been a savage and debased race, while the Cholutecs were brave and cruel but subject to petticoat rule. Opinions concerning the intelligence of the natives and their prospect of advancement are varied, some affirming that they are dull and spiritless, incapable of making any progress, while others assign them a high character and intelligence, which, properly directed, would give them a prominent position.[979]

The Mosquitos, the second division of the Central American group, are at the present day composed in part of an incongruous mixture of Carib colonists and negro importations, and in part of a pure native element. Owing to the independent spirit of the tribes along the central chain of mountains, which successfully resisted 712 the attempts of Spaniards to penetrate the territory, and to the unhealthy climate of the coast, this country, with the exception of the northern part of Honduras, has as yet escaped subjection to the white race. The country, aside from the sea-shore, possesses many attractive features. The transverse ranges, radiating from the principal chain, form a series of terraces which gradually lessen in elevation, until they disappear in a low coast region. Between them innumerable rivers, fed by the moisture-laden sea-winds, now rushing boisterously from heavily wooded heights, now sluggishly wending their way through luxuriant prairie-land, flow through a region of most pleasing variety, and at last empty into vast lagoons bordering the ocean. The aborigines still form the greater part of the population, and are composed of a large number of tribes which, while practicing agriculture to a limited extent, subsist chiefly on natural fruits and on the products of the chase. Excepting the small tribes of the eastern Mosquito country, Mr Squier, who has given much patient research to their languages, includes the natives of this sub-division among MOSQUITO NATIONS. the Lenca family, at the head of which stand the Guajiqueros in western Honduras, essentially an agricultural people. East of these are the Xicaques, and Poyas, names given to a collection of closely related tribes, some of which have been brought under the subjugating influences of the missionary Fathers, while others still keep their ancient customs intact. The Secos on Black River are included by some writers with the Poyas. South and west of these are the Moscos, and in the western part of the Mosquito coast, the Woolwas, who still cherish a tradition of their emigration from the north-west. East of the latter live the Towkas and Cookras, who extend to Blewfields, and speak dialects varying little from the Woolwa tongue, but stand lower in the scale of humanity. Bell states that the Towkas are merely a branch of the Smoos, who have many points in common with the Poyas, though differing from them in language. Among other aborigines may be mentioned 713 the Albatuinas, Tahuas, Panamekas, Jaras, Taos, Gaulas, Itziles, Motucas, and the Ramas on the Blewfields lagoon; of several others the names are either lost or unknown. Following the coast southward we meet the Caribs, a strong, hardy, but crude race at present, of varied negro admixture, chiefly descended from the turbulent natives of San Vicente island, whom the English transported in 1796 to the island of Roatan, whence they were brought over to Honduras. The Caribs, who have within a few decades spread from a small colony over the whole northern coast, driving other nations into the interior and southward, appear to be superseding the aborigines, now fast disappearing under the annihilating effect of drink and disease. South of the Caribs round cape Gracias á Dios are the Sambos, or Mosquitos proper, said to have sprung from the union of native women with negro slaves wrecked on the coast during the seventeenth century. Owing to their geographical position they were brought in contact with the buccaneers, and placed in a position to gain ascendancy over other tribes from the Poyas southward, but were at the same time inoculated with the degrading vices and disorders which are now so rapidly bringing about their extinction. Elated by their position as masters of the coast, they assumed the proud title of Waiknas, or men, in which conceit they have been imitated by the subjected tribes, which are gradually adopting the Sambo tongue. Adjacent to them are the Toonglas, a not very numerous offshoot of Smoos and Sambos.[980] 714

Race-mixtures in certain localities have almost obliterated aboriginal types, which are portrayed as of medium stature, regular form, and varying in color from light brown to dark coppery. The people about cape Gracias á Dios are represented by the first voyagers to have been nearly as dark as negroes. The face is rather flat and oval, the head smaller than among Europeans; forehead high and cheek-bones not very prominent; hair long, straight, coarse, and black; beard scanty; nose very small, thin, and usually aquiline among the coast people, but larger and broader toward the interior. The iris of the eye is generally black, but often verges toward brown; mouth broad, with thin lips and regular teeth. The women present a full bust and abdomen; they are called pretty, but early marriages soon make them old. It is suspected that infant murder has something to do with the rarity of deformed people. The Towkas and Ramas present the finest pure-blooded type, the former being very fair, while the latter are large, athletic, and stern-looking. The Poyas are copper-colored, short, but muscular, broad-faced, with large forehead, bent nose, and small, mild eyes. The Toonglas are duskier; the Smoos approach the fair Towkas in hue, though they have a flatter head, accompanied by a stolid look. The darkest of all are the Woolwas, whose color seems a mixture of yellow ochre and India ink. Proceeding to Honduras, we meet the Caribs, whose varied admixture of negro blood separates them into yellow and black Caribs. The former are distinguished by a somewhat ruddy hue, with a hooked nose; while his duskier brother is taller, hardier, and longer-lived; with a nose inclining to aquiline. Children are prettier as they approach the negro type. The hair varies in curl and gloss according to purity of blood. The Mosquitos proper are more uniform in appearance, and buccaneers have no doubt assisted 715 in bringing out many of the characteristics that have obtained for the Sambo race the leading position on the coast. They are all well-built, raw-boned, nimble, and of a dull, dark, copper color. The face is oval, with a coarse, lustful expression, the hair rough, wavy, and black, eyes bright and remarkably strong; women pretty, with large eyes, and small feet and ankles.[981]

A piece of cloth fastened at the waist in a twist or by a cord, and reaching to the knee, constitutes the native male costume in these parts, that of the women being somewhat shorter. This cloth is either of cotton, sometimes woven with down, or of fibres from the inner bark of the caoutchouc tree, beaten on stones till they become soft, and is often large enough to serve for a covering at night. Some are quite fanciful in color and design, and formerly they were painted. Those of the Woolwas are usually six feet long by three broad, striped blue and yellow; they are passed between the legs and fastened at the waist by a thong. The Xicaques, on the contrary, wear the cloth serape-fashion, by passing the head through a slit in the centre, and tying the folds round the waist. Even this scanty covering is often reduced to the smallest apron, and is dispensed with altogether in some parts, for modern travelers speak of natives in a naked state. Women occasionally wear a small square cloth, having an opening for the head, one part of which covers the breast, the other the back. In some parts chiefs are distinguished by a cotton cap, 716 and a long sleeveless robe, open in front and often nicely ornamented; in other places men of rank wear turbans decorated with plumes and feathers, and dress in skins of eagles, tigers, and other animals; these are also used by the common people on festive occasions. The Smoos' head-dress is especially pretty, with its embroidery and feather-work. Ordinarily the long loose hair is deemed sufficient to protect the head, and is kept sleek and shining by palm-oil, which they say furthers its growth. The women have longer hair than the men, and often dress it in ringlets, seldom in a knot or wreath. The people of northern Honduras wear a lock hanging over the forehead; some highland chieftains, on the contrary, shave the front of the head, but allow the back hair to grow long, while the Poyas part theirs in the middle, keeping it in position with a band. That of the religious men reaches to the waist, and generally falls in braids behind. In mourning, both sides of the head are shaved, a bushy comb being left along the middle. Formerly all hair except that on the head, even eyebrows and lashes, was pulled out, because it was thought fit for animals only to have hair on the body. All go barefooted, and it is only where the native has to travel over a rough road that he puts on alparagats, or sandals of bark, wood, or skin, which are fastened by thongs round the foot. Whatever is wanting in actual dress, however, is made up by paint and ornaments, of which both sexes are equally fond. The face and upper part of the body are either uniformly daubed over or tattooed with rays, fanciful lines, and designs representing animals and the like, chiefly in red and black. Taste is not wanting in this adornment, for the tint is often delicate, and the black circles round the eyes indicate that they understand effect, increasing as they do the lustre of the orbs. Esquemelin states that when visitors were expected, the men combed the hair, and smeared the face with an ointment of oil and black powder, the women using a red admixture. Tattooing figures on the body by cauterization, as seen by Columbus on the Mosquito 717 Coast, is still practiced in certain parts of the interior. Aboriginal Mosquitos also perforated ears, lips, and cheeks, to hold pendants of fish-bones and green stones; the holes in the ears being as large as eggs. The natives of Corn island not only carried large pieces of wood in the ears, but gradually enlarged the hole in the lower lip; at fifteen years of age the wood was removed and a tortoise-shell inserted. Women wore a tight bandage round the ankle to increase the size of their calves. Strings of tastefully arranged beads, bones, shells, and stones, and gaily colored bandages, were worn round the neck and wrist; the women adorning the legs and ankles in a similar manner, and also using feathers and flowers. Certain interior tribes, as the Smoos, esteem a round MOSQUITO HEAD-FLATTENING. forehead as a reproach, and hence the head is flattened, the effect of which would be more noticeable, were it not for the thick bushy hair. This head-flattening fashion here appears for the first time since we left the Columbian group; we shall see it once again further south, and that is all. The process here is essentially similar to that of the Columbians. When the infant is a month old, it is tied to a board, and a flat piece of wood, kept firm by bands, is placed upon the forehead. The child remains in this painful position for several months, the pressure increasing as the head grows.[982]

Towns there are none, except in certain parts; seldom do more than four or five houses stand in a group; the locality being changed at intervals for sanitary or superstitious purposes. A few upright posts planted in parallel lines, or in a circle, and occasionally interwoven with cane or leaves, support what may be called the hut 718 proper, which is a sharply sloping, well-thatched palm-leaf roof with projecting eaves, reaching to within three or four feet of the ground. There is usually but one apartment, the floor of which is often coated with clay, and raised a little to avoid dampness. In the center is the fireplace, surrounded by household ware and cackling hens, and all round may be seen hammocks and nets suspended from the bamboo rafters. Some sleep on a frame-work of bamboo placed upon posts. The better class of houses contain partitions for the several families occupying it, and stand in fields enclosed by stalk fences. A village with many of the interior tribes consists of one large building, often one hundred feet long by thirty feet wide. The front and end of these structures are open, but the back is partitioned off into small closets with the bark of the cabbage-palms, each serving as a bedroom for a married couple, or for unmarried women. A platform immediately under the roof is used as a sleeping-place for the boys, and an apartment at the end of the hut is set apart for women about to be confined. Some of the Guajiquero villages contain over a hundred substantial huts of mud, or of cane plastered over and whitewashed. The Toonglas and Cookras, erect temporary sheds near the streams, during the summer, but seek more secure huts in the winter. Carib dwellings are the neatest of all; some are of cane, others of frame-work filled with mud. Cockburn relates that, during his journey through Honduras, he came across a bridge made of a net-work of cane, which was suspended between trees so that the centre hung forty feet above the surface of the stream. He found it very old and shaky, and concluded that it belonged to the remote past.[983]

Redundant nature here leaves man so little to do, as scarcely to afford an opportunity for development. 719 The people of northern Honduras, according to Herrera, cleared the ground with stone axes, and turned the sod by main strength with a forked pole or with sharp wooden spades, and by this means secured two or three yields every year; but the present occupants scarcely take so much trouble. On marrying, the men prepare a small field for a few beds of yams, beans, cassava, and squash, some pepper, and pine-apples, besides twenty to thirty plantain and cocoa-nut trees, leaving their wives to give it such further care as may be required. Where maize is cultivated it is either sown two or three grains in holes two feet apart, or broadcast over freshly cleared woodland a little before the rainy season. The Poyas are the only people who cultivate respectable farms. Fishing is the favorite occupation of the coast tribes, and their dexterity with the spear and harpoon is quite remarkable. The proper time for catching the larger species of fish, such as the tarpom and palpa, is at night, when a fleet of pitpans, each with a pitch-pine torch in the bow, may be seen on the lagoon intermingling in picturesque confusion. One or two paddlers propel the boat, another holds the torch, while the harpooneer stands at the bow with a waisko-dusa, or staff, having a loosely fitting, barbed harpoon at one end, and a piece of light wood at the other. A short line attached to the harpoon, passes along the staff, and is rolled round this float for convenience. The glare of the torch attracts the fish and enables the bowman to spy his prey, which is immediately transfixed by the harpoon. Away it darts, but the float retards its progress, and points out its whereabouts to the boatmen, who again seize the line, and drag it to the shore. Occasionally the tarpom is taken in strong nets, the meshes of which require to be six inches square in order to entangle it. Manatees or sea-cows are caught in the early morning, and to get within striking distance of the wary animal, it is necessary to deck the canoe with bushes and leaves, giving it the appearance of a floating tree. The line attached to the harpoon is in this case payed out from the canoe, which 720 is often trailed by the manatee in a lively manner. It generally takes several harpoons as well as lances to kill it. Smaller harpoons, without barb, with merely quadrangular points an inch and a half long and nearly as wide, are used for catching turtles so that the shell may not be damaged. As the canoe approaches, the turtle slides under the water; the bowman signalizes the oarsman how to steer, and when the turtle rises to breathe, it is speared, dragged into the canoes, and placed on its back. Some fishermen will jump into the water after the animal, and bring it up in their hands, but this feat is attended with danger, from bites and sharp coral. The hawk-bill turtle is set free after the shell has been stripped of its scales, but the green species is eaten, and its eggs, which are esteemed a dainty, are sought for in the sand by poking suspected places with a stick. Smaller fish are speared with the sinnock, a long pole with a fixed point. The river people take less pleasure in fishing, and resort thereto only as driven by necessity. Weirs of branches and clay are constructed, with a small outlet in the middle, where men are stationed to catch the passing fish with nets and spears. The Poyas employ a still surer method. The water is beaten with sticks for some distance above the weir, so as to drive the fish together; a quantity of juice extracted from a wild vine called pequine, which has a stupefying effect, is thrown into the water, and the men have merely to select the best looking, the smaller ones being allowed to float away and recover in the unadulterated waters below. The preserving of fish is the work of women, who cut them in slices,—sometimes rubbing them with salt,—and place the pieces on a framework of cane over the fire to be smoke-dried; after which they are exposed to the sun for a day or two. Part of the fish is cooked, or baked in oil, and eaten at MOSQUITO COOKERY. once. If we except the Smoos and Xicaques, who follow game with true precision and patience, the usual mode of hunting is as primitive as weir-fishing. A number of men assemble and set fire to the grass, which 721 drives the terrified animals into a corner, where they are shot or struck down, or the game is entrapped in holes partly filled with water. The wild hog, the tapir, and deer supply most of the meat, which is cured in the same way as fish: some cutting the meat in strips, and curing it on the buccan, or grate of sticks, while others prefer the barbecue method which is to smoke-dry the whole animal. Certain old writers state that human flesh was eaten, but this is discredited by others, who think that the error arose from seeing the natives feast on monkeys, which, skinned, have much the appearance of humans. The statement of their eating raw fish may also be wrong, for the natives of the present day are very careful about thoroughly cooking their food, and even avoid fruit not fully ripened. A well-known article of food is the Carib bread, a sort of white hard biscuit made from cassava or mandioc roots, which are skinned, washed, and grated on a board set with sharp stones. The pulp is rinsed in water to extract the poisonous juice, and when it is sufficiently whitened by this means, the water is carefully pressed out, and the substance set to dry in the sun. The sifted flour is made into large round thin cakes, which, after being exposed to the sun for a while, are slowly baked over the fire. The Poyas make large rolls, which are wrapped in leaves and baked in the ashes. These soon become sour, and are then eaten with a relish. Others grind cassava or maize on the metate, and bake tortillas. A gruel is also made of the flour, and eaten with salt and chile, or syrup. One of their dainties is bisbire, the name given to plantains kept in leaves till putrid, and eaten boiled. Scalding hot cacao mixed with chile is the favorite stimulant, of which large quantities are imbibed, until the perspiration starts from every pore. Cacao-fruit is also eaten roasted. Notwithstanding the richness of the soil and the variety of its productions, the natives are accused of resorting to insects for food, and of eating their own vermin. The coast people have the greater selection, but trust mostly to 722 fishing, while the interior tribes after natural products depend upon the chase. The Cookras subsist chiefly on the cabbage-palm. Sambo girls have a peculiar fancy for eating charcoal and sand, believing that their charms are improved thereby. No regularity is observed in eating, but food is taken at any hour, and with voracity; nor will they take the trouble to procure more, until the whole stock is consumed, and hunger drives them from their hammocks. The Poyas and Guajiqueros seem to be the only tribes who have any idea of providing for the future; the latter laying up a common reserve.[984]

Frequent bathing is the rule, yet the Sambos, who have a better opportunity for this, perhaps, than other tribes, are described as dirty in their surroundings, and, when warmed by motion, emit a disagreeable odor, arising from the use of ointments and powders. The Poyas, Xicaques, Secos, and especially the Caribs are, on the contrary, very cleanly in their habits.[985]

The bow and arrow figures as the chief weapon of the Mosquitos, the former being usually of iron-wood, spanned with twisted mahoe-bark, and often six feet in length; the latter of reed or wood, hardened in fire, and pointed with hard wood, flint, fish-bones, or teeth. They not only handle the bow well, but some are expert in the art of defense. To attain this dexterity, children are taught to turn aside, with a stick, the blunt darts thrown at them, and in time they become sufficiently expert to ward off arrows in the same manner. They also fight with cane lances about nine feet long, with oblong diamond points, javelins, clubs, and heavy sharp-pointed swords made of a poisonous wood, a splinter from which causes first madness and then 723 death. The milky juice of the manzanilla-tree is used to poison arrows and darts. Blowpipes, whose light arrows surely and silently bring down birds at a hundred feet and over, are in great favor with the youth. Armor is made of plaited reeds covered with tiger-skins, and ornamented with feathers; besides which, the northern Mosquitos employ a breastplate of twisted cotton, like that of the Mexicans. Mosquito women are said to be as good archers as the men.[986]

Aboriginal wars were continually waged in Honduras without any other object than to avenge the death of an ancestor, or to retaliate on those who had carried away friends into slavery. Neighboring tribes, however, agreed to a truce at certain times, to allow the interchange of goods. Previous to starting on an expedition, turkeys, dogs, and even human beings were sacrificed to influence the gods; blood was drawn from tongue and ears, and dreams carefully noted, and their import determined. Ambassadors were sent to challenge the enemy to a pitched battle, and, if they were not responded to, the country was ravaged. When prisoners were taken they were usually held as slaves, after having the nose cut off. Forty thousand men sometimes composed an expedition, operating without chief or order, devising ambushes and stratagems as it suited them, and accompanied by women to act as porters. Mosquito warriors blacken the face, and place themselves under the temporary command of the bravest and most experienced. The coast people are bold and unyielding, and usually kill their prisoners. When the Sambos confederate with their neighbors, they expect their allies to pay for friends lost in battle.[987] 724

Domestic utensils in the homes of the Mosquitos consist of stones for grinding grain and roots, clay pots and plates for cooking purposes, and gourds, calabashes, and nets for holding food and liquids. The stone hatchet, which is fast becoming a relic, is ten inches long, four broad, and three thick, sharp at both ends, with a groove to hold the handle which is firmly twisted round its centre. Besides the implements already referred to under fishing and weapons, may be mentioned the lasso, in the use of which they are very expert, and the patapee, a pretty water-tight basket that the Caribs plait of reeds. The men usually sleep in hammocks, or on mats spread on the ground near the fire, with a stick for a pillow, while the women prefer a platform of cane raised a few feet from the ground, and covered with a mat or a skin.[988]

Fibres of mahoe and ule bark, pisang-leaves and silk-grass furnish material for ropes, nets, mats, and coarse fabrics. Most of the Mosquitos grow a little cotton, which the women spin on a rude wheel, like that of the Guatemalans, and weave on a frame loom into strong and neat cloths. The favorite blue color for dyeing is obtained from the jiquilite plant; the yellow from the achiolt tree. Pottery is a very ancient art among them, as may be seen from the fine specimens discovered in the graves and ruins of Honduras. Their red cooking-pots are very light but strong, and the water-jars, which are only slightly burnt to permit percolation, show considerable taste in design.[989]

Nowhere do we find more daring and expert boatmen than the Mosquitos, who will venture out upon the roughest sea in a boat barely large enough to hold a man 725 and a boy. If the boat capsize it is at once righted, bailed out, and the voyage resumed, and seldom is any part of the cargo lost. The dory, or ordinary sea-boat is a hollowed-out tree, often twenty-five to fifty feet long, four to six wide, and four to five deep, round-bottomed, buoyant, and with good handling safe. The best are made by the up-river tribes, especially the Towkas, who prepare them roughly with axe and fire, and sell them to the coast people to be finished according to fancy. After the dug-out has been trimmed, it is often soaked in water for a time, so that the sides may be stretched and secured with knees. The pitpan, which is used on rivers and lagoons, differs from the dory in being flat-bottomed, with broad and gradually rounded ends, and of less depth and width. Cedar is chiefly used for pitpans on account of its lightness, and the stronger mahogany for dories; but the latter are, however, soon injured by worms if kept in the water. Small boats are propelled by a single broad-bladed paddle; sails also are employed with the crean or keeled canoe.[990]

Harpoon and canoe are the basis of the Mosquito's wealth, for with them he obtains his food and the tortoise-shell, the principal article of traffic. The season for catching hawk-bill turtles is from April to August, when fleets of canoes, each manned by about twelve men, proceed to different parts of the coast, as far south as Chiriquí, and bring home ten thousand pounds of shell on an average. Green turtles, which are caught near reefs, also find a good market in Blewfields and elsewhere. All keep hogs, the Caribs more than others; many possess cattle and horses, which are allowed to run wild over the prairies, the horses being lassoed whenever required for riding. Their manner of breaking them is unique. One man leads the horse with the lasso into water, to a depth of three or four feet, when another 726 jumps upon his back, and responds to buckings and skittishness with blows on the head, until in about half an hour the exhausted animal surrenders. A line of bark-fibre serves for reins, and a few plaited palm-leaves for saddle. Preservation of wealth is little thought of, for cattle are most recklessly slaughtered at feasts and for offences, and fruit-trees, as well as other property are, as a rule, destroyed on the death of the owner. Quite a trade is carried on in these parts, the inland tribes bringing rough canoes, calabashes, skins, cloth, honey, and cacao to the coast people, and receiving therefor turtles, salt, English fancy and useful articles; while many of the latter undertake lengthy coast trips to dispose of the bartered produce, as well as their own. The Wankees deal heavily in bisbire, or decomposed plantains, while sarsaparilla and honey are the staple articles of the Secos and Poyas. A mixture of shrewdness and simplicity characterizes their dealings. A party wishing to dispose of hides, for instance, first produces the worst ones, which are thrown aside by the buyer until those of the standard quality are brought out; a sum is then offered for the whole, which is often unhesitatingly accepted by the native who is too dazzled by the apparently high price to consider the amount of produce given for it. Very little value is placed upon labor, for canoes, which have taken a considerable time to prepare, are often bartered for a mere trifle. The people of Honduras have always a stock of cloth and honey to pay taxes with, and set a high value on colored feathers obtained from Yucatec coast traders, who take cacao for return cargoes.[991]

Although versatile enough in handicrafts, their mental faculties are exceedingly crude. With the aid of fingers and toes the Sambo is able to count to twenty, but anything beyond that confuses him. Time is reckoned 727 by kates, or moons, thirteen of which make a mani, or year. When asked to fix the date of an event, he will say that it occurred so many sleeps or moons ago; but when the time exceeds a year or two, the answer is given in the rather indefinite term of "many, many years;" consequently he is unable to tell his age. His ideas of cosmology are equally vague; thus, stars are held to be glowing stones. The people of Honduras call the year iolar, and divide it in the same manner as the Mexicans, by whom the system has, no doubt, been introduced. They reckon time by so many nights or twilights, not by days, and determine the hour by the height of the sun. The song-language of the Mosquitos differs greatly from that employed in conversation, a quaint old-time style being apparently preserved in their lyrics.[992]

The art of extracting and melting gold has long been known to them, but, although they wear a few ornaments of this metal, they do not seem to prize it very highly. At the time of Cockburn's visit to Honduras, dams were used in mining, and instruments of cane to sift the gold. The mode employed by the Poyas to separate gold from sand is the one known in California as panning, and is thus described by Squier: "Scooping up some of the sand in his bowl, and then filling it with water, he whirled it rapidly, so that a feathery stream of mingled sand and water flew constantly over its edge. He continued this operation until the sand was nearly exhausted, and then filled the bowl again. After repeating this process several times, he grew more careful, balancing the bowl skillfully, and stopping occasionally to pick out the pebbles ... after the process was complete, the Poyer showed me a little deposit of gold, in 728 grains, at the bottom of the calabash." The gold dust passes into the hands of the white trader.[993]

The Mosquitos proper are ruled by a hereditary king, who claims sovereignty over the interior tribes of the Mosquito Coast, which, in many cases, is merely nominal. Before the English made their influence felt, this monarch, who, in these latter degenerate days, does not possess many prerogatives, seems to have had but a small extent of territory, for among the earlier travelers some assert that the inhabitants of this coast lived under a republican rule, while others observed no form of government. Each village or community has a principal man, or judge, selected from the eldest and ablest, who settles minor grievances, referring weightier matters to the king, and superintends the contribution of canoes, tortoise-shells, and produce for the support of the monarch and chiefs—for regular taxes are not collected. Among the Poyas, the old men, who are highly respected by their juniors, assemble every evening to deliberate upon the duties of the following day; all members of the tribe take part in the work, and share alike in the results. According to Young, the Mosquitos had an officer, in whom was vested certain authority. The Caribs are also ruled by elders, dignified by the title of captains. Their laws are in some respects harsh: for instance, a woman who has had intercourse with a man of another race is whipped slowly to death. Sambos are less particular in this matter, the adulterer being merely mulcted in a cow. If the decision of a chief be not satisfactory, the contestants resort to trial by combat. The Xicaques live in communities of from seventy to one hundred persons ruled by chiefs elected for life. The insignia of a judge or ruler in Honduras are a white staff, often elaborately ornamented with a golden head and tassels. Formerly 729 each town or province was ruled by an hereditary cacique, who administered justice with four nobles as counselors. Theft was punished by confiscation of property, and in graver cases the ears and hands of the culprit were cut off; the adulterer caught in the act had his ear-rings forcibly torn out; then he was whipped by the relatives of the injured, and deprived of his possessions. The woman went free on the supposition that she, as the weaker party, was not responsible.[994]

One principal object of war among the ancient nations of Honduras was to make slaves, but the Mosquito Coast was free from this scourge, according to all accounts.[995]

Polygamy obtains, some men having six wives each, and the king yet more. The first wife, who as a rule, is betrothed from early infancy, is mistress commanding; her marriage is attended with festivities, and later additions to the harem are subject to her. The custom is to marry early, often before puberty, and it is not unusual to see a girl of thirteen with an offspring in her arms; but the marriage tie is not very binding, for the wife may be discarded or sold at will, on the slightest pretence, especially if children do not follow the union. The interior tribes, which are less given to plurality of wives, bear a pretty good character for female MOSQUITO COURTSHIP. chastity. The cacique of ancient Honduras married among his own class. On behalf of a suitor not previously engaged, an old man was dispatched with presents to the father of the chosen girl, before whom he made a long harangue on the ancestry and qualities 730 of the youth. If this proved satisfactory, the presents were accepted, and Bacchanalia followed. Next morning the bride was closely wrapped in a gorgeously painted cloth, and, seated upon the shoulder of a man, was conveyed to the bridegroom, a number of friends accompanying her, dancing and singing along the road, drinking out of every rivulet, and feasting at every stopping-place. On arrival, she was received by the female friends of the groom, and subjected to a cleaning and perfuming process, lasting three days, during which the friends of the two families held a grand feast to celebrate the approaching union. She was then delivered to the husband, who kept her three nights at his home, and then proceeded to the house of his father-in-law, where the couple remained three other nights, after which they returned to their own house and renewed festivities. These were the ceremonies attending the marriage of nobles only. An old woman acted as messenger for common swains, and brought a present of cacao to the bride's parents, which was consumed at the preliminary feast. The girl was then delivered to the old woman, together with a return present of cacao to serve for two feasts, one taking place at the house of the bridegroom, the other at the bride's. Relationship was no impediment to marriage, and widows were received among the wives of the late husband's brother. Immorality ruled, and the most lascivious performances prevailed at their festivals. On the islands in the gulf of Honduras and on the Belize coast, the suitor had to undergo a preliminary examination by the proposed father-in-law as to his ability to perform the duties of husband; if satisfactory, a bow and arrow were handed him, and he at once presented himself before the object of his affection with a garland of leaves and flowers, which she placed upon her head instead of the wreath always worn by a virgin. Friends thereupon met at the home of the bride to discuss the prospects of the couple, and to witness the act of giving her to the bridegroom, partaking, meanwhile, of some 731 cheering liquid. The next day the bride appeared before the mother, and tore off her garland with much lamentation. Among the Sambos the betrothed suitor must give presents of food and other articles to the parents of his intended, as payment for their care of her until she attains the marriageable age, when he comes to claim her. Should the parents then refuse to give up the girl, they are bound to refund the value of the presents twice or thrice told. The usual price paid for a wife is a cow or its equivalent, which is also exacted from any man infringing on the marital right, while the female for such offence is merely beaten. Esquemelin adds that when the young man came to claim his bride, he was questioned as to his ability to make nets and arrows, and if all went well, the daughter was summoned to bring a calabash of wine, which the three drained between them in token of the new relationship. The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband with provisions for a year, after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry again. The Carib must provide a separate house and field for each of his wives, where she not only supports herself, her children, and her husband, but can, if she pleases, accumulate property. The husband is expected to spend his time equally between his wives, but not to assist in providing necessities after the marriage day; should his help be required, the wife must pay him the customary rate of wages. The several wives compete jealously with each other to provide the best for their husband, and are comparatively well-behaved, owing, perhaps, to the severe punishment of infidelity. Among the Smoos, wives of one husband generally live together, each wife bringing her share to make up her lord's dinner. Widows are the property of the relatives of the husband, to whom 'widow-money' must be paid before they are allowed to marry again. The method of courtship among the Woolwas is to place a deer's 732 carcass and some firewood at the door of the intended; if accepted, marriage ensues. Each wife has usually a separate establishment. The Towkas, who are more inclined to monogamy, have an interesting marriage ceremony, of which Squier gives a long account. On the betrothal of children a corresponding cotton band is fastened above the elbow or below the knee of each. These bands are selected by the old men so as to be distinct from others in color, and are renewed when worn out. They also wear necklaces to which a shell or bead is added every year, and when the boy has ten added to his string, he is called muhasal, or ten, signifying half a man; when the twentieth and final shell is added, he is considered a full man, and is called all, meaning twenty. If his intended has by this time attained her fifteenth year, preparations are at once made for the marriage. A general holiday is taken by the villagers, who clear from grass a circular piece of ground, which is defined by a ring of stones, and trampled smooth; a little hut is then erected in the centre having a small opening at the top, and another at the side facing the east. Within the hut, the entrance of which is covered with a mat, is a heap of copal-twigs, and without, at the edge of the circle, a canoe filled with palm-wine is placed, having a large pile of white calabashes by its side. At noon the villagers proceed to the home of the bridegroom, who is addressed in turn by the old men; they then start with the youth for the house of the bride where the young man seats himself before the closed entrance on a bundle of presents intended for the bride. The father raps at the door which is partly opened by an old woman who asks his business, but the reply does not seem satisfactory, for the door is slammed in his face. The old men try their power of persuasion with the same result, and at last determine to call Orpheus to their aid. Music hath charms! the door is seen to open, and a female peeps timidly out: louder swells the music, and the bridegroom hastens to unroll his bundle containing beads and other articles. The door opens wider and 733 wider as each present is handed in by the father, until it is entirely thrown back, revealing the bride arrayed in her prettiest, seated on a crickery, in the remotest corner. While all are absorbed in examining the presents, the bridegroom dashes in, shoulders the girl like a sack, and trots off for the mystic circle, which, urged on by the frantic cries of the women, he reaches before the crowd can rescue her. The females, who cannot pass the ring, stand outside giving vent to their despairing shrieks, while the men squat within the circle in rows, facing outward. The old men alone remain standing, and one of them hands a lighted stick to the couple inside the hut, with a short speech. Soon an aromatic smoke curls up from the copal pile, whereat the women grow silent, but when it subsides, a sudden gayety takes possession of them, and the music is again heard. The reason for this is that the bridegroom, if he has any objections to the girl, may expel her while the gum is burning, but if it burns out quietly, the groom is supposed to be satisfied and the marriage complete. The women now pass filled calabashes to the men, who soon become excited and start a dance which increases in wildness with each additional cup, and does not end till most of them have bitten the dust. After dark the crowd proceeds with lighted torches to the hut, which is torn down, disclosing the married pair sitting demurely side by side. The husband shoulders his new baggage and is escorted to his home. The following day everybody presents a gift of some kind, so as to place the couple on an equal footing with the rest of the villagers.[996]

The position of a wife is not an enviable one, as the care of the household, the farm, and all hard and degrading work fall to her share, while her liege lord spends most of his time in idling. When about to be confined, she 734 proceeds to a hut erected for this purpose in the forest, a short distance from the village, where she remains from a week to two months, according to the custom of the tribe, attended by female friends who supply all her wants, since she is not allowed to handle food herself. No one must pass to the windward of the hut, because an obstruction of the air might cause the death of the mother and child, and for thus offending the guilty party must pay the damages. In such seclusion it is easy to dispose of deformed children, and it is believed that this is done to avoid the disgrace of a nickname, which might otherwise attach to the family. At the expiration of the period of purification, the mother returns to the village carrying the infant tied to her back in a cloth. The village witch has in the meantime fastened round its neck, a pew or charm, consisting of a bag of small seeds with which to pay old Charon for ferriage across the river, in case of an early death. The child is suckled for about two years; yucca-root pap also forms a great part of its food in some parts, but otherwise it receives little care. The mother delivers herself, cutting the navel-string with her own hand; she also washes the infant's clothes, for it is believed that the child will die if this is done by another; after washing herself and suckling the child she returns to the village. Formerly all children born within the year were taken to the temple by the parents, wrapped in a net and painted cloth, and laid to sleep under a cake made of honey and iguana-flesh. Notice was taken of dreams, and if the child appeared well and happy, they augured riches and long life for it, if weak and sorrowful, it would be poor and unfortunate; if no dreams occurred, it betokened an early death. Acting on this superstition, parents often became careless about the future of their children, and suffered them to grow up without attention. Priests were not allowed to marry, and the care and education of the sons of prominent men were entrusted to them.[997] 735

Drinking is the chief amusement, and to become helplessly drunk is the sum of all enjoyment. Frequent sihkrans or feasts are held, lasting for days, at which large numbers assist to drain the canoeful of liquor prepared for the occasion. Occasionally surrounding villagers are invited, and a drinking-bout is held, first in one house and then in another, until the climax is reached in a debauch by both sexes of the most revolting character. Quarrels are generally put off for these occasions, but, as the wives have carefully hidden all weapons, recourse is had to the fist, with which the combatants exchange blows in turn until one has had enough. These trials of endurance are also held in sport; the Smoo or Woolwa, for instance, who wishes to be held most worthy of the fair sex, engages in a lowta or striking-match with a rival, each one presenting his bent back to the other in turn, until the bravest stands declared. Death is not unfrequently the result of such trials. Even boys, carried away by emulation, hold lighted sticks to each other's skin. In early times the people of Honduras held regular festivals at the beginning of each month, at the time of electing officers, at harvest time, and three other grand celebrations during the year, for which much food and drink were prepared. As the wine took effect, the participants were seized with a desire to move to the exhilarating sound of drum, flute, and rattle, and a simple dance was organized. That of the Carib is merely a forward and backward movement of hands and feet, accompanied by a peculiar intonation of voice, and at their seekroes, or festivals in commemoration of the departed, they stalk in a circle, one following the other, 736 and singing in a loud and uncouth tone. Their pas seul is livelier, however, the performer skipping up and down, bending the body in different ways, and making the most grotesque movements. They are not satisfied with a mere drinking-bout at their reunions, but spread a good table, to which guests often bring their own liquor. The Towkas and others prefer the circle dance, walking at a slow, swinging pace, beating their knuckles against emptied calabashes, and joining in a refrain, at the end of which they strike their cups one against another's. At each additional potation, the walk is increased in speed, until it assumes a trot and ends in a gallop, the calabashes rattling in accordance. The Sambo dance is like a minuet, in which the performers advance and recede, making strange gesticulations. The women have also a dance among themselves,—for they are not allowed to join with the men,—in which they form a ring, holding each other round the waist with the left hand, bending, wriggling, shaking calabash rattles, and singing until exhausted. Dramatic representations usually accompany these saltatory exhibitions, wherein the various phases of a lover's trials, comical sketches, or battles are depicted. The people of Honduras are fond of disguising themselves with feather tufts, and skins of animals, whose actions and cries they imitate. The favorite entertainment of the Sambos is to put on a head-dress of thin strips of wood painted in various colors to represent the beak of a sword-fish, fasten a collar of wood round the neck, from which a number of palm-leaves are suspended, and to daub the face red, black, and yellow. Two men thus adorned advance toward one another and bend the fish-head in salute, keeping time with a rattle and singing, "shovel-nosed sharks, grandmother!" after which they slide off crab-like, making the most ludicrous gestures imaginable. This fun exhausted, fresh men appear, introducing new movements, and then the spectators join in a 'walk around,' flourishing white sticks in their hands, and repeating the above-mentioned refrain in a peculiar buzzing 737 tone produced by placing in the mouth a small tube covered with the membrane of a nut.[998]

The Guajiqueros in an interesting performance described by Squier, depict incidents from their history. A square piece of ground having a tree in the centre is marked off, and two poles adorned with feathers are erected in opposite corners, one bearing the head of a deer, the other that of a tiger. A dull, monotonous music is heard, and two parties of youth, fantastically dressed up and painted, move up to the square in a slow, but not ungraceful dance, and station themselves round the poles that bear their respective insignia. A man, stooping as if bent with age, starts out from the deers, dances round the ground, trying to arouse the mirth of the spectators with his grotesque movements. The tigers also dispatch a man, who does his best to excel the other one in contortions and grimaces. After a while they meet, and commence a discussion which ends in open rupture, the rising passions being well delineated. The two men who represent ambassadors then return to their party with an account of the mission, the result of which is a general excitement, both factions starting out, dancing backwards and forwards, up and down the square, until they meet under the tree, in the centre. The leader of each then steps out and recites the glories and prowess of his tribe, amidst the applause of his own men, and the disapproval of the others. As soon as they are worked up to the requisite pitch of irritation, the dialogue ceases, the music strikes up, and a mimic combat ensues, in which the armies advance and retreat, close and separate, using short canes for weapons. At last the tigers lose their standard and take to flight, whereat the victors execute a dance of triumph; but finding how dearly the victory has been bought, their 738 joy is turned into sorrow, and they bend their head upon the knees, breaking out in loud lament. In a few moments one of them starts up and begins a panegyric on the fallen brave, which is followed by a mimic sacrifice and other ceremonies. The vanquished are now seen to approach with downcast eyes, bringing tribute, which they lay at the feet of the victors, who receive it with imperious bearing. The music at these entertainments is not of a very inspiring nature; drums, consisting of a section of hollow tree covered with skin, which are generally beaten with the hand, and flutes of bamboo with four stops on which eight notes are played with different degrees of speed for variety, being the usual instruments. The Guajiqueros also use the chirimaya, two flutes joined in one mouthpiece; the syrinx, or Pan's pipe; a long calabash with a narrow opening at the small end, into which the performer blows suddenly, at intervals, to mark time; and a sort of drum consisting of a large earthen jar, over the mouth of which a dressed skin is tightly stretched. To the centre of the skin, and passing through an opening in the bottom, is attached a string which the performer pulls, the rebound of the membrane producing a very lugubrious sound. In western Honduras the so-called strum-strum is much used. This is a large gourd cut in the middle, and covered with a thin board having strings attached. The marimba, and the jews-harp which has been introduced by the trader, are, however, the favorite instruments for a quiet reunion, and the few tunes known to them are played thereon with admirable skill and taste. Songs always accompany their dances and are usually impromptu compositions on suitable subjects, gotten up for the occasion by the favorite singers of the village, and rendered in a soft, but monotonous and plaintive tone. They have no national melodies, but on the receipt of any good or bad message, their feelings generally find vent in a ditty embodying the news. Talking is a passion with them, and as soon as a piece of news is received at a village, two or three younger men will start with their women and children for the 739 next hamlet, where it is discussed for hours by the assembled population, who in their turn dispatch a messenger to the next village, and thus spread the news over the whole country in a very short time. In story-telling, those who concoct the biggest lies receive the most applause. Of course, the pipe must be smoked on these occasions, but as their own tobacco has become too mild for them, recourse is had to the vilest description of American leaf. When this is wanting, the smoke-dried leaves of the trumpet and papah-tree are used by men as BEVERAGES OF HONDURAS. well as women. The favorite drink is mishla, prepared chiefly from cassava-roots; but others from bananas, pine-apples, and other fruits are also used. A number of young women provided with good teeth, untiring jaws, and a large supply of saliva, are employed to chew about half of the boiled and peeled roots requisite to make a canoeful of liquor, the remainder being crushed in a mortar. This delectable compound is stirred with cold water, and allowed to ferment for a day or two, when it assumes a creamy appearance, and tastes very strong and sour. Plantains are kneaded in warm water, and then allowed to stand for a few days till the mixture ferments, or the fruit is left in the water in small pieces, and the kneading performed in the cup previous to drinking. A fermented drink from powdered cacao and indigenous sugar-cane juice is called ulung, and pesso is the name given to another made from crushed lime-rinds, maize and honey; in early times mead was a favorite drink in Honduras. The cocoa-nut palm yields monthly a large quantity of liquor known as caraca. The tip of the undeveloped shoots are cut off, and the branch bent down so as to allow the fluid to drip into a calabash placed beneath. Its seeds, when crushed and steeped in hot water give the acchioc.[999] 740

No name for a supreme good spirit is found in the vocabulary of the Mosquitos; all their appeals are addressed to Wulasha, the devil, the cause of all misfortunes and contrarieties that happen. The intercessors with this dread being are the sukias, or sorceresses, generally dirty, malicious old hags, who are approached with gifts by the trembling applicant, and besought to use their power to avert impending evils. They are supposed to be in partnership with their devil, for whom they always exact the half of the fee before entering upon any exorcising or divination. These witches exercise a greater power over the people than the chief—a power which is sustained by the exhibition of certain tricks, such as allowing poisonous snakes to bite them, and handling fire, which they have learned from predecessors during their long preparation for the office, passed amidst exposure and fasts in the solitude of the wilderness. The people of Honduras had also evil sorcerers who possessed the power of transforming men into wild beasts, and were much feared and hated accordingly; but their priests or hermits who live in communion with materialized gods, in small, elevated huts, apart from the villages, enjoyed the respect of all, and their advice was applied for on every matter of importance. None but the principal men could approach them without the necessary offering of maize and fowl, and they humbly knelt before them to receive their oracular answer. Preparatory to important undertakings, dogs, cocks, and even men were sacrificed to obtain the favor of their idols, and blood was drawn from tongue, ears, and other members of the body. They thought it likewise necessary to their welfare to have naguals, or guardian spirits, whose life became so bound up with their own that the death of one involved that of the other. The manner of obtaining this guardian was to proceed to some secluded spot and offer up a sacrifice: with the 741 beast or bird which thereupon appeared, in dream or in reality, a compact for life was made, by drawing blood from various parts of the body. Caribs and Woolwas assemble at certain periods every year, to propitiate controlling spirits with ceremonies transmitted from their forefathers. A variety of ghosts, as Lewire, the spirit of the water, are supposed to play their pranks at night, and it is difficult to induce anyone to leave the hut after dark, unless in company. The belief in dreams is so firmly rooted that their very course of life is influenced by it. Every dream has a direct or indirect meaning; thus, a broken calabash betokens loss of wife; a broken dish, the death of a mother. Among other superstitions, it was believed that the lighting of an owl upon the house-top would be followed by the death of an inmate; when thunder roared, cotton-seed was burned; broken egg-shells and deer-bones were carefully preserved lest the chickens or the deer should die or disappear. Aware of the peculiar influence of the moon on man and matter, they are careful not to sleep in its glare, nor to fish when it is up, and mahogany-cutters abstain from felling trees at certain periods for fear the wood may spoil. They are wonderfully good pathfinders, and will pass through the densest forest without guiding marks; as swimmers they are not to be surpassed. Their mode of greeting a friend is very effusive, according to Dampier. One will throw himself at the feet of another, who helps him up, embraces him, and falls down in his turn to be assisted up and comforted with a pressure. Cockburn says that the Honduras people bend one knee to the ground and clap their hands in token of farewell.[1000]

Their licentious life, and fruit and fish diet, with limited use of salt, have left their constitution very susceptible 742 to epidemics as well as other diseases. The most common disorders are affections of the bowels, such as dysentery and diarrhœa, but chills, rheumatism, consumption, and measles are not unfrequent. Children suffer much from worms, and their abdomen is sometimes enormously swollen. A very painful, though not dangerous eye-disease termed unkribikun is prevalent; and the burrowing of the tick in the skin causes wounds and inflammation if the fly be not speedily removed; the chegoe, or sand-flea, attacks the feet in the same manner. But small-pox and leprosy are the greatest scourges of this country, the former having here as elsewhere in America committed enormous ravages among the population. Leprosy—that living death reflecting the sins of former generations, so capricious in the selection of its victims, taking the parent, yet leaving the child intact, or seizing upon the offspring without touching its mother—may certainly be less destructive, but it is nevertheless fearful in its effect; half of the natives of the Mosquito country being more or less marked by it, either in the shape of white or livid spots, or red, white, and scabbed bulpis. All sickness and affliction is supposed to be the work of the evil spirit who has taken possession of the affected part; sukias must, therefore, be called in to use their incantations and herbs against the enemy. The witch appears with her face painted in hideous devices, and begins operations by placing some herbs beneath the pillow of the patient, blowing smoke over him, rubbing the body with the hands, and muttering strange words. If this is not effective, a decoction is made from the herbs, to be used as a drink or fomentation, and the patient is fenced in with painted sticks, with strict orders to let no one approach; the witch herself bringing the food to the patient, whistling a plaintive strain and muttering over the invalid for some time to chase away the evil. No pregnant woman, or person who has lately buried a friend, must come near the house during the illness, nor must any one pass to the windward of it, lest the sick 743 be deprived of breath; any presumed breach of these injunctions leaving a safe loophole for the sorceress, in case her remedies fail. During epidemics, the sukias consult together and note their dreams, to ascertain the nature and disposition of the spirit. After muttering incantations all night, and invoking all sorts of terrible monsters, they plant small painted sticks, mounted by grotesque figures, to the windward of the village, and announce the expulsion of the evil. Should the scourge continue, it is supposed that the spirits are obstinate, and the people remove to other parts, burning the village. The instructions of the sukia are always scrupulously followed, and the credulous native may be seen lying on the beach for days, exposed to all weathers, smeared with blood and waiting for restoration from ills. Scarifications are much resorted to, and fever patients throw themselves into cold water, where they remain until dead or until the fever leaves them. In Honduras, on the other hand, the patient is taken out of the water after a short immersion, and rolled to and fro before a fire, until half dead with fatigue, when he was left to be restored by sleep; blood is let from the thighs, legs, and shoulders; vomiting is promoted by certain herbs; vermin are administered for jaundice. In sickness a rigid diet is observed, the patient subsisting chiefly on iguana broth. Snake-bites are cured by chewing the guaco-root, and poulticing the wound therewith; the Caribs apply an oil obtained from the head of the tommy-goff as an antidote for its bite. Herrera states that the comfort of a sick person was but little regarded; bread and drink were placed near the patient's head, and if strong enough to partake thereof, well and good, but if not he might die; nobody took any notice of him after this. The Mosquitos are not entirely devoid of affection; but their grief seems to be reserved for the dead, not the dying.[1001] 744

The corpse is wrapped in a cloth and placed in one half of a pitpan which has been cut in two; friends assemble for the funeral and drown their grief in mushla, the women giving vent to their sorrow by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. As it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep, while preparations are made for its removal; all at once four naked men, who have disguised themselves with paint, so as not to be recognized and punished by Wulasha, rush out from a neighboring hut, and, seizing the rope attached to the canoe, drag it into the woods, followed by the music and the crowd. Here the pitpan is lowered into the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to serve the departed in the land beyond; then the other half of the boat is placed over the body. A rude hut is constructed over the grave, serving as a receptacle for the choice food, drink, and other articles placed there from time to time by relatives. The water that disappears from the porous jars is thought to have been drunk by the deceased, and if the food is nibbled by birds it is held to be a good sign. On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is destroyed, the cocoa-palms being cut down, and all who have taken part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape of the neck to the forehead; widows, according to some old writers, after supplying the grave with food for a year, take up the bones, and carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night, for another year, after which they are placed at the door, or upon the house-top. On the anniversary of death, friends of the deceased hold a feast called seekroe, at which large quantities of liquor are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed in ule cloaks fantastically painted black and 745 white, while their faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they performed a slow walk-around, the immediate relatives prostrating themselves at intervals, calling loudly upon the dead, and tearing the ground with their hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in a straight line over every obstacle. Froebel states that among the Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.[1002]

Hospitality, a gentle and obliging disposition, faithfulness in the fulfilling of engagements, honesty and docility, balanced by an inaptness to make any avail of natural benefits, and a supineness in matters of veracity and judgment, by reason of which they fall into many excesses, especially in drink, characterize both Mosquitos and Caribs. The apathy and slowness of the unadulterated aboriginal are, however, in striking contrast to the vivacious and impressible nature of the Caribs, whose versatility evidences a rather higher intelligence, which is again overshadowed by an inordinate vanity, based chiefly upon their greater strength and stature. Both possess a certain industry, the one being more plodding, the other more energetic though less patient; this trait is also noticeable in their pastimes, where the native is far less exuberant and noisy than his darker neighbor. With regard to the effect of negro admixture on character, comparisons may be made among the Caribs themselves, when it will be found that the black race is much more 746 mercurial and vehement than the purer type, and possesses greater volubility. The severe discipline kept up, and the disposition, among the women at least, to provide for the morrow, augurs well for their future. The bravery and love of freedom which so long kept the Spanish invaders at bay both on the western and northern borders and on the coast was subsequently subdued, instance the mild disposition of the independent Xicaques, Poyas, and Secos, who are now inclined rather to peaceful diplomacy than to warlike demonstrations; yet the Caribs manifested considerable spirit during a late conflict with the Honduras government, and proved themselves efficient soldiers. The character given to the nations of this subdivision by ancient writers, contains many unenviable qualities, for not only are they described as lazy, vicious, lying, inconstant, but as cruel, void of affection, and of less intelligence than the Mexicans; nevertheless they are obedient, peaceable, and quiet. The only characteristic we have concerning the Albatuins is that they were savage, and until of late the Ramas bore the same character. Among the industrious Towkas we find that gentle melancholy which characterizes some of the Guatemalans; while their brothers, the Smoos, have the reputation of being a very simple people whom the neighbors take delight in imposing upon, yet their women are said to be more ingenious than the Sambo women. Proceeding to the Toonglas and Sambos, we observe a preponderance of bad qualities, attributable, no doubt, to their intercourse with buccaneers and traders. By most writers they are characterized as a lazy, drunken, debauched, audacious race, given to thieving; capricious, quarrelsome, treacherous and exacting among themselves, though obliging to strangers, their only redeeming traits being hospitality, and a certain impulsiveness which is chiefly exhibited in grief, and indicates something good at heart. Their want of energy, which deters them alike from household work and the commission of great crimes, will not prevent them from undertaking wearisome voyages to dispose 747 of mere trifles; and their superstitious fears and puerility under affliction, are entirely lost when facing the raging surf or hungry shark. Other writers take advantage of this trait to show that they are high-spirited enough to carry anything through when once aroused, and add that they have proved themselves faithful to their masters, are docile and intelligent, abhorring to appear mean and cowardly.[1003]

The Isthmians, by which name I designate all the nations occupying the territory lying between the San Juan River and the southern shore of Lake Nicaragua on the north, and the gulf of Urabá, or Darien, and the River Atrato on the south, present several peculiarities when compared with the other nations of Central America. The inhabitants of these regions are a hardy and active race, jealous of their independence and ever hostile to those who attempt to penetrate their country. Their resoluteness in excluding all foreigners is materially strengthened by the rugged and malarious nature of the country, by its deep ravines, its miasmatic swamps, its abrupt heights, its rapid streams, its tangled undergrowth, and densely wooded districts. The air of the table-lands and valleys is hot and moist, the soil exceedingly fertile, but the interior and mountainous localities have a milder and more temperate climate with but little variation except that of the dry and wet seasons. In the lowlands of Panamá, the swampy nature of the surface, with the great humidity of the atmosphere, produces a luxuriant vegetation, and the consequent quantity of decomposed vegetable matter under the influence of a vertical sun, engenders a miasma deadly to the unacclimated. The rich and marshy nature of the soil, 748 however, sends forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives build their houses, thus obtaining a purer air and greater safety from the numerous wild animals and dangerous reptiles that infest that region. A great portion of the territory is rich in minerals which were once produced by the natives in great quantities, but which, unfortunately, were the loadstone that drew upon them the ruthless Spanish plunderers.

In the northern part of Costa Rica along the head waters of the Rio Frio the Guatusos, or Pranzas, are located. Mr Squier is inclined to think they are of the same stock as the Nahuas. Some striking physical peculiarities observed among them have given rise to various surmises and startling conclusions regarding their origin. Dwelling in the western part of the state are the Terrabas and the Changuenes, fierce and barbarous nations, at constant enmity with their neighbors. In the south-east and extending to the borders of Chiriquí dwell the Talamancas composed of a number of different tribes and declared by some to be allied in race with the Guatusos. Besides these are the Buricas, Torresques, Toxas, and others.[1004] In the mountains of Chiriquí are the Valientes, so called by the Spaniards from their heroic resistance to the invaders. Many of the warlike nations who occupied the country at the time of the discovery derived their names from the caciques that governed them. The people who dwell along the shore of the Caribbean Sea, between Portobello and Urabá, and occupy the Limones, Sasardi, and Pinos islands are supposed to be a branch of the once powerful 749 Darien nations who to the present day remain unconquered. Their province is situated on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, and their town was originally near the mouth of the River Atrato. The town and the river as well as the province were called by the natives Darien. This town was conquered in 1510 by a little band of shipwrecked Spaniards under the Bachiller Enciso. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, Francisco Pizarro, and men of like metal were there, and this was the first successful conquest and settlement on Tierra Firme. Whence, as the conquests of the Spaniards widened, the name Darien was at length applied to the greater part of the Isthmus. Still further westward were the once powerful province of Cueva, and the site of the ancient city of Panamá, discovered in 1515 by Tello de Guzman. This was a famous fishing-station, the word Panamá signifying in the native tongue a place where many fish are taken. Along the western shore of the bay of Panamá dwelt several independent and warlike nations, those of Cutara, Paris, Escoria, besides many others who waged continual war against each other with the object of increasing their territories and adding lustre to their names.[1005]

Slight differences only are observable in the Isthmian physique. The people are generally well-built, muscular, and of average height, although old authorities, such as Herrera, Andagoya, and Gomara, describe a tribe, whom 750 they locate near Escoria and Quarecas, as being very tall—veritable giants. Women, as a rule, are small and of delicate proportions, but after attaining a certain age, incline to obesity. The mountain tribes are generally shorter in stature, with more pleasing features than the coast-dwellers. A notable difference between the Isthmians and the other aborigines of the Pacific States, is the short, rather flat nose, in contradistinction to the almost universal aquiline cast. In color they are of a medium bronze tint, varying according to localities, the mountain tribes being the darker. Black, straight, and very abundant coarse hair, black or dark eyes, and excellent teeth predominate.[1006] In Costa Rica, on the Rio Frio, is the frequently spoken of but never accurately described nation—the Guatusos—whom somewhat mythical accounts describe as of fair complexions, with light hair and blue eyes. Likewise Albinos are spoken of by Wafer, who relates having seen people "milk white, lighter than the colour of any Europeans, and much like that of a white horse." Furthermore, it is said that their bodies were covered with a milk-white down, which added to the whiteness of their skin; hair and eyebrows white, and eyes oblong, with the corners pointing downwards. During daylight they were weak-sighted, restive, and lacking energy, but after sundown, their cheerfulness, activity, and eyesight returned—the latter being apparently as good as that of other people.[1007] 751

Cotton textures and the bark of a certain tree, beaten in a wet state until soft and pliant, were the materials used by the Isthmians to cover their nakedness, if, indeed, they covered it at all. Where cotton was used, as in parts of Costa Rica, the costume was simply a small strip of cloth which both men and women wound round the loins or, as on the islands in the gulf of Nicoya, the women passed it between the legs, and fastened it to a string round the waist. These latter ornamented their scanty raiment prettily with various designs painted in colors, and also with seeds and shells. Near the bay of Herradura the men wore a kind of mantle covering the whole front and back of the wearer, made of the above-mentioned bark, in the centre of which was a hole through which the head passed. The women of this locality only wrap themselves in a piece of bark, without taking the trouble to fashion a mantle of it. Yet more simple was the dress of the men near Cartago; a few cotton strings wound round the foreskin of their virile member, sufficed them.[1008] Near Panamá and Darien, the caciques only wore long cotton mantles thrown over the shoulder and reaching nearly to the feet, the common people going naked, only encasing their privy parts in a kind of funnel made of gold, silver, shell, or bamboo, according to the wealth of the wearer, and which was held in place by a string fastened to two 752 holes in the sides which was passed round the waist. Women in the same localities wore cotton petticoats reaching to the knees, or, if ladies of quality, to the ankles. Near the gulf of Nicoya, women wore the long hair parted in the middle from the front to the back of the head, and plaited into two braids which hung down on either side over the ears. The men tied the hair up in a stiff queue with a cotton band, which was at times arranged so as to rise straight over the crown of the head. Necklaces of colored beads or of tiger's teeth were worn as ornaments. Like many nations of the Hyperborean group, the Chorotegans of Nicoya pierced the lower lip and inserted a round piece of bone. Their arms they painted with a mixture of their own blood and charcoal. In portions of Veragua and Behetrias even the funnel or cotton strings were omitted, and the Gugures, Mandingos, and many others on the Pacific seaboard, like the people of Veragua, went entirely naked, the chiefs only wearing long mantles. All of the Isthmians were fond of ornaments; among those which deserve special notice is the nose-pendant. This was a crescent-shaped piece of gold or silver, of various sizes for different occasions, those used on holidays hanging down so as to cover the mouth, while those for ordinary use only reached the upper lip. Besides the nose-pendant were ear-rings and a number of heavy necklaces of gold, silver, tiger's teeth, colored seeds, shells, and coral, according to the wealth of the wearer. Under their breasts the richer women also wore gold bars as a support, which were held up by strings passed over the shoulders. Guanines, or figures of animals made of gold, were worn around the neck by the men on the coast of Veragua, Chiriquí, and Urabá; others again wore on their heads fillets or crowns of gold or of the claws of wild beasts, or of feathers. Thus did these naked savages decorate themselves, often to the extent of several pounds weight. Women considered it a mark of beauty to have thick legs, and to that end wore bandages round them. Another Hyperborean custom is here 753 met with—the anointing of the body with oil—which in these tropics is extracted from the bixa or seed of the arnotto, and over which they sprinkled down and feathers. Painting the body was everywhere practiced, and was carried to a great extent, the different colors and figures employed each having its peculiar significance.

On going to war, paint was used more freely than at other times, and the greater the warrior the thicker the paint. Among the men of Cueba painting had a double object; it served as an ornament to the person, and also as a mark of distinction of rank. The chief, when he inherited or attained his title, made choice of a certain device, which became that of all his house. Freemen were painted from the mouth downward, and on the arms and chest, while slaves were only painted or tattooed from the mouth upward. All the lords, servitors, and vassals who were freemen, were painted in exactly the same manner. If the son of a chief adopted the ancestral totem, he could not afterward change it on coming into his inheritance, but if during his father's life-time he declined to use the distinctive badge of his house, he could, when he became chief, choose any new device he might fancy. A son who did not adopt his father's totem was always hateful to him during his lifetime. The natives on the northern coast of Chiriquí painted the body in wavy lines, from the shoulders to the heels; through the cartilage of the nose they stuck a porcupine-quill, and in the chin the tooth of a wild beast. The women had holes made in their cheeks through which they stuck little bunches of feathers; they also wore tiger's claws in their ears. At San Blas, some of the men painted themselves in black streaks, and the women in red. At Porto Belo, the king was painted black and all his subjects red. The natives of Escoria tattooed breast and arms; the women of Darien across the bridge of the nose from one cheek to the other; they also blacken their teeth. Others have figures of birds, animals, or trees painted all over the body, according to fancy; their favorite colors being 754 black, red, and yellow, which are laid on with pencils made of wood, chewed at the end till they become soft.[1009] All the Isthmians pull out the hair from every part of the body except the head, and rub themselves with herbs, which prevent its further growth. Both sexes pride themselves on the length of the hair, and most of them allow it to grow to its full length and hang loose over their shoulders, but keep it cut on the forehead as low as the eyebrows. The men of Cariai and some parts of Chiriquí, bind it with fillets and wind it in rolls round the head, fastening it with a comb made of the heart of the palm-tree; others wear round their head a band made of bark or certain fibres of plants, and at festivals they often wear high caps, made from the gaudy feathers of parrots. At Tanela married women cut their hair short. It appears that head-flattening again crops out in these parts. Las Casas states that infants had their heads placed between two pads, one in front and another behind, in order to increase the length of the head and width of the forehead.[1010]

In Costa Rica many of the natives live in small huts built of plaited rushes. In the year 1545, Diego Gutierrez, governor of Nueva Cartago, in Costa Rica, attempted 755 to explore that territory. Arriving at the province of Suere upon a river of that name at a point some twelve leagues distant from the North Sea, he came to a village, and there occupied a house belonging to the chief of the district. The old Milanese chronicler, Girolamo Benzoni, who accompanied the expedition, describing the dwelling of the cacique, says it was shaped like an egg and was forty-five paces in length and nine in breath. The sides were of reeds and the roof of palm-leaves all interlaced and well executed. There were but few other houses in the village and those of inferior character. Padre Zepeda, a jesuit, who in 1750 lived among the Guatusos for several months, speaking of their towns and gardens, says that when the rains commence, they construct small huts in the trees, where they live safe from the danger of floods.[1011] Unlike most other nations, the Isthmians do not build their villages in squares, but generally form long streets, keeping the houses well apart from each other, probably as a precaution against conflagrations. On many parts of the coast of Darien and on the gulf of Urabá, the villages are built in the water. Others are on the banks of rivers, and many of them are spacious and constructed with great skill and attention to details. The supporting posts of the roof are large bamboos or palm-trees. Three or four of these are driven into the ground at equal distances, proportioned according to the intended length of the house, and across the top is laid the ridge-pole; on each side a number of shorter posts are sunk, from which long rafters are laid to the ridge-pole; the whole is then covered with palm-leaves, both roof and sides. Other houses are plastered inside and outside with mud, and these have a flooring of open bamboo work, raised six or eight feet from the ground. The dwellings are divided into two or more rooms, having no doors to the entrances, which are reached by ladders. Sometimes the 756 house is built without walls, in which case the roof descends to below the level of the floor, and the structure is left open at both ends, having the appearance of an elevated platform. The Savanerics and some others on the coast of Veragua build circular or pyramidal dwellings, by driving strong posts into the ground sloping toward each other, so as to unite in a point where they are strongly bound with withes or vines, across which are tied small sticks, some peeled, others with the bark on, or blackened, thereby producing a pleasing effect. The walls inside are lined with reeds beautifully interwoven. The upper portion of the structure is thatched on the outside with straw and on the apex is placed an ornament of baked clay. In the centre of the dwelling is a spacious apartment, and round the walls are small rooms in which different families reside.[1012] Each village has a public, town, or council house, or fort, one hundred or more feet in length, constructed in the same manner as the dwellings, but with no interior partitions; in the walls are loop-holes for the discharge of arrows. There is an entrance at each end, and thick doors, made of split palm-tree and bamboo strongly bound together with withes, are kept in readiness to shut out the enemy. The doors are kept in position by strong posts set in the ground behind them. In the province of Veragua they build strong wooden fences or palisades round some of the villages, to protect them from attacks of enemies and wild beasts. During the expedition of Gaspar de Espinosa in 1517, Diego de Albitez, who invaded the province of a cacique named Tabraba, some distance south-west from Panamá, found the inhabitants 757 protected by strong fortifications. Their forts are built with much skill. The ground is first enclosed by a deep trench, upon the inner bank of which trees are planted, and the interstices filled up with logs and rocks. In many parts of the country the inhabitants were found living in the tops of trees like birds, laying sticks across from one branch to another, and building their houses upon them. In 1512, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa surveyed several channels at the mouth of the River Atrato in quest of gold and plunder. The surrounding country was low and marshy, but the soil sent forth immense palm-trees, in the branches of which the natives built their houses. Vasco Nuñez, entering an affluent of the Rio Negro, discovered a large tree-top village, the name of whose ruler was Abieiba. The houses were divided into several apartments, each of a size sufficient to accommodate several families. They were built of wood and willows, and were so pliable and yet so strong, that the swaying to and fro of the branches, to which the elastic tenement yielded, did not in the least interfere with the safety of the occupants. Ladders, made of a single large bamboo split in two, were used in making the ascent and descent. These were drawn up at night, or in case of the invasion of an enemy. On the coast of Veragua Columbus discovered similar dwellings, and he says that he could not account for the custom, unless it was through fear of griffins which abound in that country, or of enemies, each tribe being at war with every other tribe along the coast. The true cause, however, of their taking to trees for places of residence, is to place themselves beyond the reach of sudden and violent floods, which are caused by the swelling of streams after storms in the mountains, and also in order to be out of the reach of reptiles and wild beasts in which that country abounds.[1013] Some of the Isthmians built 758 large enclosures for the chiefs, which early contemporary writers call the king's palace. Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, on his march through the province of Comagre, situated on the northern coast of Darien about thirty leagues from the gulf of Urabá, relates that he visited the dwelling or palace of the cacique Comagre, which he describes as follows: It was one hundred and fifty by eighty paces in dimension, constructed upon heavy posts, which stood within a stone wall. The upper part of the building was beautifully finished with timbers, interlaced in such a manner as to strike the beholder with amazement. The building contained various apartments—chambers, pantry, and wine-cellar. In one very large apartment were sacredly kept the remains of the king's ancestors arranged round the walls.[1014]

The Costa Ricans live chiefly by hunting and fishing, and many of them cultivate maize, beans, and bananas; the Talamancas, especially, are agriculturists. According to Father Zepeda, and others who penetrated some distance into the country of the Guatusos, they had large fields under cultivation. Salt is seldom used by any of these tribes, and none of them ever eat dogs, as they keep them for hunting purposes. Their chief game is wild hogs and deer, but they are not very particular as to their animal diet, for they eat whatever they can catch, including reptiles. Their mode of cooking fish renders them exceedingly palatable, which is by roasting them wrapped in plantain-leaves. Bananas are usually pulled when green, and buried in sand to ripen.[1015] Many of the other Isthmians are agriculturists, and 759 grow considerable quantities of maize, plantains, cacao, pimiento, and cocoa-nuts; their means of subsistence are further largely supplemented by game and fish. A staple article of food among the coast tribes is turtle, of which they capture large numbers. Monkeys afford them a favorite meal, and they are especially fond of iguanas, young alligators, and their eggs. From the yucca as well as corn they make a good quality of bread. The Doraches and Guaimies of Veragua subsist mainly on wild roots and a fruit called pixbaex, somewhat resembling dates, which toasted, makes an agreeable and wholesome food. Most of their dishes are highly seasoned with pimiento, a kind of pepper produced by a small shrub which is very abundant on Tierra Firme. The toocan bird lives chiefly on the berry, which it discharges from the stomach almost immediately after swallowing it; the natives prefer it thus, as its bitterness is partly absorbed by the bird. It is said that the Caribs ate human flesh whenever they had an opportunity. Herrera says that some of the Isthmians purchased slaves, whom they sold to the Caribs for food, and the inhabitants of Paria supplied boys to the natives of Tubrabá for the same purpose. They cooked the flesh of their enemies, and ate it seasoned with salt and ají (chile).[1016] When a piece of ground is to be planted, a number of the villagers collect and cut down the brushwood on a selected spot; the seed is then scattered among the wood as it lies. In due time the grain, which is well sheltered from the sun by the branches, springs up and overtops them, and when fit for harvesting the ears are gathered. After this, the underwood and corn-stalks are set on fire, and the ground continues to be 760 used for agricultural purposes. In hunting deer and wild swine, dogs are used to drive them out of the dense forest; at other times they set fire to a part of the woods, and as the animals try to escape, they kill them with spears and arrows. Birds are killed with a blow-pipe. When fishing they use nets made of mahoe-bark or silk-grass, and in places where rocks prevent their using a net, they catch them with their hands or shoot them with arrows. Fishing by torchlight with spears is frequently practiced. The Savanerics poison pools with pounded leaves of the barbasco, and thus obtain fish without much labor. For duck-hunting they also employ the often-described trick of placing a calabash on the head, and in this manner approach the game. The men of Cueba are celebrated for making pure white salt from sea water—an article much used in this locality. In the same province a kind of communism obtained; all provisions were delivered to the chief, who distributed to each his share. Part of the community were employed as agriculturists, and part as hunters and fishermen. At his meals the cacique was served by women, some of his principal men eating with him.[1017]

In their personal habits the Isthmians are cleanly; they bathe generally twice a day and sometimes oftener; but commonly at sunrise and sunset. The interior of their dwellings has a neat appearance, and order and cleanliness prevail in all their domestic arrangements.[1018]

Bows and arrows, long spears, javelins, flint-edged clubs, and blow-pipes, are the weapons used in these parts. The bows are beautifully made, those of the 761 Costa Ricans being about seven feet long, of a dark-colored, very hard wood, with the string of well-twisted silk-grass. Arrows are of the same wood, very long, and pointed with a porcupine-quill or fish-bone. The bows and arrows of those farther south are much shorter, and of black palm-wood, as are also their lances and javelins. The arrows are pointed with flint or fish-bone, or are hardened in the fire and barbed; the shaft is of reed having a piece of hard wood eight or ten inches in length inserted in the end. The inhabitants of Coiba and some of the tribes on the western shore of the gulf of Urabá, do not use bows and arrows. In this respect, so far as I have observed, they form an exception; as among the almost innumerable tribes situated between the gulf of Urabá and the Arctic Ocean I know of none others where bows and arrows are not used. These people in battle employ a long wooden sword, and wooden spears, the ends of which are hardened in the fire and tipped with bone; they also make use of slings and darts. Their javelins are thrown with much force and dexterity by means of a stick slightly grooved to hold the projectile. It is called estorica and is held between the thumb and two fingers, there being a small loop on the side, near the centre, in which the forefinger is placed; the dart is cast straight from the shoulder, while the projector is retained in the hand. I have noticed a somewhat similar contrivance employed by the Aleutian Islanders.[1019] The blow-pipe which is used with much effect, is about six or seven feet long, and the darts shot from it are made of Mucaw-wood, very thin with an 762 exceedingly sharp point, notched, so that when an object is struck it breaks off and it is almost impossible to extract the broken point; others are poisoned so that a slight wound causes death in a short time. One end is wrapped with a little cotton, until it fits the tube which is placed to the mouth and the dart blown out. It is quite effective for a distance of one hundred yards. Different varieties of poison have been described by writers and travelers. Herrera speaks of one which he says was made with certain grey roots found along the coast, which were burnt in earthen pipkins and mixed with a species of poisonous black ant; to this composition were added large spiders, some hairy caterpillars, the wings of a bat, and the head and tail of sea-fish called tavorino, very venomous, besides toads, the tails of snakes, and manzanillas. All these ingredients were set over a fire in an open field and well boiled in pots by a slave till they were reduced to a proper consistency. The unfortunate slave who attends to the boiling almost invariably dies from the fumes. Another poisonous composition is spoken of as having been made of fourteen different ingredients and another of twenty-four, one that kills in three days, another in five, and another later, and when one was employed it was stated that sometimes the wounded lived as many days as the poison had been made. The natives said that fire, sea water, and continency were the antidotes against the venom, others affirmed that the dung of the wounded person taken in pills or otherwise was a cure. Peter Martyr writes that the poison was made by old women skilled in the art, who were shut up for two days in a house where they boiled the ingredients; if at the expiration of the time, the women were found in good health instead of being half dead, they were punished and the ointment was thrown away. Captain Cochrane in his Journal in Colombia, says that they obtain the poison from a small frog called the rana de veneno. These frogs are kept in a hollow cane and regularly fed. When required for use, they take one and pass a pointed stick down its throat and out at one 763 of its legs. The pain brings to the back of the toad a white froth, which is a deadly poison and in it the darts are rubbed; below the froth a yellow oily matter is found which is carefully scraped off, as it is also a powerful poison, but not so lasting as the first substance, which will retain its deadly properties for a year while the yellow matter looses its strength after five or six months.[1020] The javelins used by the Caribs were not made pointed but square at the end, they also have very long pikes and heavy clubs. When Bartolomé Hurtado in 1516 visited the island of Caubaco he relates that the cacique presented him with a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. At the island of Cabo seven leagues distant, the warriors wore a thick matted armor of cotton impervious to arrows; they were armed with pikes and in their march were accompanied with drums, conchs, and fifes.[1021]

Wars arise chiefly from the jealousies and ambition of rival chieftains. Battles are frequent and sanguinary, often lasting for many days, and are fought with tenacious 764 courage. Throughout Darien it is customary to place sentinels at night in the highest houses of the towns, to keep watch and give warning of the approach of an enemy. At the commencement of a campaign, chiefs and captains experienced in war are nominated by the head of the tribe, to lead the men in battle and conduct the operations; they wear certain insignia, so as to be distinguished from the rest of the men, lofty plumes on the head, and a quantity of golden ornaments and jewels, besides which they are painted in a different style. All, however, adorn themselves when going to battle, with a profusion of necklaces, bracelets, and golden corselets. The men are cheered on to battle and encouraged during the fight by the blowing of large shells and the beating of drums. In the province of Cueba, women accompany the men, fighting by their side and sometimes even leading the van. The action is commenced with the slings and estoricas, but they soon meet at close quarters, when the heavy wooden swords and javelins are brought into use. Certain rules and military regulations are observed whereby the brave are rewarded, and offenders against military discipline punished. Nobility is conferred on him who is wounded in war, and he is further rewarded with lands, with some distinguished woman, and with military command; he is deemed more illustrious than others, and the son of such a father, following the profession of arms, may inherit all the father's honors. He who disobeys the orders of his chief in battle is deprived of his arms, struck with them, and driven from the settlement. All booty is the property of him who captured it. The prisoner is the slave of the captor; he is branded on the face and one of his front teeth knocked out. The Caribs, however, used to kill and eat their prisoners. Wafer mentions that upon some occasions, he who had killed an enemy cut off his own hair as a distinguishing mark of triumph, and painted himself black, continuing so painted until the first new moon.[1022] 765

The Isthmians sleep in hammocks, often beautifully made, and suspended between two trees or upright posts. Owing to the material of which they are composed they are exceedingly cool and well adapted to the climate. Gourds, calabashes, and cocoa-nut shells are employed for water-bowls and drinking-cups. Their other household utensils consist of earthen jars, flint knives, stone hatchets and boxes ingeniously made of palm-leaves, and covered with deer or other skins. Drums of different sizes, some very large, others small, are made of the hollow trunk of a tree covered at the ends with deer's hide. Those of the largest size are kept at the chief's residence or at the town-house. Hammocks are made of finely woven cloth, or more frequently of plaited grass of various colors and curiously ornamented. Wooden mortars, made from the knotty part of a tree, are used to pound yucca, from which they make their cassava. The metate or rubbing-stone is also in use among them. They have nets of different kinds for both fishing and hunting. At night, as a light for their dwellings they use torches made from palm-wood dipped in oil and beeswax. The lords and principal men of the provinces of Darien and Urabá are reputed to have drunk from golden cups of rich and beautiful workmanship. Peter Martyr gives an account of golden trumpets and a great number of bells found by the Spaniards in a town situated on the River Dabaiba (Atrato). The bells were used at ceremonies and festivals, giving forth a sweet and pleasant sound; the tongues or clappers were beautifully made, of fish-bones. In another part of the country, on the gulf of Urabá, says Peter Martyr, as rendered by the ancient translator: "They founde also a 766 great multitude of shetes, made of the silke or cotton of the gossampine tree; likewise diuers kindes of vessels and tooles made of wood, and many of earth; also many brest plates of gold, and ouches wrought after their manner."[1023]

They manufacture strong cords from the bark of the mahoe-tree, which is taken off in long strips, beaten with sticks, cleaned, and then twisted. A finer description of thread is made from a species of pita, of which the leaves undergo a somewhat similar process in preparation as flax, being steeped in water for several days, then dried in the sun and afterwards beaten, producing fine silky threads, from which their hammocks and finer kinds of nets for catching small fish are made. From the same plant they make excellent baskets and matting; the materials are first dyed in different colors, prettily mixed and woven together so closely as to hold water. They are of a soft texture and exceedingly durable. The Dorachos are famed for the manufacture of pottery, water-bottles, and other household utensils, elegantly shaped and prettily painted. Cotton cloths are woven by women, and considering the rude and simple implements they work with, the fineness of texture and blending of colors present a marvel of skill and patience. The process of weaving is thus described by Wafer: "The Women make a Roller of Wood, about three Foot long, turning easily about between two Posts. About this they place Strings of Cotton, of 3 or 4 yards long, at most, but oftner less, according to the use the Cloth is to be put to, whether for a Hammock, or to tie about their Waists, or for Gowns, or for Blankets to cover them in their Hammocks, as they lie in them in their 767 Houses; which are all the Uses they have for Cloth: And they never weave a piece of Cotton with a design to cut it, but of a size that shall just serve for the particular use. The Threads thus coming from the Roller are the Warp; and for the Woof, they twist Cotton-yarn about a small piece of Macaw-wood, notch'd at each end; And taking up every other Thread of the Warp with the Fingers of one Hand, they put the Woof through with the other Hand, and receive it out on the other side: and to make the Threads of the Woof lie close in the Cloth, they strike them at every turn with a long and thin piece of Macaw-wood like a Ruler, which lies across between the Threads of the Warp for that purpose."[1024]

The canoes and rafts of the Isthmians are admirably adapted to the navigation of their rivers and gulfs, and the men who manage them are skillful boatmen. The canoes vary in size; some are dug out from the single trunk of a tree, others are constructed of bark. The largest are thirty-five feet in length by three in breadth, and are capable of carrying many persons, besides a considerable amount of cargo. They are so lightly built that little difficulty is experienced in passing them over obstructions, and those of smaller size are often carried on the head. They draw very little water, and are propelled with paddles by two persons, one in the stern, the other in the bow. When passing over rapids, palancas, or poles, are used, with crotchets attached, which answer the purpose of a boat-hook in laying hold of the bank or overhanging branches of trees, where the depth of water prevents the pole reaching the bottom. The rafts are made from an exceedingly light and soft timber similar to cork-wood. Three or four logs are bound together 768 with ropes and across them are laid smaller timbers of the same wood, fastened down with hard wooden pegs that are easily driven through. The rafts are chiefly employed for fishing or crossing large rivers. Canoes are, however, quite as frequently used for fishing purposes.[1025]

The native products are gold, pearls, tortoise-shell, ivory-nuts, cacao, caoutchouc, corozo-nuts, cocoa-nuts, dried venison, lard, and deer-skins; these are offered in considerable quantities to foreigners, and in exchange they receive salt and ironware, besides various trinkets and such domestic utensils as they are in need of. The value of the pearls was lessened on account of their practice of throwing oysters into the fire in order to open them, which partially destroyed their lustre. The natives of the coast carry into the interior dried fish and salt, which they barter for gold dust and other products. At Pueblo Nuevo sarsaparilla forms a principal article of trade. The native traders are very shrewd, and as a rule practice fair dealing. On his march through the country, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa found the people in possession of large quantities of gold, jewelry, and pearls. Everywhere along his route he received presents of gold; indeed, in some places he found this metal in greater abundance than food.[1026]

The streams of this region are subject to frequent swellings, caused by heavy rains. After the subsiding 769 of these floods, the natives procure gold from the river-beds; they also burn the grass in the mountains and pick up the metal left exposed on the surface in large quantities. In the district of Veragua and in Darien they have workers in gold, crucibles for melting metals, and implements of silversmiths. They understand the alloying of gold, from which they make vases and many kinds of ornaments in the shape of birds and different varieties of animals. The relics which from time to time have been exhumed in Chiriquí and other parts of the Isthmus, prove that the natives had an excellent knowledge of the art of working and also of sculpturing in gold and stone. Painting and glazing on jars and other descriptions of pottery was an art in which the men of Chiriquí were famous.[1027] The Isthmians possessed only a very slight knowledge of the computation of time. They calculate the hour of the day by the height of the sun in the heavens, and have no division of time into years, months, or weeks. Their enumeration is limited to twenty, and beyond that they count by twenties to one hundred; their knowledge of numbers does not go further.[1028]

In the provinces of Cueba, Comagre, and other parts of Darien the eldest son succeeded to the government upon the death of his father. As soon as the funeral ceremonies were over, the heir received the congratulations of the attendant nobles, the highest and most aged of whom conducted him to a chamber and laid him in a hammock. His subjects then came to offer their submission accompanied with presents, which consisted of large stores of edibles and fruits of every kind. They 770 greeted him with triumphal songs in which they recounted the deeds of his ancestors, as well as those of other lords of the land, telling him who were his friends and who his enemies. Much wine was consumed and the rejoicing lasted several days. Afterwards ambassadors were dispatched to inform all the neighboring caciques of the new accession, desiring their good will and friendship for the future. In the province of Panamá upon the death of the lord, the eldest brother succeeded him, and if there were no brothers the succession went to a nephew by the sister's side. The chiefs held undisputed authority over their people and were implicitly obeyed. They received no tribute but required personal service for house-building, hunting, fishing, or tilling the ground; men so employed were fed and maintained by the chief. In Cueba the reigning lord was called quebi, in other parts he was called tiba. The highest in rank after the tiba had the title of sacos, who commanded certain districts of the country. Piraraylos were nobles who had become famous in war. Subject to the sacos were the cabras who enjoyed certain lands and privileges not accorded to the common people. Any one wounded in battle, when fighting in presence of the tiba, was made a cabra and his wife became an espave or principal woman. A constable could not arrest or kill a cabra; this could be done only by the tiba; once struck by the tiba, however, any person might kill him, for no sooner was he wounded by his chief than his title and rank dropped from him. Constables were appointed whose duty it was to arrest offenders and execute judgment on the guilty. Justice was administered without form by the chief in person who decided all controversies. The cases must be stated truthfully, as the penalty for false testimony was death. There was no appeal from the decision of the chief. Theft was punishable with death and anyone catching a thief in flagrante delicto, might cut off the offender's hands and hang them to his neck. Murder was also punished by death; the penalty for adultery was death to both 771 parties. In Darien, he who defloured a virgin had a brier thrust up his virile member, which generally caused death. The facts had to be proved on oath, the form of taking which was to swear by their tooth. As I have said, a constable could not arrest or kill a noble; consequently if one committed a crime punishable with death, the chief must kill him with his own hand, and notice was given to all the people by beating the large war drum so that they should assemble and witness the execution. The chief then in presence of the multitude recited the offence, and the culprit acknowledged the justice of the sentence. This duty fulfilled, the chief struck the culprit two or three blows on the head with a macana until he fell, and if he was not killed, any one of the spectators gave him the finishing stroke. Criminals who were executed were denied the right of burial. The Caribs had no chiefs, every man obeyed the dictates of his own passions, unrestrained by either government or laws.[1029]

Slavery was in force among the various nations inhabiting the Isthmus, and every principal man retained a number of prisoners as bondsmen; they were called pacos, and, as I have already mentioned, were branded or tattooed with the particular mark of the owner on the face or arm, or had one of their front teeth extracted. When traveling, the slaves had to carry their lord's effects, and a dozen or more were detailed to carry his litter or hammock, which was slung on a pole and borne on the shoulders of two men at a time, who were relieved at intervals by two others, the change being made without 772 stopping. On his march across the Isthmus in 1513, Vasco Nuñez found some negro slaves belonging to the cacique of Quarecas, but the owner could give no information relative to them, except that there were more of that color near the place, with whom they were continually at war.[1030]

Caciques and lords married as many wives as they pleased. The marriage of the first wife was celebrated with a great banquet, at the close of which the bride was handed over to her husband. Subsequent wives were not married with ceremonies or rejoicings, but took the place of concubines, and were subject to the orders of the first wife. The number of wives was limited only by the wealth of the lord. Vasco Nuñez took prisoner the cacique Tumanamá with all his family, among which were eighty wives. The children of the first wife were legitimate, while those of others were bastards and could not inherit. Marriage was not contracted with strangers or people speaking a different language, and the tiba and lords only married with the daughters of noble blood. Divorces were brought about by mutual consent and for slight causes, and sometimes wives were exchanged. If a woman was barren, they promptly agreed upon a separation, which took place when the woman had her menstrual period, in order that there might be no suspicion of pregnancy. When a maiden reached the age of puberty, she was kept shut up, sometimes for a period of two years. In some parts of Darien, when a contract of marriage was made, all the neighbors brought presents of maize or fruits, and laid them at the door of the bride's father; when the offerings were all made, each one of the company was given a calabash of liquor; then followed speeches and dancing, and the bridegroom's father presented his son to the bride, and joined their hands; after which the bride was returned to her father, who kept her shut up in a house with him for seven days. During that time all 773 the friends assisted in clearing a plantation and building a house for the couple, while the women and children planted the ground. The seven days having elapsed, another merrymaking took place, at which much liquor was drunk. The bridegroom took the precaution to put away all weapons which were hung to the ridge-pole of his house, in order to prevent any serious fighting during their drunken orgies, which lasted several days, or until all the liquor was consumed. If a man had several wives, he often kept each one in a separate house, though sometimes they all lived together; a woman who was pregnant always occupied a house to herself.[1031] Women are easily delivered, and the young infant is tied to a board on its back or between two pillows, and is kept so confined until able to walk, the board being removed only to wash the child. Male children are early accustomed to the use of weapons, and when able to carry a few provisions for themselves, they accompany their fathers on hunting expeditions. Girls are brought up to household duties, cooking, weaving, and spinning. Prostitution was not infamous; noble ladies held as a maxim, that it was plebeian to deny anything asked of them, and they gave themselves up to any person that wooed them, willingly, especially to principal men. This tendency to licentiousness carried with it extremes in the use of abortives whereby to avoid the consequence of illicit pleasures, as well that they might not be deprived of them, as to keep their breasts from softening; for, said they, old women should bear children, not young ones, who have to amuse themselves. Sodomy was practiced by the nations of Cueba, 774 Careta, and other places. The caciques and some of the head men kept harems of youths, who, as soon as destined to the unclean office, were dressed as women, did women's work about the house, and were exempt from war and its fatigues. They went by the name of camayoas, and were hated and detested by the women.[1032]

Their public amusements were called areitos, a species of dance very nearly resembling some in the northern provinces of Spain. They took place upon occasions of a marriage or birth, or when they were about to go forth on a hunting expedition, or at the time of harvest. One led the singing, stepping to the measure, and the rest followed, imitating the leader. Others again engaged in feats of arms and sham battles, while singers and improvisatori related the deeds of their ancestors and historical events of the nation. The men indulged freely in fermented liquors and wines, the drinking and dancing lasting many hours and sometimes whole days, until drunk and exhausted they fell to the ground. Actors in appropriate costumes counterfeited the various pursuits of fishing, hunting, and agriculture, while others, in the guise of jesters and fools, assisted in enlivening the scene. Their principal musical instruments were drums and small whistles made of reeds; they had also javelins with holes pierced in them near the end, so that when cast into the air a loud whistling noise was produced.[1033] They have various kinds of wines and liquors both sweet and sour. One is obtained from a 775 species of palm-tree, by tapping the trunk near the top, and inserting a leaf into the cut. The liquor drawn off soon ferments, and in two or three days is fit to drink; or it is boiled with water and mixed with spices. Another kind called chicha is made from maize; a quantity of the grain is soaked in water, then taken out and left to sprout, when it is bruised and placed in a large vessel filled with water, where it is allowed to remain until it begins to turn sour. A number of old women then collect and chew some of the grain, which they spit out into large gourds until they have a sufficient quantity; this, as soon as it ferments, is added to the water in the vessel, and in a short time the whole undergoes fermentation. When the liquor is done working it is drawn off from the sediment, and a strongly intoxicating liquor is thus produced, which is their favorite beverage. They have another method of making chicha, by boiling the sprouted grain in water till the quantity is considerably reduced; it is then removed from the fire and left to settle and cool. In two days it becomes clear and fit to drink, but after five or six days it begins to acidify so that only a moderate quantity is made at a time. Different varieties of wines and liquors are made from dates, bananas, pineapples, and other fruits, and we are told that the first Spanish explorers of the country found large quantities of fermented liquors buried beneath the ground under their house-tree, because if stored in their houses the liquor became turbid from constant agitation. The cellar of the king Comagre is described as being filled with great vessels of earth and wood, containing wine and cider. Peter Martyr, in his account of the visit of Vasco Nuñez and his company to the king, says "they drunke wines of sundry tastes both white and black." Tobacco is much used by the Isthmians; the natives of Costa Rica roll the leaf up in the form of a cigar, and tie it with grass threads; they inhale the smoke, and, retaining it for a short time, pass it out through the mouth and nostrils. The cigar used by the natives of the isthmus of Panamá 776 is much larger. Mr Wafer thus describes their manner of making and smoking it: "Laying two or three Leaves upon one another, they roll up all together side-ways into a long Roll, yet leaving a little hollow. Round this they roll other Leaves one after another, in the same manner but close and hard, till the Roll be as big as ones Wrist, and two or three Feet in length. Their way of Smoaking when they are in Company together is thus: A Boy lights one end of a Roll and burns it to a Coal, wetting the part next it to keep it from wasting too fast. The End so lighted he puts into his Mouth, and blows the Smoak through the whole length of the Roll into the Face of every one of the Company or Council, tho' there be 2 or 300 of them. Then they, sitting in their usual Posture upon Forms, make, with their Hands held hollow together, a kind of Funnel round their Mouths and Noses. Into this they receive the Smoak as 'tis blown upon them, snuffing it up greedily and strongly as long as ever they are able to hold their Breath, and seeming to bless themselves, as it were, with the Refreshment it gives them." After eating heartily, more especially after supper, they burn certain gums and herbs and fumigate themselves to produce sleep.[1034]

The Isthmians are good walkers, their tread firm, but light and soft as a cat, and they are exceedingly active in all their movements. When traveling they are guided by the sun, or ascertain their course by observing the bark of the trees; the bark on the south side being always the thickest. When fatigued by travel they scarify their legs with a sharpened reed or snakes' teeth. They are very expert swimmers and the dwellers 777 on the coast pass much of their time in the water. In salutation they turn their backs to each other. No one will accept a gift from a stranger unless with the especial permission of the chief.[1035]

They believe largely in spirits and divinations, and have sorcerers called piaces who are held in much respect and awe. The piaces profess to have the power of foretelling the future and raising spirits. When putting in practice their arts they retire to a solitary place, or shut themselves up in a house, where, with loud cries and unearthly sounds they pretend to consult the oracle. Boys destined to be piaces are taken at the age of ten or twelve years to be instructed in the office; they are selected for the natural inclination or the peculiar aptitude and intelligence which they display for the service. Those so chosen are confined in a solitary place where they dwell in company with their instructors. For two years they are subjected to severe discipline, they must not eat flesh nor anything having life, but live solely on vegetables, drink only water, and not indulge in sexual intercourse. During the probationary term neither parents nor friends are permitted to see them; at night only are they visited by professional masters, who instruct them in the mysteries of the necromantic arts. In the province of Cueba masters in these arts are called tequinas. It is asserted of the piaces that they could foretell an eclipse of the moon three months before the time. The people were much troubled with witches, who were supposed to hold converse with evil spirits, and inflicted many ills especially upon children.[1036] 778

The Isthmians are a healthful and long-lived race. The ills most common to them are fevers and venereal disease. The latter, as Oviedo affirms, was introduced into Europe from Hayti, or Española, where it was prevalent as well as throughout Tierra Firme. This is a subject that has given rise to much contention among authors, but the balance of testimony seems to indicate that the venereal disease in Europe was not of American origin, although the disease probably existed in America before the coming of Europeans. The remedies employed by the Isthmians for the complaint were guayacan wood, and other medicinal herbs known to them. They are much troubled with a minute species of tick-lice that cover their limbs in great numbers, from which they endeavor to free themselves by applying burning straw. Another insect, more serious in its consequences and penetrating in its attacks, is the chegoe, or pulex penetrans; it burrows under the skin, where it lays its eggs, and if not extracted will in time increase to such an extent as to endanger the loss of the limb. The natives remove it with any sharp-pointed instrument. They are liable to be bitten by venomous snakes, which are numerous in the country and frequently cause death. Whenever one is bitten by such a reptile, the sufferer immediately ties above the wounded part a ligature made from plants well known to the natives, and which they usually carry with them; this enables him to reach a village, where he procures assistance, and by means of herbal applications is often cured. Some of them are subject to a skin disease somewhat similar in its appearance to ringworm; it spreads over the whole body until eventually the skin peels off. Those who are thus afflicted are called carates. These people are generally very hardy and strong, with great powers of endurance. The piaces, as medicine-men, consult their 779 oracles for the benefit of all those who require their services. The sucking cure obtains in these parts as well as northward. When summoned to attend a patient, if the pain or disease is slight, the medicine-man takes some herbs in his mouth, and applying his lips to the part affected, pretends to suck out the disorder; suddenly he rushes outside with cheeks extended, and feigns to spit out something, cursing and imprecating at the same time; he then assures his patient that he has effected a cure by extracting the cause of the pain. When the sickness is of a more serious nature, more elaborate enchantments are enacted, ending in the practitioner sucking it out from the sick person's body, not, however, without undergoing infinite trouble, labor, and contortions, till at last the piace thrusts a small stick down his own throat, which causes him to vomit, and so he casts up that which he pretends to have drawn out from the sufferer. Should his conjurations and tricks not prove effectual, the physician brings to his aid certain herbs and decoctions, with which he is well acquainted; their knowledge of medicine is, however, more extensive in the treatment of external than of internal diseases. The compensation given to the piace is in proportion to the gravity of the case, and the ability of the individual to reward him. In cases of fever, bleeding is resorted to; their mode of practicing phlebotomy is peculiar and attended with much unnecessary suffering. The operator shoots a small arrow from a bow into various parts of the patient's body until a vein be accidentally opened; the arrow is gauged a short distance from the point to prevent its penetrating too far.[1037] Oviedo tells us that in the province of Cueba the 780 practice of sucking was carried on to a fearful extent, and with dire consequences. The persons, men and women, who indulged in the habit were called by the Spaniards chupadores. They belonged to a class of sorcerers, and the historian says they went about at night visiting certain of the inhabitants, whom they sucked for hours, continuing the practice from day to day, until finally the unfortunate recipients of their attentions became so thin and emaciated that they often died from exhaustion.[1038]

Among certain nations of Costa Rica when a death occurs the body is deposited in a small hut constructed of plaited palm-leaves; food, drink, as well as the weapons and implements that served the defunct during life are placed in the same hut. Here the body is preserved for three years, and upon each anniversary of the death it is redressed and attended to amidst certain ceremonies. At the end of the third year it is taken out and interred. Among other tribes in the same district, the corpse after death is covered with leaves and surrounded with a large pile of wood which is set on fire, the friends dancing and singing round the flames until all is consumed, when the ashes are collected and buried in the ground. In Veragua the Dorachos had two kinds of tombs, one for the principal men constructed with flat stones laid together with much care, and in which were placed costly jars and urns filled with food and wines 781 for the dead; those for plebeians were merely trenches, in which were deposited with the occupant some gourds FUNERAL RITES ON THE ISTHMUS. of maize and wine and the place filled with stones. In some parts of Panamá and Darien only the chiefs and lords received funeral rites. Among the common people a person feeling his end approaching either went himself or was led to the woods by his wife, family, and friends, who, supplying him with some cake or ears of corn and a gourd of water, there left him to die alone, or to be assisted by wild beasts. Others with more respect for their dead, buried them in sepulchres made with niches where they placed maize and wine and renewed the same annually. With some, a mother dying while suckling her infant, the living child was placed at her breast and buried with her in order that in her future state she might continue to nourish it with her milk. In some provinces when the cacique became sick, the priests consulted their oracles as to his condition and if they received for answer that the illness was mortal, one half of his jewelry and gold was cast into the river as a sacrifice to the god they reverenced, in the belief that he would guide him to his final rest; the other half was buried in the grave. The relatives of the deceased shaved the head as a sign of mourning and all his weapons and other property were consumed by fire in order that nothing should remain as a remembrance of him. In Panamá, Nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died, those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed themselves and were interred with him. This they did in order that they might wait upon him in the land of spirits. They held the belief that those who did not accompany him then, would, when they died a natural death, lose the privilege of being with him afterwards, and in fact that their souls would die with them. The privilege of attending on the cacique in his future state was believed to be only granted to those who were in his service during his lifetime, hence such service was eagerly sought after by 782 natives of both sexes, who made every exertion to be admitted as servants in his house. At the time of the interment, those who planted corn for him during his lifetime had some maize and an implement of husbandry buried with them in order that they might commence planting immediately on arrival in the other world. In Comagre and other provinces the bodies of the caciques were embalmed by placing them on a cane hurdle, hanging them up by cords, or placing them on a stone, or log; and round or below the body they made a slow fire of herbs at such a distance as to dry it gradually until only skin and bone remained. During the process of embalming, twelve of the principal men sat round the body, dressed in black mantles which covered their heads, letting them hang down to their feet; at intervals one of them beat a drum and when he ceased he chanted in monotonous tones, the others responding. Day and night the twelve kept watch and never left the body. When sufficiently dried it was dressed and adorned with many ornaments of gold, jewels, and feathers, and set up in an apartment of the palace where were kept ranged round the walls the remains of his ancestors, each one in his place and in regular succession. In case a cacique fell in battle and his body could not be recovered, or was otherwise lost, the place he would have occupied in the row was always left vacant. Among other tribes the body after being dried by fire was wrapped in several folds of cloth, put in a hammock, and placed upon a platform in the air or in a room. The manner in which the wives, attendants, and servants put themselves to death was, with some, by poison; in such case, the multitude assembled to chant the praises of their dead lord, when those who were to follow drank poison from gourds, and dropped dead instantly. In some cases they first killed their children. With others the funeral obsequies of a principal chief were conducted differently. They prepared a large grave twelve or fifteen feet square and nine or ten feet deep; round the sides they built a stone bench and 783 covered it with painted cloth; in the middle of the grave they placed jars and gourds filled with maize, fruit, and wines, and a quantity of flowers. On the bench was laid the dead chief dressed, ornamented, and jeweled, while around him sat his wives gaily attired with ear-rings and bracelets. All being prepared the assembled multitude raised their voices in songs declaring the bravery and prowess of the deceased; they recounted his liberality and many virtues and highly extolled the affection of his faithful wives who desired to accompany him. The singing and dancing usually lasted two days and during its continuance wine was freely served to the performers and also to the women who were awaiting their fate. At the expiration of such time they became entirely inebriated and in a senseless condition, when the final act was consummated by throwing dead and doomed into the grave, and filling it with logs, branches, and earth. The spot was afterwards held in sacred remembrance and a grove of trees planted round it. At the end of a year funeral honors were celebrated in memory of the dead. A host of friends and relatives of equal rank with the deceased were invited to participate, who upon the day appointed brought quantities of food and wine such as he whose memory they honored delighted in, also weapons with which he used to fight, all of which were placed in a canoe prepared for the purpose; in it was also deposited an effigy of the deceased. The canoe was then carried on men's shoulders round the court of the palace or house, in presence of the deceased, if he was embalmed, and afterwards brought out to the centre of the town where it was burned with all it contained,—the people believing that the fumes and smoke ascended to the soul of the dead and was pleasing and acceptable to him.[1039] If the body 784 had been interred they opened the sepulchre; all the people with hair disheveled uttering loud lamenting cries while the bones were being collected, and these they burned all except the hinder part of the skull, which was taken home by one of the principal women and preserved by her as a sacred relic.

The character of the Costa Ricans has ever been that of a fierce and savage people, prominent in which qualities are the Guatusos and Buricas, who have shown themselves strongly averse to intercourse with civilization. The Talamancas are a little less untameable, which is the best, or perhaps the worst, that can be said. The Terrabas, also a cruel and warlike nation, are nevertheless spoken of by Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita as endowed with natural docility. The natives of Boca del Toro are barbarous and averse to change. In Chiriquí they are brave and intelligent, their exceeding courage having obtained for them the name of Valientes or Indios Bravos from the early discoverers; they are also noted for honesty and fair dealing. The same warlike and independent spirit and fearlessness of death prevails among the nations of Veragua, Panamá, and Darien. The inhabitants of Panamá and Cueba are given to lechery, theft, and lying; with some these qualities are fashionable; others hold them to be crimes. The Mandingos and natives of San Blas are an independent and industrious people, possessing considerable intelligence, and are of a docile and hospitable disposition. 785 The inhabitants of Darien are kind, open-hearted, and peaceable, yet have always been resolute in opposing all interference from foreigners; they are fond of amusements and inclined to indolence; the latter trait is not, however, applicable to all, a noticeable exception being the Cunas and Chocos of the Atrato Valley, who are of a gentle nature, kind, hospitable, and open-hearted when once their confidence is gained; they are likewise industrious and patient, and M. Lucien de Puydt says of the former: "Theft is altogether unknown amongst the Cunas." Colonel Alcedo, speaking of their neighbors, the Idibaes, calls them treacherous, inconstant, and false. In the interior and mountain districts the inhabitants are more fierce than those from the coast; the former are shy and retiring, yet given to hospitality. On the gulf of Urabá the people are warlike, vainglorious, and revengeful.[1040]

Thus from the icy regions of the north to the hot and humid shores of Darien I have followed these Wild Tribes of the Pacific States, with no other object in view than faithfully to picture them according to the information I have been able to glean. And thus I leave them, yet not without regret: for notwithstanding all that has been said I cannot but feel how little we know of them. Of their mighty unrecorded past, their interminable intermixtures, their ages of wars and convulsions, their inner life, their aspirations, hopes, and 786 fears, how little do we know of all this! And now as the eye rests upon the fair domain from which they have been so ignobly hurried, questions like these arise: How long have these backings and battlings been going on? What purpose did these peoples serve? Whence did they come and whither have they gone?—questions unanswerable until Omniscience be fathomed and the beginning and end made one.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Of late, custom gives to the main land of Russian America, the name Alaska; to the peninsula, Aliaska; and to a large island of the Aleutian Archipelago, Unalashka. The word of which the present name Alaska is a corruption, is first encountered in the narrative of Betsevin, who, in 1761, wintered on the peninsula, supposing it to be an island. The author of Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln, writes, page 53, 'womit man nach der abgelegensten Insul Aläksu oder Alachschak über gieng.' Again, at page 57, in giving a description of the animals on the supposed island he calls it 'auf der Insul Aläsku.' 'This,' says Coxe, Russian Discoveries, p. 72, 'is probably the same island which is laid down in Krenitzin's chart under the name of Alaxa.' Unalaschka is given by the author of Neue Nachrichten, p. 74, in his narrative of the voyage of Drusinin, who hunted on that island in 1763. At page 115 he again mentions the 'grosse Insul Aläksu.' On page 125, in Glottoff's log-book, 1764, is the entry: 'Den 28sten May der Wind Ostsüdost; man kam an die Insul Alaska oder Aläksu.' Still following the author of Neue Nachrichten, we have on page 166, in an account of the voyages of Otseredin and Popoff, who hunted upon the Aleutian Islands in 1769, mention of a report by the natives 'that beyond Unimak is said to be a large land Aläschka, the extent of which the islanders do not know.' On Cook's Atlas, voyage 1778, the peninsula is called Alaska, and the island Oonalaska, La Pérouse, in his atlas, map No. 15, 1786, calls the peninsula Alaska, and the island Ounalaska. The Spaniards, in the Atlas para el Viage de las goletas Sutil y Mexicana, 1792, write Alasca for the peninsula, and for the island Unalaska. Sauer, in his account of Billings' expedition, 1790, calls the main land Alaska, the peninsula Alyaska, and the island Oonalashka. Wrangell, in Baer's Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 123, writes for the peninsula Alaska and for the island Unalaschka. Holmberg, Ethnographische Skizzen, p. 78, calls the island Unalaschka and the peninsula Aljaska. Dall, Alaska, p. 529, says that the peninsula or main land was called by the natives Alayeksa, and the island Nagun-alayeksa, 'or the land near Alayeksa.' Thus we have, from which to choose, the orthography of the earliest voyagers to this coast—Russian, English, French, Spanish, German, and American. The simple word Alaksu, after undergoing many contortions, some authors writing it differently on different pages of the same book, has at length become Alaska, as applied to the main land; Aliaska for the peninsula, and Unalashka as the name of the island. As these names are all corruptions from some one original word, whatever that may be, I see no reason for giving the error three different forms. I therefore write Alaska for the mainland and peninsula and Unalaska for the island.

[2] The name is said, by Charlevoix 'to be derived from the language of the Abenaqui, a tribe of Algonquins in Canada, who border upon them and call them "Esquimantsic."' 'L'origine de leur nom n'est pas certain. Toutefois il y a bien de l'apparence qu'il vient du mot Abenaqui, esquimantsic qui veut dire "mangeur de viande cruë."' See Prichard's Physical History of Mankind, vol. v., pp. 367, 373. 'French writers call them Eskimaux.' 'English authors, in adopting this term, have most generally written it "Esquimaux," but Dr. Latham, and other recent ethnologists, write it "Eskimos," after the Danish orthography.' Richardson's Polar Regions, p. 298. 'Probably of Canadian origin, and the word, which in French orthography is written Esquimaux, was probably originally Ceux qui miaux (miaulent).' Richardson's Journal, vol. i., p. 340. 'Said to be a corruption of Eskimantik, i. e. raw-fish-eaters, a nickname given them by their former neighbors, the Mohicans.' Seemann's Voyage of the Herald, vol. ii., p. 49. Eskimo is derived from a word indicating sorcerer or Shamán. 'The northern Tinneh use the word Uskeemi.' Dall's Alaska, pp. 144, 531. 'Their own national designation is "Keralit."' Morton's Crania Americana, p. 52. They 'call themselves "Innuit," which signifies "man."' Armstrong's Narrative, p. 191.

[3] It is not without reluctance that I change a word from the commonly accepted orthography. Names of places, though originating in error, when once established, it is better to leave unchanged. Indian names, coming to us through Russian, German, French, or Spanish writers, should be presented in English by such letters as will best produce the original Indian pronunciation. European personal names, however, no matter how long, nor how commonly they may have been erroneously used, should be immediately corrected. Every man who can spell is supposed to be able to give the correct orthography of his own name, and his spelling should in every instance be followed, when it can be ascertained. Veit Bering, anglicè Vitus Behring, was of a Danish family, several members of which were well known in literature before his own time. In Danish writings, as well as among the biographies of Russian admirals, where may be found a fac-simile of his autograph, the name is spelled Bering. It is so given by Humboldt, and by the Dictionnaire de la Conversation. The author of the Neue Nachrichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln, one of the oldest printed works on Russian discoveries in America; as well as Müller, who was the companion of Bering for many years; and Buschmann,—all write Bering. Baer remarks: 'Ich schreibe ferner Bering, obgleich es jetzt fast allgemein geworden ist, Behring zu schreiben, und auch die Engländer und Franzosen sich der letztern Schreibart bequemt haben. Bering war ein Däne und seine Familie war lange vor ihm in der Literatur-Geschichte bekannt. Sie hat ihren Namen auf die von mir angenommene Weise drucken lassen. Derselben Schreibart bediente sich auch der Historiograph Müller, der längere Zeit unter seinen Befehlen gedient hatte, und Pallas.' Statistische und ethnographische Nachrichten, p. 328. There is no doubt that the famous navigator wrote his name Bering, and that the letter 'h' was subsequently inserted to give the Danish sound to the letter 'e.' To accomplish the same purpose, perhaps, Coxe, Langsdorff, Beechey, and others write Beering.

[4] 'Die Kadjacker im Gegentheil nähern sich mehr den Amerikanischen Stämmen und gleichen in ihrem Aeussern gar nicht den Eskimos oder den Asiatischen Völkern, wahrscheinlich haben sie durch die Vermischung mit den Stämmen Amerika's ihre ursprüngliche Asiatische äussere Gestalt und Gesichtsbildung verloren und nur die Sprache beibehalten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn. Nachr., p. 124. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' Laplace, Circumnavigation de l'Artémise, vol. vi., p. 45.

[5] 'The tribes crowded together on the shores of Beering's Sea within a comparatively small extent of coast-line, exhibit a greater variety, both in personal appearance and dialect, than that which exists between the Western Eskimos and their distant countrymen in Labrador; and ethnologists have found some difficulty in classifying them properly.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 363.

[6] For authorities, see Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[7] Collinson, in London Geographical Society Journal, vol. xxv., p. 201.

[8] 'Im nordwestlichsten Theile von Amerika fand Franklin den Boden, Mitte August, schon in einer Tiefe von 16 Zoll gefroren. Richardson sah an einem östlicheren Punkte der Küste, in 71° 12´ Breite, die Eisschicht im Julius aufgethaut bis 3 Fuss unter der krautbedeckten Oberfläche.' Humboldt, Kosmos, tom. iv., p. 47.

[9] Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 130. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 13. Armstrong's Nar., p. 289.

[10] 'Characteristic of the Arctic regions.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 143.

[11] At Kotzebue Sound, in July, Choris writes: 'Le sol était émaillé de fleurs de couleurs variées, dans tous les endroits où la neige venait de fondre.' Voyage Pittoresque, pt. ii., p. 8.

[12] 'In der Einöde der Inseln von Neu-Sibirien finden grosse Heerden von Rennthieren und zahllose Lemminge noch hinlängliche Nahrung.' Humboldt, Kosmos, vol. iv., p. 42.

[13] 'Thermometer rises as high as 61° Fahr. With a sun shining throughout the twenty-four hours the growth of plants is rapid in the extreme.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 15.

[14] 'During the period of incubation of the aquatic birds, every hole and projecting crag on the sides of this rock is occupied by them. Its shores resound with the chorus of thousands of the feathery tribe.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 349.

[15] 'Their complexion, if divested of its usual covering of dirt, can hardly be called dark.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'In comparison with other Americans, of a white complexion.' McCulloh's Aboriginal History of America, p. 20. 'White Complexion, not Copper coloured.' Dobbs' Hudson's Bay, p. 50. 'Almost as white as Europeans.' Kalm's Travels, vol. ii., p. 263. 'Not darker than that of a Portuguese.' Lyon's Journal, p. 224. 'Scarcely a shade darker than a deep brunette.' Parry's 3rd Voyage, p. 493. 'Their complexion is light.' Dall's Alaska, p. 381. 'Eye-witnesses agree in their superior lightness of complexion over the Chinooks.' Pickering's Races of Man, U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28. At Coppermine River they are 'of a dirty copper color; some of the women, however, are more fair and ruddy.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. 'Considerably fairer than the Indian tribes.' Simpson's Nar., p. 110. At Cape Bathurst 'The complexion is swarthy, chiefly, I think, from exposure and the accumulation of dirt.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 192. 'Shew little of the copper-colour of the Red Indians.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'From exposure to weather they become dark after manhood.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343.

[16] 'Both sexes are well proportioned, stout, muscular, and active.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. 'A stout, well-looking people.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 110, 114. 'Below the mean of the Caucasian race.' Dr. Hayes, in Historic. Magazine, vol. i., p. 6. 'They are thick set, have a decided tendency to obesity, and are seldom more than five feet in height.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 211. At Kotzebue Sound, 'tallest man was five feet nine inches; tallest woman, five feet four inches.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. 'Average height was five feet four and a half inches.' At the mouth of the Mackenzie they are of 'middle stature, strong and muscular.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 149, 192. 'Low, broad-set, not well made, nor strong.' Hearne's Trav., p. 166. 'The men were in general stout.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Of a middle size, robust make, and healthy appearance.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'Men vary in height from about five feet to five feet ten inches.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Women were generally short.' 'Their figure inclines to squat.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224.

[17] 'Tous les individus qui appartiennent à la famille des Eskimaux, se distinguent par la petitesse de leurs pieds et de leurs mains, et la grosseur énorme de leurs têtes.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 262. 'The hands and feet are delicately small and well formed.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Small and beautifully made.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 50. At Point Barrow, 'their hands, notwithstanding the great amount of manual labour to which they are subject, were beautifully small and well-formed, a description equally applicable to their feet.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 101.

[18] 'The head is of good size, rather flat superiorly, but very fully developed posteriorly, evidencing a preponderance of the animal passions; the forehead was, for the most part, low and receding; in a few it was somewhat vertical, but narrow.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. Their cranial characteristics 'are the strongly developed coronary ridge, the obliquity of the zygoma, and its greater capacity compared with the Indian cranium. The former is essentially pyramidal, while the latter more nearly approaches a cubic shape.' Dall's Alaska, p. 376. 'Greatest breadth of the face is just below the eyes, the forehead tapers upwards, ending narrowly, but not acutely, and in like manner the chin is a blunt cone.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 302. Dr Gall, whose observations on the same skulls presented him for phrenological observation are published by M. Louis Choris, thus comments upon the head of a female Eskimo from Kotzebue Sound: 'L'organe de l'instinct de la propagation se trouve extrêmement développé pour une tête de femme.' He finds the musical and intellectual organs poorly developed; while vanity and love of children are well displayed. 'En général,' sagely concluded the doctor, 'cette tête femme présentait une organization aussi heureuse que celle de la plupart des femmes d'Europe.' Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 16.

[19] 'Large fat round faces, high cheek bones, small hazel eyes, eyebrows slanting like the Chinese, and wide mouths.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Broad, flat faces, high cheekbones.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Their 'teeth are regular, but, from the nature of their food, and from their practice of preparing hides by chewing, are worn down almost to the gums at an early age.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. At Hudson Strait, broad, flat, pleasing face; small and generally sore eyes; given to bleeding at the nose. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. 'Small eyes and very high cheek bones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 209. 'La face platte, la bouche ronde, le nez petit sans être écrasé, le blanc de l'oeil jaunâtre, l'iris noir et peu brillant.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 262. They have 'small, wild-looking eyes, large and very foul teeth, the hair generally black, but sometimes fair, and always in extreme disorder.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 467. 'As contrasted with the other native American races, their eyes are remarkable, being narrow and more or less oblique.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. Expression of face intelligent and good-natured. Both sexes have mostly round, flat faces, with Mongolian cast. Hooper's Tuski, p. 223.

[20] 'Allowed to hang down in a club to the shoulder.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Hair cut 'close round the crown of the head, and thereby, leaving a bushy ring round the lower part of it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'Their hair is straight, black, and coarse.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. A fierce expression characterized them on the Mackenzie River, which 'was increased by the long disheveled hair flowing about their shoulders.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. At Kotzebue Sound 'their hair was done up in large plaits on each side of the head.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Camden Bay, lofty top-knots; at Point Barrow, none. At Coppermine River the hair is worn short, unshaven on the crown, and bound with strips of deer-skin. Simpson's Nar., pp. 121, 157. Some of the men have bare crowns, but the majority wear the hair flowing naturally. The women cut the hair short in front, level with the eyebrows. At Humphrey Point it is twisted with some false hair into two immense bows on the back of the head. Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. 'Their hair hangs down long, but is cut quite short on the crown of the head.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 210. Hair cut like 'that of a Capuchin friar.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51.

[21] Crantz says the Greenlanders root it out. 'The old men had a few gray hairs on their chins, but the young ones, though grown up, were beardless.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 332. 'The possession of a beard is very rare, but a slight moustache is not infrequent.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 51. 'As the men grow old, they have more hair on the face than Red Indians.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 343. 'Generally an absence of beard and whiskers.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 193. 'Beard is universally wanting.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 252. 'The young men have little beard, but some of the old ones have a tolerable shew of long gray hairs on the upper lip and chin.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 303. 'All have beards.' Bell's Geography, vol. v., p. 294. Kirby affirms that in Alaska 'many of them have a profusion of whiskers and beard.' Smithsonian Report, 1864, p. 416.

[22] 'The lip is perforated for the labret as the boy approaches manhood, and is considered an important era in his life.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 194. 'Some wore but one, others one on each side of the mouth.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'Lip ornaments, with the males, appear to correspond with the tattooing of the chins of the females.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 384.

[23] 'The women tattoo their faces in blue lines produced by making stitches with a fine needle and thread, smeared with lampblack.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 305. Between Kotzebue Sound and Icy Cape, 'all the women were tattooed upon the chin with three small lines.' They blacken 'the edges of the eyelids with plumbago, rubbed up with a little saliva upon a piece of slate.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 360. At Point Barrow, the women have on the chin 'a vertical line about half an inch broad in the centre, extending from the lip, with a parallel but narrower one on either side of it, a little apart. Some had two vertical lines protruding from either angle of the mouth; which is a mark of their high position in the tribe.' Armstrong's Nar., pp. 101, 149. On Bering Isle, men as well as women tattoo. 'Plusieurs hommes avaient le visage tatoué.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5.

[24] 'Give a particularly disgusting look when the bones are taken out, as the saliva continually runs over the chin.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 227. At Camden, labrets were made of large blue beads, glued to pieces of ivory. None worn at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 119, 347. 'Many of them also transfix the septum of the nose with a dentalium shell or ivory needle.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[25] 'These natives almost universally use a very unpleasant liquid for cleansing purposes. They tan and soften the seal-skin used for boot-soles with it.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161. 'Females occasionally wash their hair and faces with their own urine, the odour of which is agreeable to both sexes, and they are well accustomed to it, as this liquor is kept in tubs in the porches of their huts for use in dressing the deer and seal skins.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 304. 'Show much skill in the preparation of whale, seal, and deer-skins.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 357. They have a great antipathy to water. 'Occasionally they wash their bodies with a certain animal fluid, but even this process is seldom gone through.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 62.

[26] 'During the summer, when on whaling or sealing excursions, a coat of the gut of the whale, and boots of seal or walrus hide, are used as water-proof coverings.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53. At Point Barrow they wear 'Kamleikas or water-proof shirts, made of the entrails of seals.' Simpson's Nar., p. 156. Women wear close-fitting breeches of seal-skin. Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'They are on the whole as good as the best oil-skins in England.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340.

[27] The dress of the two sexes is much alike, the outer shirt or jacket having a pointed skirt before and behind, those of the female being merely a little longer. 'Pretty much the same for both sexes.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 214.

[28] 'They have besides this a jacket made of eider drakes' skins sewed together, which, put on underneath their other dress, is a tolerable protection against a distant arrow, and is worn in times of hostility.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 340. Messrs Dease and Simpson found those of Point Barrow 'well clothed in seal and reindeer skins.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221. 'The finest dresses are made of the skins of unborn deer.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 306. 'The half-developed skin of a fawn that has never lived, obtained by driving the doe till her offspring is prematurely born.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 160. Eskimo women pay much regard to their toilet. Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 355.

[29] Their dress consists of two suits. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 52. 'Reindeer skin—the fur next the body.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Two women, dressed like men, looked frightfully with their tattooed faces.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 191. Seal-skin jackets, bear-skin trowsers, and white-fox skin caps, is the male costume at Hudson Strait. The female dress is the same, with the addition of a hood for carrying children. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. At Camden Bay, reindeer-skin jackets and water-proof boots. Simpson's Nar., p. 119. At Coppermine River, 'women's boots which are not stiffened out with whalebone, and the tails of their jackets are not over one foot long.' Hearne's Travels, p. 166. Deer-skin, hair outside, ornamented with white fur. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 416. The indoor dress of the eastern Eskimo is of reindeer-skin, with the fur inside. 'When they go out, another entire suit with the fur outside is put over all, and a pair of watertight sealskin moccasins, with similar mittens for their hands.' Silliman's Journal, vol. xvi., p. 146. The frock at Coppermine River has a tail something like a dress-coat. Simpson's Nar., p. 350.

[30] 'Some of them are even half-naked, as a summer heat, even of 10° is insupportable to them.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 205.

[31] 'Down to the frozen subsoil.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. 'Some are wholly above ground, others have their roof scarcely raised above it.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 301.

[32] 'Formed of stakes placed upright in the ground about six feet high, either circular or oval in form, from which others inclined so as to form a sloping roof.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 149. 'Half underground, with the entrance more or less so.' Dall's Alaska, p. 13. 'They are more than half underground,' and are 'about twenty feet square and eight feet deep.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 57.

[33] 'The whole building is covered with earth to the thickness of a foot or more, and in a few years it becomes overgrown with grass, looking from a short distance like a small tumulus.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310.

[34] A smaller drift-wood house is sometimes built with a side-door. 'Light and air are admitted by a low door at one end.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 245.

[35] 'The fire in the centre is never lit merely for the sake of warmth, as the lamps are sufficient for that purpose.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 58. 'They have no fire-places; but a stone placed in the centre serves for a support to the lamp, by which the little cooking that is required is performed.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 348.

[36] 'On trouva plusieurs huttes construites en bois, moitié dans la terre, moitié en dehors.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. At Beaufort Bay are wooden huts. Simpson's Nar., p. 177. At Toker Point, 'built of drift-wood and sods of turf or mud.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 343. At Cape Krusenstern the houses 'appeared like little round hills, with fences of whale-bone.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 237. 'They construct yourts or winter residences upon those parts of the shore which are adapted to their convenience, such as the mouths of rivers, the entrances of inlets, or jutting points of land, but always upon low ground.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 300.

[37] 'I was surprised at the vast quantity of driftwood accumulated on its shore, several acres being thickly covered with it, and many pieces at least sixty feet in length.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 104.

[38] 'Eastern Esquimaux never seem to think of fire as a means of imparting warmth.' Simpson's Nar., p. 346.

[39] Their houses are 'moveable tents, constructed of poles and skins.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 469. 'Neither wind nor watertight.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 361. At Cape Smythe, Hooper saw seven Eskimo tents of seal skin. Tuski, p. 216. 'We entered a small tent of morse-skins, made in the form of a canoe.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 226. At Coppermine River their tents in summer are of deer-skin with the hair on, and circular. Hearne's Travels, p. 167. At St Lawrence Island, Kotzebue saw no settled dwellings, 'only several small tents built of the ribs of whales, and covered with the skin of the morse.' Voyage, vol. i., pp. 190-191.

[40] 'In parallelograms, and so adjusted as to form a rotunda, with an arched roof.' Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 146. Parry's Voy., vol. v., p. 200. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 44.

[41] 'These houses are durable, the wind has little effect on them, and they resist the thaw until the sun acquires very considerable power.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 350.

[42] The snow houses are called by the natives igloo, and the underground huts yourts, or yurts, and their tents topeks. Winter residence, 'iglut.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 310. Beechey, describing the same kind of buildings, calls them 'yourts.' Voy., vol. i., p. 366. Tent of skins, tie-poo-eet; topak; toopek. Tent, too-pote. Ibid., vol. ii., p. 381. 'Yourts.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59. Tent, topek. Dall says Richardson is wrong, and that igloo or iglu is the name of ice houses. Alaska, p. 532. House, iglo. Tent, tuppek. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 378. Snow house, eegloo. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 47.

[43] They are so fond of the warm blood of dying animals that they invented an instrument to secure it. See Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 344. 'Whale-blubber, their great delicacy, is sickening and dangerous to a European stomach.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192.

[44] Hearne says that the natives on the Arctic coast of British America are so disgustingly filthy that when they have bleeding at the nose they lick up their own blood. Travels, p. 161. 'Salt always appeared an abomination.' 'They seldom cook their food, the frost apparently acting as a substitute for fire.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201. At Kotzebue Sound they 'seem to subsist entirely on the flesh of marine animals, which they, for the most part, eat raw.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 239.

[45] 'During the two summer months they hunt and live on swans, geese, and ducks.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 346.

[46] 'Secures winter feasts and abundance of oil for the lamps of a whole village, and there is great rejoicing.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 313. 'The capture of the seal and walrus is effected in the same manner. Salmon and other fish are caught in nets.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 61. 'Six small perforated ivory balls attached separately to cords of sinew three feet long.' Dease & Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., 222.

[47] Near Smith River, a low piece of ground, two miles broad at the beach, was found enclosed by double rows of turf set up to represent men, narrowing towards a lake, into which reindeer were driven and killed. Simpson's Nar., p. 135.

[48] 'Ce qu'il y a encore de frappant dans la complexion de ces barbares, c'est l'extrême chaleur de leur estomac et de leur sang; ils échauffent tellement, par leur haleine ardente, les huttes où ils assemblent en hiver, que les Européans, s'y sentent étouffés, comme dans une étuve dont la chaleur est trop graduée: aussi ne font-ils jamais de feu dans leur habitation en aucune saison, et ils ignorent l'usage des cheminées, sous le climat le plus froid du globe.' De Pauw, Recherches Phil., tom. i., p. 261.

[49] 'The voluptuousness and Polygamy of the North American Indians, under a temperature of almost perpetual winter, is far greater than that of the most sensual tropical nations.' Martin's British Colonies, vol. iii., p. 524.

[50] 'The seal is perhaps their most useful animal, not merely furnishing oil and blubber, but the skin used for their canoes, thongs, nets, lassoes, and boot soles.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 161.

[51] They have 'two sorts of bows; arrows pointed with iron, flint, and bone, or blunt for birds; a dart with throwing-board for seals; a spear headed with iron or copper, the handle about six feet long; and formidable iron knives, equally adapted for throwing, cutting, or stabbing.' Simpson's Nar., p. 123. They ascended the Mackenzie in former times as far as the Ramparts, to obtain flinty slate for lance and arrow points. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 213. At St. Lawrence Island, they are armed with a knife two feet long. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 193, 211. One weapon was 'a walrus tooth fixed to the end of a wooden staff.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 343.

[52] At the Coppermine River, arrows are pointed with slate or copper; hatchets also are made of a thick lump of copper. Hearne's Travels, pp. 161-9.

[53] 'The old ivory knives and flint axes are now superseded, the Russians having introduced the common European sheath-knife and hatchet. The board for throwing darts is in use, and is similar to that of the Polynesians.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 53.

[54] The 'baydare is a large open boat, quite flat, made of sea-lions' skins,' and is used also for a tent. At Lantscheff Island it was 'a large and probably leathern boat, with black sails.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 202, 216. 'The kaiyaks are impelled by a double-bladed paddle, used with or without a central rest, and the umiaks with oars.' Can 'propel their kaiyaks at the rate of seven miles an hour.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 238, 358. At Hudson Strait they have canoes of seal-skin, like those of Greenland. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 29. Not a drop of water can penetrate the opening into the canoe. Müller's Voy., p. 46. The kyak is like an English wager-boat. They are 'much stronger than their lightness would lead one to suppose.' Hooper's Tuski, pp. 226, 228. Oomiaks or family canoes of skin; float in six inches of water. Simpson's Nar., p. 148. 'With these boats they make long voyages, frequently visiting St. Lawrence Island.' Dall's Alaska, p. 380. 'Frame work of wood—when this cannot be procured whalebone is substituted.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 98. Mackenzie saw boats put together with whalebone; 'sewed in some parts, and tied in others.' Voyages, p. 67. They also use a sail. 'On découvrit au loin, dans la baie, un bateau qui allait à la voile; elle était en cuir.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 6. They 'are the best means yet discovered by mankind to go from place to place.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. 'It is wonderful what long voyages they make in these slight boats.' Campbell's Voy., p. 114. 'The skin, when soaked with water, is translucent; and a stranger placing his foot upon the flat yielding surface at the bottom of the boat fancies it a frail security.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 346.

[55] The 'kajak is shaped like a weaver's shuttle.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 308. 'The paddle is in the hands of an Eskimo, what the balancing pole is to a tight-rope dancer.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56.

[56] 'The Koltshanen construct birch-bark canoes; but on the coast skin boats or baidars, like the Eskimo kaiyaks and umiaks, are employed.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 405. If by accident a hole should be made, it is stopped with a piece of the flesh of the sea-dog, or fat of the whale, which they always carry with them. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 43. They strike 'the water with a quick, regular motion, first on one side, and then on the other.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 516. 'Wiegen nie über 30 Pfund, und haben ein dünnes mit Leder überzognes Gerippe.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 152. 'The Aleutians put to sea with them in all weathers.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 40. At the Shumagin Islands they 'are generally about twelve feet in length, sharp at each end, and about twenty inches broad.' Meares' Voy., p. x. They are as transparent as oiled paper. At Unalaska they are so light that they can be carried in one hand. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157, 159.

[57] 'They average twelve feet in length, two feet six inches in height, two feet broad, and have the fore part turned up in a gentle curve.' 'The floor resembles a grating without cross-bars, and is almost a foot from the level of the snow.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 56. At Saritscheff Island 'I particularly remarked two very neat sledges made of morse and whalebones.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 201. 'To make the runners glide smoothly, a coating of ice is given to them.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 309. At Norton Sound Captain Cook found sledges ten feet long and twenty inches in width. A rail-work on each side, and shod with bone; 'neatly put together; some with wooden pins, but mostly with thongs or lashings of whale-bone.' Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 442, 443. Mackenzie describes the sledges of British America, Voyages, pp. 67, 68.

[58] 'About the size of those of Newfoundland, with shorter legs.' Dall's Alaska, p. 25. 'Neither plentiful nor of a good class.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 171.

[59] The dog will hunt bear and reindeer, but is afraid of its near relative, the wolf. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 474.

[60] 'An average length is four and a half feet.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 183. 'The Innuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat,' 'seldom over thirty inches long.' 'They are always rights and lefts.' Ingalik larger; Kutchin same style; Hudson Bay, thirty inches in length. Dall's Alaska, pp. 190, 191. 'They are from two to three feet long, a foot broad, and slightly turned up in front.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 60.

[61] 'Blue beads, cutlery, tobacco, and buttons, were the articles in request.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 352. At Hudson Strait they have a custom of licking with the tongue each article purchased, as a finish to the bargain. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 27. 'Articles of Russian manufacture find their way from tribe to tribe along the American coast, eastward to Repulse Bay.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 317.

[62] Are very anxious to barter arrows, seal-skin boots, and ivory ornaments for tobacco, beads, and particularly for iron. Hooper's Tuski, p. 217. Some of their implements at Coppermine River are: stone kettles, wooden dishes, scoops and spoons made of buffalo or musk-ox horns. Hearne's Travels, p. 168. At Point Barrow were ivory implements with carved figures of sea-animals, ivory dishes, and a 'fine whalebone net.' Also 'knives and other implements, formed of native copper' at Coppermine River. Simpson's Nar., pp. 147, 156, 261. At Point Barrow they 'have unquestionably an indirect trade with the Russians.' Simpson's Nar., 161.

[63] 'They are very expert traders, haggle obstinately, always consult together, and are infinitely happy when they fancy they have cheated anybody.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 211. 'A thieving, cunning race.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 110. They respect each other's property, 'but they steal without scruple from strangers.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 352.

[64] 'They have a chief (Nalegak) in name, but do not recognize his authority.' Dr Hayes, in Hist. Mag., vol. i., p. 6. Government, 'a combination of the monarchical and republican;' 'every one is on a perfect level with the rest.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 59, 60. 'Chiefs are respected principally as senior men.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. At Kotzebue Sound, a robust young man was taken to be chief, as all his commands were punctually obeyed. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 235. Quarrels 'are settled by boxing, the parties sitting down and striking blows alternately, until one of them gives in.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 326. Every man governs his own family. Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 475. They 'have a strong respect for their territorial rights, and maintain them with firmness.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 351.

[65] They are 'horribly filthy in person and habits.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 224. 'A husband will readily traffic with the virtue of a wife for purposes of gain.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 195. 'More than once a wife was proffered by her husband.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 356. As against the above testimony, Seemann affirms: 'After the marriage ceremony has been performed infidelity is rare.' Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'These people are in the habit of collecting certain fluids for the purposes of tanning; and that, judging from what took place in the tent, in the most open manner, in the presence of all the family.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 407.

[66] 'Two men sometimes marry the same woman.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 66. 'As soon as a girl is born, the young lad who wishes to have her for a wife goes to her father's tent, and proffers himself. If accepted, a promise is given which is considered binding, and the girl is delivered to her betrothed husband at the proper age.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Women 'carry their infants between their reindeer-skin jackets and their naked backs.' Simpson's Nar., p. 121. 'All the drudgery falls upon the women; even the boys would transfer their loads to their sisters.' Collinson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxv., p. 201.

[67] The 'Kashim is generally built by the joint labour of the community.' Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 311.

[68] 'Their dance is of the rudest kind, and consists merely in violent motion of the arms and legs.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 63. They make 'the most comical motions with the whole body, without stirring from their place.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 192. Their song consisted of the words: 'Hi, Yangah yangah; ha ha, yangah—with variety only in the inflection of voice.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 225. When heated by the dance, even the women were stripped to their breeches. Simpson's Nar., p. 158. 'An old man, all but naked, jumped into the ring, and was beginning some indecent gesticulations, when his appearance not meeting with our approbation he withdrew.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 396.

[69] 'C'était la plus grande marque d'amitié qu'ils pouvaient nous donner.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. ii., p. 5. 'They came up to me one after the other—each of them embraced me, rubbed his nose hard against mine, and ended his caresses by spitting in his hands and wiping them several times over my face.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 192, 195.

[70] 'Their personal bravery is conspicuous, and they are the only nation on the North American Continent who oppose their enemies face to face in open fight.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 244. 'Simple, kind people; very poor, very filthy, and to us looking exceedingly wretched.' McClure's Dis. N. W. Passage, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 242. 'More bold and crafty than the Indians; but they use their women much better.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 294.

[71] 'Their diseases are few.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'Diseases are quite as prevalent among them as among civilized people.' Dall's Alaska, p. 195. 'Ophthalmia was very general with them.' Beechey's Voy., vol. i., p. 345. 'There is seldom any mortality except amongst the old people and very young children.' Armstrong's Nar., p. 197.

[72] At Point Barrow, bodies were found in great numbers scattered over the ground in their ordinary seal-skin dress; a few covered with pieces of wood, the heads all turned north-east towards the extremity of the point. Simpson's Nar., p. 155. 'They lay their dead on the ground, with their heads all turned to the north.' 'The bodies lay exposed in the most horrible and disgusting manner.' Dease and Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 221, 222. 'Their position with regard to the points of the compass is not taken into consideration.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 67. 'There are many more graves than present inhabitants of the village, and the story is that the whole coast was once much more densely populated.' Dall's Alaska, p. 19. Hooper, on coming to a burial place not far from Point Barrow, 'conjectured that the corpses had been buried in an upright position, with their heads at or above the surface.' Tuski, p. 221.

[73] Kadiak 'is a derivative, according to some authors, from the Russian Kadia, a large tub; more probably, however, it is a corruption of Kaniag, the ancient Innuit name.' Dall's Alaska, p. 532. Holmberg thinks that the word Kadiak arose from Kikchtak, which in the language of the Koniagas means a large island. 'Der Name Kadjak ist offenbar eine Verdrehung von Kikchtak, welches Wort in der Sprache der Konjagen "grosse Insel" bedeutet und daher auch als Benennung der grössten Insel dieser Gruppe diente.' Ethnographische Skizzen über die Völker des Russischen Amerika, p. 75. 'A la division Koniagi appartient la partie la plus septentrionale de l'Alaska, et l'île de Kodiak, que les Russes appellent vulgairement Kichtak, quoique, dans la langue des naturels, le mot Kightak ne désigne en général qu'une île.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 347. Coxe affirms that the natives 'call themselves Kanagist.' Russian Dis., p. 135. And Sauer says, 'the natives call themselves Soo-oo-it.' Billings' Ex., p. 175. 'Man verstand von ihnen, dass sie sich selbst Kanagist nennen.' Neue Nachr., p. 114.

[74] Tschugatsches, Tschugatsi or Tschgatzi. Latham, Native Races, p. 290, says the name is Athabascan, and signifies 'men of the sea.'

[75] Kuskoquigmutes, Kuskokwimen, Kuskokwigmjuten, Kusckockwagemuten, Kuschkukchwakmüten, or Kaskutchewak.

[76] The termination mute, mut, meut, muten, or mjuten, signifies people or village. It is added to the tribal name sometimes as a substantive as well as in an adjective sense.

[77] 'Herr Wassiljew schätzt ihre Zahl auf mindestens 7000 Seelen beiderlei Geschlechts und jeglichen Alters.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 127.

[78] 'Es waren wohl einst alle diese Inseln bewohnt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 76.

[79] The Malemutes are 'a race of tall and stout people.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 159. 'Die Kuskokwimer sind, mittlerer Statur, schlank, rüstig und oft mit grosser Stärke begabt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. Dixon's Voy., p. 186. 'Bisweilen fallen sogar riesige Gestalten auf, wie ich z. B. einen Häuptling in der igatschen Bucht zu sehen Gelegenheit hatte, dessen Länge 6¾ Fuss betrug.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 80. The chief at Prince William Sound was a man of low stature, 'with a long beard, and seemed about sixty years of age.' Portlock's Voy., p. 237. A strong, raw-boned race. Meares' Voy., p. 32. At Cook's Inlet they seemed to be of the same nation as those of Pr. Wm. Sd., but entirely different from those at Nootka, in persons and language. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 400. They are of 'middle size and well proportioned.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68. 'They emigrated in recent times from the Island of Kadyak, and they claim, as their hereditary possessions, the coast lying between Bristol Bay and Beering's Straits.' Richardson's Nar., vol. i., p. 364. 'Die Tschugatschen sind Ankömmlinge von der Insel Kadjack, die während innerer Zwistigkeiten von dort vertrieben.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 116.

[80] Achkugmjuten, 'Bewohner der warmen Gegend.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 5. 'Copper complexion.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[81] 'They bore their under lip, where they hang fine bones of beasts and birds.' Staehlin's North. Arch., p. 33. 'Setzen sich auch—Zähne von Vögeln oder Thierknochen in künstliche Oeffnungen der Unterlippe und unter der Nase ein.' Neue Nachr., p. 113.

[82] The people of Kadiak, according to Langsdorff, are similar to those of Unalaska, the men being a little taller. They differ from the Fox Islanders. Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. 'Die Insulaner waren hier von den Einwohnern, der vorhin entdeckten übrigen Fuchsinsuln, in Kleidung und Sprache ziemlich verschieden.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'Ils ressemblent beaucoup aux indigènes des îles Curiles, dépendantes du Japon.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 45.

[83] 'They wore strings of beads suspended from apertures in the lower lip.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 195. 'Their ears are full of holes, from which hang pendants of bone or shell.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxii. 'Elles portent des perles ordinairement en verre bleu, suspendues au-dessous du nez à un fil passé dans la cloison nasale.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 573. 'Upon the whole, I have nowhere seen savages who take more pains than these people do to ornament, or rather to disfigure their persons.' At Prince William Sound they are so fond of ornament 'that they stick any thing in their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a large brass button into it.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 370. They slit the under lip, and have ornaments of glass beads and muscle-shells in nostrils and ears; tattoo chin and neck. Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 63. 'Die Frauen machen Einschnitte in die Lippen. Der Nasenknorpel ist ebenfalls durchstochen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135.

[84] The Kadiaks dress like the Aleuts, but their principal garment they call Konägen; Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 63. Like the Unalaskas, the neck being more exposed, fewer ornamentations. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 177. 'Consists wholly of the skins of animals and birds.' Portlock's Voy., p. 249. A coat peculiar to Norton Sound appeared 'to be made of reeds sewed very closely together.' Dixon's Voy., p. 191. 'Nähen ihre Parken (Winter-Kleider) aus Vögelhäuten und ihre Kamleien (Sommer-Kleider) aus den Gedärmen von Wallfischen und Robben.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 117. At Norton Sound 'principally of deer-skins.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. 'Ihre Kleider sind aus schwarzen und andern Fuchsbälgen, Biber, Vogelhäuten, auch jungen Rennthier and Jewraschkenfellen, alles mit Sehnen genäht.' Neue Nachr., p. 113. 'The dress of both sexes consists of parkas and camleykas, both of which nearly resemble in form a carter's frock.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 194.

[85] 'Una tunica entera de pieles que les abriga bastantemente.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66. 'By the use of such a girdle, it should seem that they sometimes go naked.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 437.

[86] 'Plastered over with mud, which gives it an appearance not very unlike a dung hill.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214. Sea-dog skin closes the opening. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 62. The Kuskoquims have 'huttes qu'ils appellent barabores pour l'été.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Mit Erde und Gras bedeckt, so dass man mit Recht die Wohnungen der Konjagen Erdhütten nennen kann.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 97. 'A door fronting the east.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175. At Norton Sound 'they consist simply of a sloping roof, without any side-walls.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 484. Build temporary huts of sticks and bark. Portlock's Voy., p. 253.

[87] 'In dem Kashim versammelt sich die männliche Bevölkerung des ganzen Dorfes zur Berathschlagung über wichtige Angelegenheiten, über Krieg und Frieden, etc.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 129.

[88] 'Le poisson est la principale nourriture.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Berries mixed with rancid whale oil.' 'The fat of the whale is the prime delicacy.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 178, 195. 'Meistentheils nähren sie sich mit rohen und trocknen Fischen, die sie theils in der See mit knöchernen Angelhaken, theils in den Bächen mit Sacknetzen, die sie aus Sehnen flechten, einfangen.' Neue Nachr., p. 114. They generally eat their food raw, but sometimes they boil it in water heated with hot stones. Meares' Voy., p. xxxv. The method of catching wild geese, is to chase and knock them down immediately after they have shed their large wing-feathers; at which time they are not able to fly. Portlock's Voy., p. 265.

[89] 'Ich hatte auf der Insel Afognak Gelegenheit dem Zerschneiden eines Wallfisches zuzusehen und versichere, dass nach Verlauf von kaum 2 Stunden nur die blanken Knochen auf dem Ufer lagen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 91.

[90] The Kadiaks 'pass their time in hunting, festivals, and abstinence. The first takes place in the summer; the second begins in the month of December, and continues as long as any provisions remain; and then follows the period of famine, which lasts till the re-appearance of fish in the rivers. During the period last mentioned, many have nothing but shell-fish to subsist on, and some die for want.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 209, 210.

[91] 'Wild animals which they hunt, and especially wild sheep, the flesh of which is excellent.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. They eat the larger sort of fern-root baked, and a substance which seemed the inner bark of the pine. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 374. 'Die Eingebornen essen diese Wurzeln (Lagat) roh und gekocht; aus der Wurzel, nachdem sie in Mehl verwandelt ist, bäckt man, mit einer geringen Beimischung von Weizenmehl, süssliche, dünne Kuchen.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Denkschr. d. russ. Geog. Gesell., p. 343.

[92] 'Ihre hölzernen Schilde nennen sie Kujaki.' Neue Nachr., p. 114.

[93] 'Selecting the roots of such plants as grow alone, these roots are dried and pounded, or grated.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 178.

[94] 'Die Pfeilspitzen sind aus Eisen oder Kupfer, ersteres erhalten sie von den Kenayern, letzteres von den Tutnen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118. 'De pedernal en forma de arpon, cortado con tanta delicadeza como pudiera hacerlo el mas hábil lapidario.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 66.

[95] At Prince William Sound Cook found the canoes not of wood, as at Nootka. At Bristol Bay they were of skin, but broader. Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 371, 437. 'Die kadjakschen Baidarken unterscheiden sich in der Form ein wenig von denen der andern Bewohner der amerikanischen Küste, von denen der Aleuten aber namentlich darin, dass sie kürzer und breiter sind.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 99. At Prince William Sound, 'formada la canoa en esqueleto la forran por fuera con pieles de animales.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 65. 'Qu'on se figure une nacelle de quatre mètres de long et de soixante centimètres de large tout au plus.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 48. 'These canoes were covered with skins, the same as we had seen last season in Cook's River. Dixon's Voy., p. 147. 'Safer at sea in bad weather than European boats.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 211.

[96] Their whale-sinew thread was as fine as silk. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 207.

[97] The only tool seen was a stone adze. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373.

[98] 'Their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and small work on their little bags may be put in competition with the most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., pp. 373, 374. 'If we may judge by these figures, the inhabitants of Cadiack must have lost much of their skill in carving, their old productions of this kind being greatly superior.' Lisiansky, p. 178. The Ingalik's household furniture is made 'von gebogenem Holz sehr zierlich gearbeitet und mittelst Erdfarben roth, grün und blau angestrichen. Zum Kochen der Speisen bedienen sie sich irdener, ausgebrannter Geschirre.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 121.

[99] 'Tis most probable they are divided into clans or tribes.' Dixon's Voy., p. 67. 'They have a King, whose name was Sheenoway.' Meares' Voy., p. xxvii. 'They always keep together in families, and are under the direction of toyons or chiefs.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 151.

[100] Female slaves are sold from one tribe to another. Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 175.

[101] 'Zugleich verschwand auch ihre Benennung; man nannte sie ferner Kajuren, ein Wort aus Kamtschatka hieher übergesiedelt, welches Tagelöhner oder Arbeiter bedeutet.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 79.

[102] 'They will not go a step out of the way for the most necessary purposes of nature; and vessels are placed at their very doors for the reception of the urinous fluid, which are resorted to alike by both sexes.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 214.

[103] 'Not only do brothers and sisters cohabit with each other, but even parents and children.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64.

[104] 'Images dressed in different forms.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 178. 'The most favoured of women is she who has the greatest number of children.' Sauer, Billings' Voy., p. 176.

[105] 'Der Vater oder die Mutter bestimmen den Sohn schon in seiner frühsten Kindheit zum Achnutschik, wenn er ihnen mädchenhaft erscheint.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 121. 'Male concubines are much more frequent here than at Oonalashka.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. They 'are happy to see them taken by the chiefs, to gratify their unnatural desires. Such youths are dressed like women, and taught all their domestic duties.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. 'Ces peuples sont très adonnés aux plaisirs des sens et même à un vice infame.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 8. 'Of all the customs of these islanders, the most disgusting is that of men, called schoopans, living with men, and supplying the place of women.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 199. This shameful custom applies to the Thlinkeets as well. 'Quelques personnes de l'Equipage du Solide ont rapporté qu'il ne leur est pas possible de douter que les Tchinkîtânéens ne soient souillés de ce vice honteux que la Théogonie immorale des Grecs avoit divinisé.' Marchand, Voy. aut. du Monde, tom. ii., p. 97.

[106] 'Der Schamane hat seiner Obliegenheit gemäss oder aus besonderem Wohlwollen sie der Jungferschaft beraubt und sie wäre unwürdig vor der Versammlung zu erscheinen, wenn sie ihre erste Liebe irgend einem Anderen und nicht dem Schamanen gezollt hätte.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 133.

[107] 'Their dances are proper tournaments.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 176. They are much addicted to public dances, especially during winter. Whymper's Alaska, p. 165. 'Masks of the most hideous figures are worn.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 210. 'Use a sort of rattle composed of a number of the beaks of the sea-parrot, strung upon a wooden cross,'—sounds like castanets. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 64. 'Die Tänzer erscheinen, eben so, mit Wurfspiessen oder Messern in den Händen, welche sie über dem Kopfe schwingen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 118.

[108] 'Les sorciers et chamans jouissent d'une grande faveur dans cette région glacée de l'Amérique.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 574. 'Schamane und alte Weiber kennen verschiedene Heilmittel.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 135. 'Next in rank to the shamans are the kaseks, or sages, whose office is to teach children the different dances, and superintend the public amusements and shows, of which they have the supreme control.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 208.

[109] 'The dead body of a chief is embalmed with moss, and buried.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 177.

[110] 'In one of the small buildings, or kennels, as they may very properly be called, was a woman who had retired into it in consequence of the death of her son.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 184.

[111] 'The word Aleutian seems to be derived from the interrogative particle allix, which struck strangers in the language of that people.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 312. The Unalaskas and 'the people of Oomnak, call themselves Cowghalingen.' 'The natives of Alaska and all the adjacent islands they call Kagataiakung'n.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154. 'The inhabitants of Unalashka are called Kogholaghi; those of Akutan, and further east to Unimak, Kighigusi; and those of Unimak and Alaxa, Kataghayekiki. They cannot tell whence these appellations are derived; and now begin to call themselves by the general name of Aleyut, given to them by the Russians, and borrowed from some of the Kurile Islands.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[112] Yet, says D'Orbigny, Voyage, p. 577: 'Si on interroge les Aléoutiens sur leur origine, ils disent que leurs ancêtres ont habité un grand pays vers l'ouest, et que de là ils sont avancés de proche en proche sur les îles désertes jusq'au continent américain.'

[113] Trapesnikoff took from an unknown island in 1753, 1920 sea-otter skins. Durneff returned to Kamchatka in 1754, with 3,000 skins. In 1752 one crew touched at Bering Island and took 1,222 Arctic foxes, and 2,500 sea-bears. Cholodiloff, in 1753, took from one island 1,600 otter-skins. Tolstych in one voyage took 1,780 sea-otter, 720 blue foxes, and 840 sea-bears. Coxe's Russ. Dis., pp. 43, 44, 49, 51, 53.

[114] Sparks, Life of Ledyard, p. 79.

[115] A great deal of character. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32.

[116] 'Rather low of stature, but plump and well shaped; with rather short necks; swarthy chubby faces; black eyes; small beards, and long, straight, black hair; which the men wear loose behind, and cut before, but the women tie up in a bunch.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'Von Gesicht sind sie platt und weiss, von guter Statur, durchgängig mit schwarzen Haaren.' Neue Nachr., p. 150. 'Low in stature, broad in the visage.' Campbell's Voy., p. 112. Hair 'strong and wiry;' scanty beard, but thick on the upper lip. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 154.

[117] 'Les femmes aléoutes portaient aux mains et aux pieds des chapelets de pierres de couleur et préférablement d'ambre.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'None are so highly esteemed as a sort of long muscle, commonly called sea-teeth, the dentalium entalis of Linnæus.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 40. 'Women have the chin punctured in fine lines rayed from the centre of the lip and covering the whole chin.' They wear bracelets of black seal-skin around the wrists and ankles, and go barefoot. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 155. 'Im Nasen-Knorpel und der Unterlippe machen beide Geschlechter Löcher und setzen Knochen ein, welches ihr liebster Schmuck ist. Sie stechen sich auch bunte Figuren im Gesicht aus.' Neue Nachr., p. 169. 'They bore the upper lip of the young children of both sexes, under the nostrils, where they hang several sorts of stones, and whitened fish-bones, or the bones of other animals.' Staehlin's North Arch., p. 37.

[118] 'Leur conformation est robuste et leur permet de supporter des travaux et des fatigues de toute sorte.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 577.

[119] At Shumagin Island, their caps were of sea-lion skins. Müller's Voy., p. 46. On the front are one or two small images of bone. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. A wooden hat, 'which in front comes out before the eyes like a sort of umbrella, and is rounded off behind.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 38. 'Einige haben gemeine Mützen von einem bunten Vogelfell, woran sie etwas von den Flügeln und dem Schwanz sitzen lassen;—sind vorn mit einem Brettchen wie ein Schirm versehn und mit Bärten von Seebären—geschmücket.' Neue Nachr., pp. 151, 152.

[120] On a feather garment, 'a person is sometimes employed a whole year.' 'The women for the most part go bare-footed.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., pp. 36, 39. 'Seams covered with thin slips of skin, very elegantly embroidered with white deer's hair, goat's hair, and the sinews of sea animals, dyed of different colours.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 156. 'Ihr Pelzkleid wird über den Kopf angezogen, und ist hinten und vorn ganz zu. Die Männer tragen es aus Vogelhäuten; die Weiber hingegen von Bibern und jungen Seebären.' Neue Nachr., p. 152. 'Boots and breeches in one piece.' Campbell's Voy., p. 113.

[121] 'Round the sides and ends of the huts, the families (for several are lodged together) have their separate apartments, where they sleep, and sit at work; not upon benches, but in a kind of concave trench, which is dug all around the inside of the house, and covered with mats.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 512. 'When they have stood for sometime, they become overgrown with grass, so that a village has the appearance of an European churchyard full of graves.' Langsdorff's Voy., p. 32. 'In den Jurten wird niemals Feuer angelegt und doch ist es gemeiniglich sehr warm darinnen, so dass beide Geschlechter ganz nakkend sitzen.' Neue Nachr., p. 150.

[122] 'A bidarka or boat is turned up sideways, and at the distance of four or five feet, two sticks, one opposite to the head and the other to the stern, are driven into the ground, on the tops of which a cross stick is fastened. The oars are then laid along from the boat to the cross stick, and covered with seal skins, which are always at hand for the purpose.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 152.

[123] 'Among the greatest delicacies of Oonalashka are the webbed feet of a seal, which are tied in a bladder, buried in the ground, and remain there till they are changed into a stinking jelly.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165. Almost everything is eaten raw. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 520. The sea-dog is caught with nets, killed when asleep, or enticed on shore by a false cap made to resemble a seal's head. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205.

[124] 'L'Aléoute peut tuer les phoques et les oiseaux, sans être obligé d'en rendre compte à la compagnie.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. vii., p. 4.

[125] 'Die Spitze selbst wird theils aus Obsidian oder Lavaglas, theils auch aus Trachyt verfertigt.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 268. Spear-handles are feathered, the points of sharpened flint. Neue Nachr., p. 102, 'Arrows are thrown from a narrow and pointed board, twenty inches long, which is held by the thumb and three fingers. They are thrown straight from the shoulder with astonishing velocity.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 205. 'Les armes défensives consistaient en une cotte de joncs tressés qui leur couvrait tout le corps.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'No such thing as an offensive, or even defensive weapon was seen amongst the natives of Oonalashka.' Probably they had been disarmed by the Russians. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 515. 'Wherever any one has fixed his habitation, nobody else dares to hunt or fish.' Staehlin's Nor. Arch., p. 37. For birds they point their darts with three light bones, spread and barbed. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. 'Indeed, there is a neatness and perfection in most of their work, that shews they neither want ingenuity nor perseverance.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 514.

[126] They make 'baskets called ishcats, in which the Aleutians keep all their valuables.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 181. 'Thread they make of the sinews of the seal, and of all sizes, from the fineness of a hair to the strength of a moderate cord, both twisted and plaited.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 157. Of the teeth of sea-dogs they carve little figures of men, fish, sea-otters, sea-dogs, sea-cows, birds, and other objects. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 46.

[127] 'Wollen sie etwas an ihren Pfeilen oder sonst eine Kleinigkeit leimen, so schlagen sie sich an die Nase und bestreichen es mit ihrem Blute.' Neue Nachr., p. 173.

[128] Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 159; Campbell's Voy., p. 59.

[129] 'Comme les femmes coûtaient cher en présents de fiançailles, la plupart des Aléoutes n'en avaient qu'une ou deux.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. Purchase as many girls for wives as they can support. Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160. 'Objects of unnatural affection.' Id., p. 160. 'Their beards are carefully plucked out as soon as they begin to appear, and their chins tattooed like those of the women.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521.

[130] 'It often happens that a mother plunges her noisy child into water, even in winter, and keeps it there till it leaves off crying.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 202. 'Schreyt das Kind, so trägt es die Mutter, es sey Winter oder Sommer nakkend nach der See, und hält es so lange im Wasser bis es still wird.' Neue Nachr., p. 168.

[131] 'Have their own chiefs in each island.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 510. 'Generally is conferred on him who is the most remarkable for his personal qualities.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 219.

[132] Those of the inhabitants who have two wives give their guests one, or a slave. Neue Nachr., p. 171. 'In the spring holidays, they wear masks, neatly carved and fancifully ornamented.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 160.

[133] 'On avait soin de le disposer de manière à ce qu'il ne touchât pas la terre.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 579. 'Embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass.' Sauer, Billings' Ex., p. 161. Slaves sometimes slaughtered. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 48. 'Bury their dead on the summits of hills.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 521. 'When a man dies in the hut belonging to his wife, she retires into a dark hole, where she remains forty days. The husband pays the same compliment to his favorite wife upon her death.' Coxe's Russ. Dis., p. 218. 'Die Todten werden begraben, und man giebt dem Mann seinen Kahn, Pfeile und Kleider mit ins Grab.' 'Die Todten umwinden sie mit Riemen und hängen sie in einer Art hölzerner Wiege an einen auf zwey Gabelen ruhenden Querstock in der Luft auf.' Neue Nachr., pp. 101, 154.

[134] 'Naturellement silencieux.' D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 578. 'Sie verrichten auch die Nothdurft und das Ehegeschäft ohne alle Scheu.' Neue. Nachr., p. 150. 'A stupid silence reigns among them.' 'I am persuaded that the simplicity of their character exceeds that of any other people.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 182, 183. 'Kind-hearted and obliging, submissive and careful; but if roused to anger, they become rash and unthinking, even malevolent, and indifferent to all danger.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 32. 'To all appearance, they are the most peaceable, inoffensive people, I ever met with. And, as to honesty, they might serve as a pattern to the most civilized nation upon earth.' Cook, vol. ii., p. 509.

[135] 'To hunt was their task; to be drowned, or starved, or exhausted, was their reward.' Simpson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 229. 'They are harmless, wretched slaves,' whose race will soon be extinct. Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 315. The Russian hunters 'used not unfrequently to place the men close together, and try through how many the ball of their rifle-barrelled musket would pass.' Sauer, Billings' Ex. App., p. 56. 'Of a thousand men, who formerly lived in this spot, scarcely more than forty remained.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 235. 'La variole, la syphilis, voire même le choléra depuis quelques années, en emportent une effrayante quantité.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. ii., p. 51.

[136] Kaluga, Kaljush, Koljush, Kalusch, Kolush, Kolosch, Kolosh, Kolosches. Marchand calls them Tchinkîtâné. Voyage aut. du Monde, tom. ii., p. 3.

[137] See Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., pp. 15, 16.

[138] Ugalachmiuti, Ugaljachmjuten, Ugalyachmutzi, Ugalukmutes, Ugalenzi, Ugalenzen, Ugalenzes.

[139] They 'call themselves G-tinkit, or S-chinkit, or also S-chitcha-chon, that is, inhabitants of Sitki or Sitcha.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., 128.

[140] The orthographic varieties of this word are endless. Stickeen, Stekin, Stakhin, Stachin, Stikin, Stachine, Stikeen, Stikine, Stychine, are among those before me at the moment.

[141] At the end of this chapter, under Tribal Boundaries, the location of these tribes is given definitely.

[142] A Thlinkeet boy, 'when under the whip, continued his derision, without once exhibiting the slightest appearance of suffering.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242.

[143] 'Leur corps est ramassé, mais assez bien proportionné.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 46. 'Very fierce.' Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Limbs straight and well shaped.' Dixon's Voy., p. 171. 'Stolze gerade Haltung.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 16. 'Active and clever.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 237. 'Bigote á manera de los Chinos.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. 'Limbs ill-proportioned.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Très supérieurs en courage et en intelligence.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 54.

[144] The women 'are pleasing and their carriage modest.' Portlock's Voy., p. 291. When washed, white and fresh. Dixon's Voy., p. 171. 'Dunkle Hautfarbe.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 16. 'Eran de color blanco y habia muchos con ojos azules.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 14. As fair as many Europeans. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. 'Muchos de ellos de un blanco regular.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 43.

[145] 'Leur chevelure, dure, épaisse, mêlée, couverte d'ocre, de duvet d'oiseaux et de toutes les ordures que la négligence et le temps y ont accumulées, contribue encore à rendre leur aspect hideux.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 46. 'A more hideous set of beings, in the form of men and women, I had never before seen.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. The men painted 'a black circle extending from the forehead to the mouth, and a red chin, which gave the face altogether the appearance of a mask.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 146. Pourraient même passer pour jolies, sans l'horrible habitude qu'elles ont adoptée.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'That person seems to be reckoned the greatest beau amongst them, whose face is one entire piece of smut and grease.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68. 'Ils se font des cicatrices sur les bras et sur la poitrine.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 223. 'Um aus dem Gesichte diese fette Farbenmasse abzuwaschen, gebrauchen sie ihren eignen Urin, und dieser verursacht bei ihnen den widerlichen Geruch, der den sich ihm nahenden Fremdling fast zum Erbrechen bringt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 20.

[146] Meares, Voyages, p. xxxi., states that at Prince William Sound, 'the men have universally a slit in their under lip, between the projecting part of the lip and the chin, which is cut parallel with their mouths, and has the appearance of another mouth.' Worn only by women. Dixon's Voy., p. 172.

[147] 'About three tenths of an inch below the upper part of the under lip.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'In the centre of the under-lip.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'Fendue au ras des gencives.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. 'In the thick part near the mouth.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the first person having this incision was seen by one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 369. 'In their early infancy, a small incision is made in the center of the under lip, and a piece of brass or copper wire is placed in, and left in the wound. This corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice, until it is sufficiently large to admit the wooden appendage.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 408. 'Les femmes de Tchinkîtâné ont cru devoir ajouter à leur beauté naturelle, par l'emploi d'un ornement labial, aussi bizarre qu'incommode.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 48.

[148] 'Simply perforated, and a piece of copper wire introduced.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'Les jeunes filles n'ont qu'une aiguille dans la lèvre inférieure.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 226. 'On y prépare les petites filles aussitôt qu'elles sont nées.' Id., tom. iv., p. 54. 'At first a thick wire.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. When almost marriageable. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. 'The children have them bored at about two years of age, when a piece of copper-wire is put through the hole; this they wear till the age of about thirteen or fourteen years, when it is taken out, and the wooden ornament introduced.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'Said to denote maturity.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Se percer la lèvre inférieure des l'enfance.' 'D'agrandir peu à peu cette ouverture au point de pouvoir jeune fille y introduire une coquille, et femme mariée une énorme tasse de bois.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'Never takes place during their infancy.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'When the event takes place that implies womanhood.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'Wenn zum ersten Mal beim Mädchen sich Spuren der Mannbarkeit zeigen, wird ihre Unterlippe durchstochen und in diese Oeffnung eine Knochenspitze, gegenwärtig doch häufiger ein Silberstift gelegt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'Pues les pareció que solo lo tenian los casados.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15.

[149] 'Concave on both sides.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'So lange sie unverheirathet ist, trägt sie diesen; erhält sie aber einen Mann, so presst man einen grösseren Schmuck von Holz oder Knochen in die Oeffnung, welcher nach innen, d. h. zur Zahnseite etwas trogförmig ausgehöhlt ist.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'Une espèce d'écuelle de bois sans anses qui appuie contre les gencives.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 224. Pieces of shell resembling teeth. Meares' Voy., p. xxxi.

[150] 'As large as a large saucer.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'From one corner of the mouth to the other.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 280. 'Frequently increased to three, or even four inches in length, and nearly as wide.' Dixon's Voy., p. 187. 'A communément un demi-pouce d'épaisseur, deux de diamètre, et trois pouces de long.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 54. 'At least seven inches in circumference.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'Mit den Jahren wird der Schmuck vergrössert, so dass er bei einem alten Weibe über 2 Zoll breit angetroffen wird.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. From two to five inches long, and from one and a half to three inches broad. Ladies of distinction increase the size. 'I have even seen ladies of very high rank with this ornament, full five inches long and three broad.' Mr Dwolf affirms that he saw 'an old woman, the wife of a chief, whose lip ornament was so large, that by a peculiar motion of her under-lip she could almost conceal her whole face with it.' 'Horrible in its appearance to us Europeans.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'Es una abertura como de media pulgada debaxo del labio inferior, que representa segunda boca, donde colocan una especie de roldana elíptica de pino, cuyo diámetro mayor es de dos pulgadas, quatro lineas, y el menor de una pulgada.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 126.

[151] 'Une énorme tasse de bois, destinée à recevoir la salive qui s'en échappe constamment.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. 'L'effet de cet ornement est de rabattre, par le poids de sa partie saillante la lèvre inférieure sur le menton, de développer les charmes d'une grande bouche béante, qui prend la forme de celle d'un four, et de mettre à découvert une rangée de dents jaunes et sales.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 49. 'She is obliged to be constantly on the watch, lest it should fall out, which would cover her with confusion.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 244. 'The weight of this trencher or ornament weighs the lip down so as to cover the whole of the chin, leaving all the lower teeth and gum quite naked.' Portlock's Voy., p. 289. 'L'usage le plus révoltant qui existe peut-être sur la terre.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 226. 'Always in proportion to a person's wealth.' 'Distorts every feature in the lower part of the face.' Dixon's Voy., p. 68, 172. 'In running the lip flaps up and down so as to knock sometimes against the chin and sometimes against the nose. Upon the continent the kaluga is worn still larger; and the female who can cover her whole face with her under-lip passes for the most perfect beauty,' 'The lips of the women held out like a trough, and always filled with saliva stained with tobacco-juice, of which they are immoderately fond, is the most abominably revolting part of the spectacle.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 52. 'Dadurch entsteht eine im selbigen Maasse ausgedehnte Lippe, die höchst widerlich aussieht, um so mehr, da sich nun mehr der Mund nicht schliessen kann, sondern unaufhörlich einen braunen Tabaksspeichel von sich gibt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 21. 'So distorts the face as to take from it almost the resemblance to the human; yet the privilege of wearing this ornament is not extended to the female slaves, who are prisoners taken in war.' Cleveland's Voy., p. 91. 'Look as if they had large flat wooden spoons growing in the flesh.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 115. 'The sight is hideous. Our men used jocosely to say, this lower lip would make a good slab to lay their trousers on to be scrubbed.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 277. 'On ne connaît point d'explication plausible de cette mutilation, qui, chez les Indiens, passe pour un signe de noblesse.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 336.

[152] 'Die Männertracht unterscheidet sich in Nichts von der Weiber; sie besteht nämlich aus einem bis zu den Knieen gehenden Hemde.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 18. Some of their blankets 'are so curiously worked on one side with the fur of the sea-otter, that they appear as if lined with it.' 'Some dress themselves in short pantaloons.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 238. 'Las mugeres visten honestamente una especie de túnica interior de piel sobada.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Se vestian las mugeres tunicas de pieles ajustadas al cuerpo con brazaletes de cobre o hierro.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 15. 'Usual clothing consists of a little apron.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 49. 'Their feet are always bare.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114.

[153] 'Usan sombreros de la corteza interior del pino en forma de cono truncado.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. Their wooden masks 'are so thick, that a musket-ball, fired at a moderate distance, can hardly penetrate them.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 150.

[154] Pluck out their beard. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 112. 'Ils ont de la barbe, moins à la vérité que les Européens, mais assez cependant pour qu'il soit impossible d'en douter.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 229. 'The women in general are hair-dressers for their husbands.' Portlock's Voy., p. 290.

[155] 'Der Eingang, ziemlich hoch von der Erde, besteht aus einem kleinen runden Loche.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 25. 'Ils se construisent des maisons de bois ou de terre pour l'hiver.' Laplace, Circumnav., vol. vi., p. 87. 'The barabaras of the Sitcan people are of a square form, and spacious. The sides are of planks; and the roof resembles that of a Russian house.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Habitan estos Indios en chozas ó rancherías de tablas muy desabrigadas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvi. At Sitka the roof 'rests upon ten or twelve thick posts driven into the ground, and the sides of the house are composed of broad thick planks fastened to the same posts.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 129. 'Dans l'intérieur des terres, des habitations bien construites, spacieuses et commodes.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 74. 'Shanties on a large scale.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 100. 'Their huts are made of a few boards, which they take away with them when they go to their winter quarters. It is very surprising to see how well they will shape their boards with the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full 10 feet long, 2½ feet broad, and not more than an inch thick.' Portlock's Voy., p. 292. 'High, large, and roomy, built of wood, with the hearth in the middle, and the sides divided into as many compartments as there are families living under the roof.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 410. 'Lebt in Schoppen aus Balken gebaut, wo an den Seiten für jede Familie besondere Plätze abgetheilt sind, in der Mitte aber Feuer für alle zusammen angemacht wird. So pflegen gemeiniglich 2 bis 6 Familien eine einzige Scheune einzunehmen.' Baer's Ethn. u. Stat., p. 97.

[156] 'Vingt-cinq pieds de long sur quinze à vingt pieds de large.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 220. 'Roof in the whole with the bark of trees.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'Las casas en que estos habitan en las playas son de poca consideracion y ninguna subsistencia.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 49. 'A few poles stuck in the ground, without order or regularity.' Dixon's Voy., p. 172. 'Gebäude besteht aus langen, sorgfältig behauenen Brettern, die kartenhausartig über einander gestellt, an zahlreichen in die Erde gesteckten Stangen befestigt, recht eigentlich ein hölzernes Zelt bilden. Es hat die Form einer länglichen Barake mit zwei Giebeln.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., pp. 220, 221.

[157] All kinds of fish; 'such as salmon, mussels, and various other shell-fish, sea-otters, seals and porpoises; the blubber of the porpoise, they are remarkably fond of, and indeed the flesh of any animal that comes in their way.' Portlock's Voy., p. 290. 'Vom Meere, an dessen Ufern sie sich stets ansiedeln, erhalten sie ihre hauptsächlichste Nahrung; einige Wurzeln, Gräser u. Beeren gehören nur zu den Leckerbissen des Sommers.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 22. Cakes made of bark of spruce-fir, mixed with roots, berries, and train-oil. For salt they use sea-water. Never eat whale-fat. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. At Sitka, summer food consists of berries, fresh fish, and flesh of amphibious animals. Winter food, of dried salmon, train-oil, and the spawn of fish, especially herrings. Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Sus alimentos se reducen á pescado cocido ó asado ya fresco ó ya seco, varias hierbas y raizes.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. They chew 'a plant which appears to be a species of tobacco.' Dixon's Voy., p. 175. 'Sont couverts de vermine; ils font une chasse assidue à ces animaux dévorans, mais pour les dévorer eux-mêmes.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 52. 'Tägliche Nahrung der Einwohner—sind hauptsächtlich Fische, doch häufig auch Mollusken und Echinodermen.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 222.

[158] 'Le poisson frais ou fumé, les œufs séchés de poisson.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 62. 'Is sometimes cooked upon red-hot stones, but more commonly eaten raw.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 53. 'Not so expert in hunting as the Aleutians. Their principal mode is that of shooting the sea animals as they lie asleep.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 242. They boil their victuals in wooden vessels, by constantly putting red-hot stones into the water. Portlock's Voy., p. 291. 'Das Kochen geschieht jetzt in eisernen Kesseln, vor der Bekanntschaft mit den Russen aber wurden dazu aus Wurzeln geflochtene Körbe angewandt.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 23.

[159] To their fishing lines, bladders are fastened, 'which float upon the surface of the water, so that one person can attend to fourteen or fifteen lines.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 134. 'Ils pêchent, comme nous, en barrant les rivières, ou à la ligne.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 232. 'For taking the spawn, they use the branches of the pine-tree, to which it easily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. It is then put into baskets, or holes purposely dug in the ground, till wanted.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 239. 'Su comun alimento es el salmon, y es ingenioso el método que tienen de pescarle.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Their lines are very strong, being made of the sinews or intestines of animals.' Dixon's Voy., p. 174. 'Die Riesenbutte, die in Sitcha bisweilen ein Gewicht von 10 bis 12 Pud erreicht, wird aus der Tiefe mit grossen hölzernen Angeln, die mit Widerhaken aus Eisen oder Knochen versehen sind, herausgezogen. Die Angelschnur besteht aus an einander geknüpften Fucusstängeln.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 32.

[160] 'Bows and arrows were formerly their only weapons; now, besides their muskets, they have daggers, and knives half a yard long.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. Their weapons were bows, arrows, and spears. Dixon's Voy., p. 67. 'Leur lances dont l'ancienne forme n'est pas connue, est à présent composée de deux pièces: de la hampe, longue de quinze ou dix-huit pieds, et du fer qui ne le cède en rien à celui de la hallebarde de parade dont étoit armé un Suisse de paroisse.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 68. Knives, some two feet long, shaped almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. Worn in skin sheaths hung by a thong to the neck under their robe, probably used only as weapons. Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 373. 'Las armas ofensivas que generalmente usan son las flechas, lanzas de seis y ocho varas de largo con lenguetas de fierro.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 46. 'The daggers used in battle are made to stab with either end, having three, four or five inches above the hand tapered to a sharp point; but the upper part of those used in the Sound and River is excurvated.' Portlock's Voy., p. 261. 'Principally bows and arrows.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 131. 'Sus armas se reducen al arco, la flecha y el puñal que traen siempre consigo.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxvii. 'Comme nous examinions très attentivement tous ces poignards, ils nous firent signe qu'ils n'en faisaient usage que contre les ours et les autres bêtes des forêts.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 172. 'Der Dolch ist sehr breit und hat zwei geschliffene Blätter auf jeder Seite des Griffes, das obere jedoch nur ein Viertel von der Länge des unteren.' 'Beide Blätter oder Klingen sind mit ledernen Scheiden versehen.' Holmberg, Ethn. Skiz., p. 28.

[161] 'A kind of jacket, or coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or dart.' Cook's Third Voy., vol. ii., p. 372. 'Für den Krieg besitzen die Kaloschen auch von Holz gearbeitete Schutzwaffen: Brustharnische, Sturmhauben und seltsam geschnitzte Visire, mit grellen Farben bemalte Fratzengesichter darstellen.' Kittlitz, Reise, vol. i., p. 216.

[162] 'They never attack their enemies openly.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 55. 'Les guerriers tués ou faits prisonniers à la guerre, passent également sous la dent de leurs vainqueurs qui, en dévorant une proie aussi distinguée, croient y puiser de nouvelles forces, une nouvelle énergie.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 155.

[163] 'Bien hechas de una pieza con su falca sobre las bordas.' Perez, Nav., MS., p. 17. 'On n'est pas moins étonné de leur stabilité: malgré la légèreté et le peu de largeur de la coque, elles n'ont pas besoin d'être soutenues par des balanciers, et jamais on ne les accouple.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 72. 'Las regulares canoas de que se sirven son de pino, y no tienen mas capacidad que la que basta para contener una familia, sin embargo que las hay sumamente grandes.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'Rudely excavated and reduced to no particular shape, but each end has the resemblance of a butcher's tray.' Dixon's Voy., p. 173. 'Their canoes are much inferior to those of the lower coast, while their skin "baidarkes" (kyacks) are not equal to those of Norton Sound and the northern coast.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 101. At Cook's Inlet, 'their canoes are sheathed with the bark of trees.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 188. These canoes 'were made from a solid tree, and many of them appeared to be from 50 to 70 feet in length, but very narrow, being no broader than the tree itself.' Meares' Voy., p. xxxviii. 'Their boat was the body of a large pine tree, neatly excavated, and tapered away towards the ends, until they came to a point, and the fore-part somewhat higher than the after-part; indeed, the whole was finished in a neat and very exact manner.' Portlock's Voy., p. 259.

[164] 'Ont fait beaucoup plus de progrès dans les arts que dans la morale.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 233. Thlinkeet women make baskets of bark of trees, and grass, that will hold water. Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 132. They have tolerable ideas of carving, most utensils having sculptures, representing some animal. Portlock's Voy., p. 294. 'Ces peintures, ces sculptures, telles qu'elles sont, on en voit sur tous leurs meubles.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 71. 'De la vivacidad de su genio y del afecto al cambio se debe inferir son bastantemente laboriosos.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 48. 'Tienen lana blanca cuya especie ignoraron.' Perez, Nav., MS. p. 16. 'Masks very ingeniously cut in wood, and painted with different colors.' A rattle, 'very well finished, both as to sculpture and painting.' 'One might suppose these productions the work of a people greatly advanced in civilization.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 150, 241. 'Found some square patches of ground in a state of cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., p. 256.

[165] 'The skins of the sea-otters form their principal wealth, and are a substitute for money.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'In one place they discovered a considerable hoard of woolen cloth, and as much dried fish as would have loaded 150 bidarkas.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 160.

[166] 'Le Gouvernement des Tchinkitânéens paroîtroit donc se rapprocher du Gouvernement patriarchal.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 83. 'De su gobierno pensamos cuando mas, oiendo el modo de someterse á algunos viejos, seria oligárhico.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS. p. 50. 'Though the toyons have power over their subjects, it is a very limited power, unless when an individual of extraordinary abilities starts up, who is sure to rule despotically.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 243. 'Chaque famille semble vivre d'une manière isolée et avoir un régime particulier.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 61. 'Ces Conseils composés des vieillards.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 155.

[167] Tribes are distinguished by the color and character of their paint. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 51. They 'are divided into tribes; the principal of which assume to themselves titles of distinction, from the names of the animals they prefer; as the tribe of the bear, of the eagle, etc. The tribe of the wolf are called Coquontans, and have many privileges over the other tribes.' Lisiansky's Voy., pp. 238, 242.

[168] 'The women possess a predominant influence, and acknowledged superiority over the other sex.' Meares' Voy., p. 323. 'Parmi eux les femmes jouissent d'une certaine considération.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 87. They treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness, and the women keep the treasures. Portlock's Voy., p. 290. The Kalush 'finds his filthy countrywomen, with their lip-troughs, so charming, that they often awaken in him the most vehement passion.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 56. 'It is certain that industry, reserve, modesty, and conjugal fidelity, are the general characteristics of the female sex among these people.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 133. 'Quoiqu'elles vivent sous la domination d'hommes très-féroces, je n'ai pas vu qu'elles en fussent traitées d'une manière aussi barbare que le prétendent la plupart des voyageurs.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 61.

[169] 'Weddings are celebrated merely by a feast, given to the relatives of the bride.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57.

[170] 'Ils ne s'écartent jamais de deux pas pour aucun besoin; ils ne cherchent dans ces occasions ni l'ombre ni le mystère; ils continuent la conversation qu'ils ont commencée, comme s'ils n'avaient pas un instant à perdre; et lorsque c'est pendant le repas, ils reprennent leur place, dont ils n'ont jamais été éloignés d'une toise.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 221.

[171] 'Ont un goût décidé pour le chant.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 75. 'The women sit upon the ground at a distance of some paces from the dancers, and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the place of music.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 114. 'They dance and sing continually.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 240. Besides the tambourine, Captain Belcher saw a castanet and 'a new musical instrument, composed of three hoops, with a cross in the centre, the circumference being closely strung with the beaks of the Alca arctica.' Voy., vol. i., p. 103.

[172] They lose at this game all their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then become the property of the winner.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 62. 'Ce jeu les rend tristes et sérieux.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 235.

[173] Upon one tomb, 'formaba una figura grande y horrorosa que tenia entre sus garras una caxa.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. 'The box is frequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells.' Dixon's Voy., p. 176. 'The dead are burned, and their ashes preserved in small wooden boxes, in buildings appropriated to that purpose.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 57. 'Nos voyageurs rencontrèrent aussi un morai qui leur prouva que ces Indiens étaient dans l'usage de brûler les morts et d'en conserver la tête.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 205. 'On the death of a toyon, or other distinguished person, one of his slaves is deprived of life, and burned with him.' Lisiansky's Voy., p. 241.

[174] Called by Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, Athapasca, the name 'first given to the central part of the country they inhabit.' Sir John Richardson, Jour., vol. ii., p. 1, calls them 'Tinnè, or 'Dtinnè, Athabascans or Chepewyans.' 'They style themselves generally Dinneh men, or Indians.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 241.

[175] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 1-33.

[176] 'Les Indiens de la côte ou de la Nouvelle Calédonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers) les Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des Chipeouaïans dont la langue est en usage dans le nord du Continent jusqu'à la baie d'Hudson et à la Mer Polaire.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337.

[177] Are 'known under the names of Loucheux, Digothi, and Kutshin.' Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292. 'They are called Deguthee Dinees, or the Quarrellers.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 51. 'On Peel's River they name themselves Kutchin, the final n being nasal and faintly pronounced.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 378. They are also called Tykothee-dinneh, Loucheux or Quarrellers. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The Loucheux proper is spoken by the Indians of Peel's River. All the tribes inhabiting the valley of the Youkon understand one another.' Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.

[178] Gallatin, in Am. Antiq. Soc. Transact., vol. ii., p. 17, erroneously ruled the Loucheux out of his Athabasca nation. 'Im äussersten Nordosten hat uns Gallatin aufmerksam gemacht auf das Volk der Loucheux, Zänker-Indianer oder Digothi: an der Mündung des Mackenzie-Flusses, nach Einigen zu dessen beiden Seiten (westliche und östliche): dessen Sprache er nach den Reisenden für fremd den athapaskischen hielt: worüber sich die neuen Nachrichten noch widersprechen.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 713. Franklin, Nar., vol. ii., p. 83, allies the Loucheux to the Eskimos.

[179] Tnai, 'man;' Tnaina Ttynai, Thnaina, Kinai, Kenai, Kenaize.

[180] See notes on Boundaries at the end of this chapter.

[181] Besides the 'Umkwa,' being outlying members of the Athabaskan stock,' there are the 'Navahoe, the Jecorilla, the Panalero, along with the Apatsh of New Mexico, California, and Sonora. To these add the Hoopah of California, which is also Athabaskan.' Latham's Comp. Phil., p. 393.

[182] William W. Turner was the first to assert positively that the Apaches spoke a language which belongs to the Athabascan family. Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 316.

[183] Face 'oval.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Broad faces, projecting cheek-bones, and wide nostrils.' Id., vol. i., p. 242. Foreheads low, chin long. Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. An exact compound between the Usquemows and Western Indians. Barrow's Geog. Hudson Bay, p. 33.

[184] Generally more than medium size. Hearne's Trav., p. 305. 'Well proportioned, and about the middle size.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. 'Long-bodied, with short, stout limbs.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[185] 'Dingy copper.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 526. 'Swarthy.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. Dingy brown, copper cast. Hearne's Trav., p. 305. 'Very fresh and red.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Dirty yellowish ochre tinge.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[186] 'Small, fine eyes and teeth.' Franklin's Nar., vol. i., 242.

[187] 'Hair lank, but not always of a dingy black. Men in general extract their beard, though some of them are seen to prefer a bushy, black beard, to a smooth chin.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix. Beard in the aged 'between two and three inches long, and perfectly white.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. 'Black, strait, and coarse.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 524. 'Neither sex have any hair under their armpits, and very little on any other part of the body, particularly the women; but on the place where Nature plants the hair, I never knew them attempt to eradicate it.' Hearne's Trav., p. 306.

[188] Tattooing appears to be universal among the Kutchins. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. The Chepewyans tattooed 'by entering an awl or needle under the skin, and, on drawing it out again, immediately rubbing powdered charcoal into the wound.' Hearne's Trav., p. 306. 'Both sexes have blue or black bars, or from one to four straight lines on their cheeks or forehead, to distinguish the tribe to which they belong.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxx.

[189] Women 'destitute of real beauty.' Hearne's Trav., p. 89. 'Very inferior aspect.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 8. Women nasty. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 126. 'Positively hideous.' Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 304.

[190] A Deer-Horn Mountaineer's dress 'consisted of a shirt, or jacket with a hood, wide breeches, reaching only to the knee, and tight leggins sewed to the shoes, all of deer's skins.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. The cap consists of the skin of a deer's head. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii.

[191] As witness this speech of a noble chief: 'Women were made for labor; one of them can carry, or haul, as much as two men can do. They also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such thing as traveling any considerable distance, in this country without their assistance.' Hearne's Trav., p. 55.

[192] An Indian desiring another one's wife, fights with her husband, principally by pulling hair. If victorious, he pays a number of skins to the husband. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303.

[193] 'Continence in an unmarried female is scarcely considered a virtue.' 'Their dispositions are not amatory.' 'I have heard among them of two sons keeping their mother as a common wife, of another wedded to his daughter, and of several married to their sisters. Ross, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 310. Women carry their children on the back next the skin, and suckle them until another is born. They do not suspend their ordinary occupations for child-birth. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxii. 'A temporary interchange of wives is not uncommon; and the offer of their persons is considered as a necessary part of the hospitality due to strangers.' Id., p. xcvi. Women are 'rather the slaves than the companions of the men.' Bell's Geog., vol. v., p. 293.

[194] They are harsh towards their wives, except when enceinte. They are accused of abandoning the aged and sick, but only one case came to his knowledge. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., pp. 250, 251.

[195] Beeatee, prepared from deer only, 'is a kind of haggis, made with the blood, a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tenderest of the flesh, together with the heart and lungs cut, or more commonly cut into small shivers; all of which is put into the stomach, and roasted.' Hearne's Trav., p. 144. 'Not remarkable for their activity as hunters, owing to the ease with which they snare deer and spear fish.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiii. The Deer-Horn Mountaineers 'repair to the sea in spring and kill seals; as the season advances, they hunt deer and musk oxen at some distance from the coast. They approach the deer either by crawling, or by leading these animals by ranges of turf towards the spot where the archer can conceal himself.' Do not use nets, but the hook and line. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. 'Nets made of lines of twisted willow-bark, or thin strips of deer-hide.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 25. Curdled blood, a favorite dish. Simpson's Nar., p. 324.

[196] The weapons of the Chepewyans are bows and arrows; stone and bone axes and knives. Harmon's Jour., p. 183. The bows of the Deer-Horns 'are formed of three pieces of fir, the centre piece alone bent, the other two lying in the same straight line with the bowstring; the pieces are neatly tied together with sinew. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 180. In preparing for an attack, each Coppermine Indian paints his shield with figures of Sun, Moon, or some animal or imaginary beings, each portraying whatever character he most relies upon. Hearne's Trav., p. 148. In some parts hunting grounds descend by inheritance, and the right of property is rigidly enforced. Simpson's Nar., p. 75.

[197] 'Their cooking utensils are made of pot-stone, and they form very neat dishes of fir.' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 181. Make fishing-lines and nets of green deer-thongs. Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxvi.

[198] 'They are great mimics.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 13. Men dance naked; women dressed. A crowd stand in a straight line, and shuffle from right to left without moving the feet from the ground. Hearne's Trav., p. 335. 'The men occasionally howl in imitation of some animal.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 35.

[199] 'They manifest no common respect to the memory of their departed friends, by a long period of mourning, cutting off their hair, and never making use of the property of the deceased.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii. The death of leading men is attributed to conjuring. They never bury the dead, but leave them, where they die, for wild beasts to devour. Hearne's Trav., p. 341. The Chepewyans bury their dead. When mourning for relatives they gash their bodies with knives. Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 21, 22.

[200] 'The Northern Indians seldom attain a great age, though they have few diseases.' Martin's Brit. Col., vol. iii., p. 525. For inward complaints, the doctors blow zealously into the rectum, or adjacent parts. Hearne's Trav., p. 189. The conjurer shuts himself up for days with the patient, without food, and sings over him. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 41. Medicine-men or conjurers are at the same time doctors. Hooper's Tuski, pp. 317, 318. 'The Kutchins practice blood-letting ad libitum.' Jones, Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. 'Their principal maladies are rheumatic pains, the flux, and consumption.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxiv.

[201] According to the report of the Dog-ribs, the Mountain Indians are cannibals, casting lots for victims in time of scarcity. Simpson's Nar., p. 188. 'Instances of suicide, by hanging, frequently occur among the women.' Harmon's Jour., p. 198. During times of starvation, which occur quite frequently, the Slavé Indians eat their families. Hooper's Tuski, p. 303. 'These people take their names, in the first instance, from their dogs. A young man is the father of a certain dog, but when he is married, and has a son, he styles himself the father of the boy. The women have a habit of reproving the dogs very tenderly when they observe them fighting. "Are you not ashamed," say they, "to quarrel with your little brother?"' Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., pp. 85, 86. 'Whether circumcision be practiced among them, I cannot pretend to say, but the appearance of it was general among those whom I saw.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 36. Dog-rib Indians, sometimes also called Slavés, 'a name properly meaning 'strangers.' Gallatin, in Am. Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. ii., p. 19.

[202] 'Order is maintained in the tribe solely by public opinion.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 26. The chiefs are now totally without power. Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 247. 'They are influenced, more or less, by certain principles which conduce to their general benefit.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxv.

[203] 'Many consider a broth, made by means of the dung of the cariboo and the hare, to be a dainty dish.' Harmon's Jour., p. 324. They 'are lazy, dirty, and sensual,' and extremely uncivilized. 'Their habits and persons are equally disgusting.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62. 'They are a tall, well formed, good-looking race.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154. 'An utter contempt of cleanliness prevailed on all hands, and it was revolting to witness their voracious endeavors to surpass each other in the gluttonous contest.' Ind. Life, p. 156.

[204] The women 'run a wooden pin through their noses.' Harmon's Jour., p. 287. At their burial ceremonies they smear the face 'with a composition of fish-oil and charcoal.' When conjuring, the chief and his companions 'wore a kind of coronet formed of the inverted claws of the grizzly bear.' Ind. Life, pp. 127, 158.

[205] The Tacullies have 'wooden dishes, and other vessels of the rind of the birch and pine trees.' 'Have also other vessels made of small roots or fibres of the cedar or pine tree, closely laced together, which serve them as buckets to put water in.' Harmon's Jour., p. 292.

[206] 'In the summer season both sexes bathe often; and this is the only time, when the married people wash themselves.' The Tacullies are very fond and very jealous of their wives, 'but to their daughters, they allow every liberty, for the purpose, as they say, of keeping the young men from intercourse with the married women.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 289, 292, 293. A father, whose daughter had dishonored him, killed her and himself. Ind. Life, 184.

[207] 'The people of every village have a certain extent of country, which they consider their own, and in which they may hunt and fish; but they may not transcend these bounds, without purchasing the privilege of those who claim the land. Mountains and rivers serve them as boundaries.' Harmon's Jour., p. 298.

[208] Mackenzie, Voy., p. 238, found on Fraser River, about latitude 55°, a deserted house, 30 by 20, with three doors, 3 by 3½ feet; three fire-places, and beds on either side; behind the beds was a narrow space, like a manger, somewhat elevated, for keeping fish. 'Their houses are well formed of logs of small trees, buttressed up internally, frequently above seventy feet long and fifteen high, but, unlike those of the coast, the roof is of bark; their winter habitations are smaller, and often covered over with grass and earth; some even dwell in excavations of the ground, which have only an aperture at the top, and serves alike for door and chimney.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 154.

[209] 'Quelques peuplades du nord, telles que les Sikanis, enterrent leurs morts.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 339. 'The Sicaunies bury, while the Tacullies, burn their dead.' Harmon's Jour., p. 196. They 'and the Chimmesyans on the coast, and other tribes speaking their language, burn the dead.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 236. See also Dunn's Oregon, pp. 79, 80; Ind. Life, pp. 128, 136; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 362, 363.

[210] They fire guns as a warning to their friends not to invade their sorrow. Mackenzie's Voy., p. 139.

[211] 'In the winter season, the Carriers often keep their dead in their huts during five or six months, before they will allow them to be burned.' Harmon's Jour., p. 249.

[212] 'She must frequently put her hands through the flames and lay them upon his bosom, to show her continued devotion.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 239. They have a custom of mourning over the grave of the dead; their expressions of grief are generally exceedingly vociferous. Ind. Life, pp. 185, 186.

[213] 'On the end of a pole stuck in front of the lodge.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 237.

[214] Women cut off a joint of one of their fingers. Men only cut off their hair close to their heads, but also frequently cut and scratch their faces and arms. Harmon's Jour., p. 182. With some sharp instrument they 'force back the flesh beyond the first joint, which they immediately amputate.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 148.

[215] 'The men are completely destitute of beard, and both men and women, are intensely ugly.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320. 'They reminded me of the ideal North American Indian I had read of but never seen.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. Distinguished from all other tribes for the frankness and candor of their demeanor, and bold countenances. Simpson's Nar., p. 100. 'Males are of the average hight of Europeans, and well-formed, with regular features, high foreheads, and lighter complexions than those of the other red Indians. The women resemble the men.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 379.

[216] 'Tunic or shirt reaching to the knees, and very much ornamented with beads, and Hyaqua shells from the Columbia.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The Tenan Kutchins are 'gay with painted faces, feathers in their long hair, patches of red clay at the back of their head.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 239. Jackets like the Eskimos. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 221. 'Both sexes wear breeches.' Simpson's Nar., p. 103.

[217] 'The Kutch-a-Kutchin, are essentially traders.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. Appear to care more for useful than ornamental articles. Whymper's Alaska, p. 213. 'Dentalium and arenicola shells are transmitted from the west coast in traffic, and are greatly valued.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 391.

[218] Some wear 'wampum (a kind of long, hollow shell) through the septum of the nose.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 270. They pierce the nose and insert shells, which are obtained from the Eskimos at a high price. Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 84.

[219] The Loucheux live in huts 'formed of green branches. In winter their dwellings are partly under ground. The spoils of the moose and reindeer furnish them with meat, clothing, and tents.' Simpson's Nar., pp. 103, 191. The Co-Yukon winter dwellings are made under ground, and roofed over with earth, having a hole for the smoke to escape by, in the same manner as those of the Malemutes and Ingaliks. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 175, 205. Their movable huts are constructed of deer-skin, 'dressed with the hair on, and sewed together, forming two large rolls, which are stretched over a frame of bent poles,' with a side door and smoke-hole at the top. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321.

[220] The Loucheux are 'great gormandizers, and will devour solid fat, or even drink grease, to surfeiting.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 271. 'The bears are not often eaten in summer, as their flesh is not good at that time.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 321. Some of their reindeer-pounds are over one hundred years old and are hereditary in the family. Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 394. 'The mode of fishing through the ice practiced by the Russians is much in vogue with them.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 211.

[221] The Kutchins 'have no knowledge of scalping.' 'When a man kills his enemy, he cuts all his joints.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, 327. The Loucheux of Peel River and the Eskimos are constantly at war. Hooper's Tuski, p. 273.

[222] 'At Peace River the bark is taken off the tree the whole length of the intended canoe, which is commonly about eighteen feet, and is sewed with watupe at both ends.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 207. When the Kutchins discover a leak, 'they go ashore, light a small fire, warm the gum, of which they always carry a supply, turn the canoe bottom upward, and rub the healing balm in a semi-fluid state into the seam until it is again water-tight.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 225. The Tacullies 'make canoes which are clumsily wrought, of the aspin tree, as well as of the bark of the spruce fir.' Harmon's Jour., p. 291. Rafts are employed on the Mackenzie. Simpson's Nar., p. 185. 'In shape the Northern Indian canoe bears some resemblance to a weaver's shuttle; covered over with birch bark.' Hearne's Jour., pp. 97, 98. 'Kanots aus Birkenrinde, auf denen sie die Flüsse u. Seen befahren.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 112. The Kutchin canoe 'is flat-bottomed, is about nine feet long and one broad, and the sides nearly straight up and down like a wall.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 323.

[223] As for instance for a life, the fine is forty beaver-skins, and may be paid in guns at twenty skins each; blankets, equal to ten skins each; powder, one skin a measure; bullets, eighteen for a skin; worsted belts, two skins each. Hooper's Tuski, p. 272. 'For theft, little or no punishment is inflicted; for adultery, the woman only is punished'—sometimes by beating, sometimes by death. Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325.

[224] Kutchin 'female chastity is prized, but is nearly unknown.' Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 325. Loucheux mothers had originally a custom of casting away their female children, but now it is only done by the Mountain Indians, Simpson's Nar., p. 187. The Kutchin 'women are much fewer in number and live a much shorter time than the men.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418. The old people 'are not ill-used, but simply neglected.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 229. The children are carried in small chairs made of birch bark. Id., p. 232. 'In a seat of birch bark.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 384.

[225] The Loucheux dances 'abound in extravagant gestures, and demand violent exertion.' Simpson's Nar., p. 100. See Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 313. 'Singing is much practiced, but it is, though varied, of a very hum-drum nature.' Hooper's Tuski, p. 318. 'At the festivals held on the meeting of friendly tribes, leaping and wrestling are practised.' Richardson's Jour., vol. i., p. 395.

[226] 'Irrespective of tribe, they are divided into three classes, termed respectively, Chit-sa, Nate-sa, and Tanges-at-sa, faintly representing the aristocracy, the middle classes, and the poorer orders of civilized nations, the former being the most wealthy and the latter the poorest.' Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 418.

[227] On Peel River 'they bury their dead on stages.' On the Yukon they burn and suspend the ashes in bags from the top of a painted pole. Kirby, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 419. They of the Yukon 'do not inter the dead, but put them in oblong boxes, raised on posts.' Whymper's Alaska, pp. 207, 211.

[228] The Nootka-Columbians comprehend 'the tribes inhabiting Quadra and Vancouver's Island, and the adjacent inlets of the mainland, down to the Columbia River, and perhaps as far S. as Umpqua River and the northern part of New California.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[229] Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, a close observer and clear writer, thinks 'this word Nootkah—no word at all—together with an imaginary word, Columbian, denoting a supposed original North American race—is absurdly used to denote all the tribes which inhabit the Rocky Mountains and the western coast of North America, from California inclusively to the regions inhabited by the Esquimaux. In this great tract there are more tribes, differing totally in language and customs, than in any other portion of the American continent; and surely a better general name for them could be found than this meaningless and misapplied term Nootkah Columbian.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Yet Mr Sproat suggests no other name. It is quite possible that Cook, Voy. to the Pacific, vol. ii., p. 288, misunderstood the native name of Nootka Sound. It is easy to criticise any name which might be adopted, and even if it were practicable or desirable to change all meaningless and misapplied geographical names, the same or greater objections might be raised against others, which necessity would require a writer to invent.

[230] Kane's Wand., p. 173; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; the name being given to the people between the region of the Columbia and 53° 30´.

[231] The name Nez Percés, 'pierced noses,' is usually pronounced as if English, Nez Pér-ces.

[232] For particulars and authorities see Tribal Boundaries at end of this chapter.

[233] 'The Indian tribes of the North-western Coast may be divided into two groups, the Insular and the Inland, or those who inhabit the islands and adjacent shores of the mainland, and subsist almost entirely by fishing; and those who live in the interior and are partly hunters. This division is perhaps arbitrary, or at least imperfect, as there are several tribes whose affinities with either group are obscure.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 217. See Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 147-8, and Mayne's B. C., p. 242. 'The best division is into coast and inland tribes.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226.

[234] 'By far the best looking, most intelligent and energetic people on the N. W. Coast.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Also ranked by Prichard as the finest specimens physically on the coast. Researches, vol. v., p. 433. The Nass people 'were peculiarly comely, strong, and well grown.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. 'Would be handsome, or at least comely,' were it not for the paint. 'Some of the women have exceedingly handsome faces, and very symmetrical figures.' 'Impressed by the manly beauty and bodily proportions of my islanders.' Poole's Queen Charlotte Isl., pp. 310, 314. Mackenzie found the coast people 'more corpulent and of better appearance than the inhabitants of the interior.' Voy., pp. 322-3; see pp. 370-1. 'The stature (at Burke's Canal) ... was much more stout and robust than that of the Indians further south. The prominence of their countenances and the regularity of their features, resembled the northern Europeans.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. A chief of 'gigantic person, a stately air, a noble mien, a manly port, and all the characteristics of external dignity, with a symmetrical figure, and a perfect order of European contour.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 251, 283, 285. Mayne says, 'their countenances are decidedly plainer' than the southern Indians. B. C., p. 250. 'A tall, well-formed people.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'No finer men ... can be found on the American Continent.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. In 55°, 'Son bien corpulentos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. 'The best looking Indians we had ever met.' 'Much taller, and in every way superior to the Puget Sound tribes. The women are stouter than the men, but not so good-looking.' Reed's Nar.

[235] The Sebassas are 'more active and enterprising than the Millbank tribes.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 273. The Haeeltzuk are 'comparatively effeminate in their appearance.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223. The Kyganies 'consider themselves more civilised than the other tribes, whom they regard with feelings of contempt.' Id., p. 219. The Chimsyans 'are much more active and cleanly than the tribes to the south.' Id., p. 220. 'I have, as a rule, remarked that the physical attributes of those tribes coming from the north, are superior to those of the dwellers in the south.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 40.

[236] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1, 322-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 262, 320; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'Regular, and often fine features.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[237] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 309-10, 322-3, 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 229. 'Opening of the eye long and narrow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[238] 'Had it not been for the filth, oil, and paint, with which, from their earliest infancy, they are besmeared from head to foot, there is great reason to believe that their colour would have differed but little from such of the labouring Europeans, as are constantly exposed to the inclemency and alterations of the weather.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 262. 'Between the olive and the copper.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1. 'Their complexion, when they are washed free from paint, is as white as that of the people of the S. of Europe.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. Skin 'nearly as white as ours.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 314-5. 'Of a remarkable light color.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. 'Fairer in complexion than the Vancouverians.' 'Their young women's skins are as clear and white as those of Englishwomen.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Fair in complexion, sometimes with ruddy cheeks.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'De buen semblante, color blanco y bermejos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[239] Tolmie mentions several instances of the kind, and states that 'amongst the Hydah or Queen Charlotte Island tribes, exist a family of coarse, red-haired, light-brown eyed, square-built people, short-sighted, and of fair complexion.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 229-30.

[240] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 370; Dunn's Oregon, p. 283; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 315.

[241] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 74. 'What is very unusual among the aborigines of America, they have thick beards, which appear early in life.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197.

[242] 'After the age of puberty, their bodies, in their natural state, are covered in the same manner as those of the Europeans. The men, indeed, esteem a beard very unbecoming, and take great pains to get rid of it, nor is there any ever to be perceived on their faces, except when they grow old, and become inattentive to their appearance. Every crinous efflorescence on the other parts of the body is held unseemly by them, and both sexes employ much time in their extirpation. The Nawdowessies, and the remote nations, pluck them out with bent pieces of hard wood, formed into a kind of nippers; whilst those who have communication with Europeans procure from them wire, which they twist into a screw or worm; applying this to the part, they press the rings together, and with a sudden twitch draw out all the hairs that are inclosed between them.' Carver's Trav., p. 225.

[243] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220.

[244] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 370-1; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 226; Dunn's Oregon, p. 287.

[245] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 232; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 218, 220, 223. 'The most northern of these Flat-head tribes is the Hautzuk.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325.

[246] Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 204, 233. 'This wooden ornament seems to be wore by all the sex indiscriminately, whereas at Norfolk Sound it is confined to those of superior rank.' Dixon's Voy., pp. 225, 208, with a cut. A piece of brass or copper is first put in, and 'this corrodes the lacerated parts, and by consuming the flesh gradually increases the orifice.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 279-80, 408. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 276, 279; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 651; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 106; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate.

[247] Mayne's B. C., pp. 281-2; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 75, 311; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 45-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 285.

[248] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 82, 106, 310, 322-3; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282, 283; Dunn's Oregon, p. 251.

[249] Mayne's B. C., p. 282; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 276, 291; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 310. 'The men habitually go naked, but when they go off on a journey they wear a blanket.' Reed's Nar. 'Cuero de nutrias y lobo marino ... sombreros de junco bien tejidos con la copa puntiaguda.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646.

[250] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 253, 276-7; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113.

[251] At Salmon River, 52° 58´, 'their dress consists of a single robe tied over the shoulders, falling down behind, to the heels, and before, a little below the knees, with a deep fringe round the bottom. It is generally made of the bark of the cedar tree, which they prepare as fine as hemp; though some of these garments are interwoven with strips of the sea-otter skin, which give them the appearance of a fur on one side. Others have stripes of red and yellow threads fancifully introduced towards the borders.' Clothing is laid aside whenever convenient. 'The women wear a close fringe hanging down before them about two feet in length, and half as wide. When they sit down they draw this between their thighs.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 322-3, 371; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 280, 339.

[252] A house 'erected on a platform, ... raised and supported near thirty feet from the ground by perpendicular spars of a very large size; the whole occupying a space of about thirty-five by fifteen (yards), was covered in by a roof of boards lying nearly horizontal, and parallel to the platform; it seemed to be divided into three different houses, or rather apartments, each having a separate access formed by a long tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with notches cut in it by way of steps, about a foot and a half asunder.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 274. See also pp. 137, 267-8, 272, 284. 'Their summer and winter residences are built of split plank, similar to those of the Chenooks.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'Ils habitent dans des loges de soixante pieds de long, construites avec des troncs de sapin et recouvertes d'écorces d'arbres.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337. 'Their houses are neatly constructed, standing in a row; having large images, cut out of wood, resembling idols. The dwellings have all painted fronts, showing imitations of men and animals. Attached to their houses most of them have large potatoe gardens.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 293-4. See also, pp. 251-2, 273-4, 290; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 89; vol. ii., pp. 253, 255, with cuts on p. 255 and frontispiece. 'Near the house of the chief I observed several oblong squares, of about twenty feet by eight. They were made of thick cedar boards, which were joined with so much neatness, that I at first thought they were one piece. They were painted with hieroglyphics, and figures of different animals,' probably for purposes of devotion, as was 'a large building in the middle of the village.... The ground-plot was fifty feet by forty-five; each end is formed by four stout posts, fixed perpendicularly in the ground. The corner ones are plain, and support a beam of the whole length, having three intermediate props on each side, but of a larger size, and eight or nine feet in height. The two centre posts, at each end, are two and a half feet in diameter, and carved into human figures, supporting two ridge poles on their heads, twelve feet from the ground. The figures at the upper part of this square represent two persons, with their hands upon their knees, as if they supported the weight with pain and difficulty: the others opposite to them stand at their ease, with their hands resting on their hips.... Posts, poles, and figures, were painted red and black, but the sculpture of these people is superior to their painting.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See also pp. 307, 318, 328-30, 339, 345; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 111, 113-4; Reed's Nar.; Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 127-31.

[253] On food of the Haidahs and the methods of procuring it, see Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 41, 152; Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 306, 313-14, 319-21, 327, 333, 339, 369-70; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 148, 284-5, 315-16; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 273; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 267, 274, 290-1; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Pemberton's Vancouver Island, p. 23; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Reed's Nar.

[254] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 339; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 316; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 372-3. 'Once I saw a party of Kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war. The paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained; and on each mast of the canoes—and some of them had three—was stuck the head of a slain foe.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[255] The Kaiganies 'are noted for the beauty and size of their cedar canoes, and their skill in carving. Most of the stone pipes, inlaid with fragments of Haliotis or pearl shells, so common in ethnological collections, are their handiwork. The slate quarry from which the stone is obtained is situated on Queen Charlotte's Island.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. The Chimsyans 'make figures in stone dressed like Englishmen; plates and other utensils of civilization, ornamented pipe stems and heads, models of houses, stone flutes, adorned with well-carved figures of animals. Their imitative skill is as noticeable as their dexterity in carving.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. The supporting posts of their probable temples were carved into human figures, and all painted red and black, 'but the sculpture of these people (52° 40´) is superior to their painting.' Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 330-1; see pp. 333-4. 'One man (near Fort Simpson) known as the Arrowsmith of the north-east coast, had gone far beyond his compeers, having prepared very accurate charts of most parts of the adjacent shores.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 207. 'The Indians of the Northern Family are remarkable for their ingenuity and mechanical dexterity in the construction of their canoes, houses, and different warlike or fishing implements. They construct drinking-vessels, tobacco-pipes, &c., from a soft argillaceous stone, and these articles are remarkable for the symmetry of their form, and the exceedingly elaborate and intricate figures which are carved upon them. With respect to carving and a faculty for imitation, the Queen Charlotte's Islanders are equal to the most ingenious of the Polynesian Tribes.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 218. 'Like the Chinese, they imitate literally anything that is given them to do; so that if you give them a cracked gun-stock to copy, and do not warn them, they will in their manufacture repeat the blemish. Many of their slate-carvings are very good indeed, and their designs most curious.' Mayne's B. C., p. 278. See also, Dunn's Oregon, p. 293; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337, and plate p. 387. The Skidagates 'showed me beautifully wrought articles of their own design and make, and amongst them some flutes manufactured from an unctuous blue slate.... The two ends were inlaid with lead, giving the idea of a fine silver mounting. Two of the keys perfectly represented frogs in a sitting posture, the eyes being picked out with burnished lead.... It would have done credit to a European modeller.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 258. 'Their talent for carving has made them famous far beyond their own country.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29. A square wooden box, holding one or two bushels, is made from three pieces, the sides being from one piece so mitred as to bend at the corners without breaking. 'During their performance of this character of labor, (carving, etc.) their superstitions will not allow any spectator of the operator's work.' Reed's Nar.; Ind. Life, p. 96. 'Of a very fine and hard slate they make cups, plates, pipes, little images, and various ornaments, wrought with surprising elegance and taste.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. 'Ils peignent aussi avec le même goût.' Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 298; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[256] Mackenzie's Voy., p. 338; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 63; vol. ii., pp. 215-17, 254, 258; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 251, 253, 291, 293. 'They boil the cedar root until it becomes pliable to be worked by the hand and beaten with sticks, when they pick the fibres apart into threads. The warp is of a different material—sinew of the whale, or dried kelp-thread.' Reed's Nar. 'Petatito de vara en cuadro bien vistoso, tejido de palma fina de dos colores blanco y negro que tejido en cuadritos.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., pp. 647, 650-1.

[257] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 269, and cuts on pp. 121, 291; Mackenzie's Voy., p. 335; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 204; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 303; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Reed's Nar.; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, with plate. The Bellabellahs 'promised to construct a steam-ship on the model of ours.... Some time after this rude steamer appeared. She was from 20 to 30 feet long, all in one piece—a large tree hollowed out—resembling the model of our steamer. She was black, with painted ports; decked over; and had paddles painted red, and Indians under cover, to turn them round. The steersman was not seen. She was floated triumphantly, and went at the rate of three miles an hour. They thought they had nearly come up to the point of external structure; but then the enginery baffled them; and this they thought they could imitate in time, by perseverance, and the helping illumination of the Great Spirit.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 272. See also, p. 291. 'A canoe easily distanced the champion boat of the American Navy, belonging to the man-of-war Saranac.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 29.

[258] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219; Macfie's B. C., pp. 429, 437, 458; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 279, 281-3, 292; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxxv.

[259] Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 374-5; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 240-2, 235; Macfie's B. C., p. 429; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Dixon's Voy., p. 227. 'There exists among them a regular aristocracy.' 'The chiefs are always of unquestionable birth, and generally count among their ancestors men who were famous in battle and council.' 'The chief is regarded with all the reverence and respect which his rank, his birth, and his wealth can claim,' but 'his power is by no means unlimited.' Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30.

[260] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 273-4, 283; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Bendel's Alex. Arch., p. 30; Kane's Wand., p. 220.

[261] 'Polygamy is universal, regulated simply by the facilities for subsistence.' Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235. See pp. 231-5, and vol. i., pp. 89-90. The women 'cohabit almost promiscuously with their own tribe though rarely with other tribes.' Poole, spending the night with a chief, was given the place of honor, under the same blanket with the chief's daughter—and her father. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 312-15, 115-16, 155. 'The Indians are in general very jealous of their women.' Dixon's Voy., p. 225-6. 'Tous les individus d'une famille couchent pêle-mêle sur le sol plancheyé de l'habitation.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., p. 144. 'Soon after I had retired ... the chief paid me a visit to insist on my going to his bed-companion, and taking my place himself.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 331. See pp. 300, 371-2. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263. 'On the weddingday they have a public feast, at which they dance and sing.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 252-3, 289-90. 'According to a custom of the Bellabollahs, the widow of the deceased is transferred to his brother's harem.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 203-4. 'The temporary present of a wife is one of the greatest honours that can be shown there to a guest.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 95.

[262] 'The Queen Charlotte Islanders surpass any people that I ever saw in passionate addiction' to gambling. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 318-20. See pp. 186-87, 232-33. Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 288, 311. The Sebassas are great gamblers, and 'resemble the Chinooks in their games.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 25-7, 252-9, 281-3, 293. 'The Indian mode of dancing bears a strange resemblance to that in use among the Chinese.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 82. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 258; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 263; Ind. Life, p. 63.

[263] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 223; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 285-8, and in Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 434-7; White's Oregon, p. 246; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 205; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., Nov. 1860, pp. 222-8; Ind. Life, p. 68; Reed's Nar.; Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 79.

[264] The Indians of Millbank Sound became exasperated against me, 'and they gave me the name of "Schloapes," i. e., "stingy:" and when near them, if I should spit, they would run and try to take up the spittle in something; for, according as they afterwards informed me, they intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would charm my life away.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 246-7. See pp. 279-80; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 320-1.

[265] Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 32-4, 53-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 367, 274-5.

[266] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 385-9.

[267] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 109-10, 116; Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 242.

[268] At about 52° 40´, between the Fraser River and the Pacific, Mackenzie observed the treatment of a man with a bad ulcer on his back. They blew on him and whistled, pressed their fingers on his stomach, put their fists into his mouth, and spouted water into his face. Then he was carried into the woods, laid down in a clear spot, and a fire was built against his back while the doctor scarified the ulcer with a blunt instrument. Voy., pp. 331-33; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 258, 284; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 316-18; Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., 289-91; Reed's Nar., in Olympia Wash. Stand., May 16, 1868.

[269] At Boca de Quadra, Vancouver found 'a box about three feet square, and a foot and a half deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces, or thrust with great violence into this small space.' ... 'I was inclined to suppose that this mode of depositing their dead is practised only in respect to certain persons of their society.' Voy., vol. ii., p. 351. At Cape Northumberland, in 54° 45´, 'was a kind of vault formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks, and partly by the rude artists of the country. It was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike implements, lying near a square box covered with mats and very curiously corded down.' Id., p. 370; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 106-7. On Queen Charlotte Islands, 'Ces monumens sont de deux espèces: les premiers et les plus simples ne sont composés que d'un seul pilier d'environ dix pieds d'élévation et d'un pied de diamètre, sur le sommet duquel sont fixées des planches formant un plateau; et dans quelques-uns ce plateau est supporté par deux piliers. Le corps, déposé sur cette plate-forme, est recouvert de mousse et de grosses pierres' ... 'Les mausolées de la seconde espèce sont plus composés: quatre poteaux plantés en terre, et élevés de deux pieds seulement au-dessus du sol portent un sarcophage travaillé avec art, et hermétiquement clos.' Marchand, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 135-6. 'According to another account it appeared that they actually bury their dead; and when another of the family dies, the remains of the person who was last interred, are taken from the grave and burned.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 308. See also pp. 374, 295-98; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 203-4; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272, 276, 280; Mayne's B. C., pp. 272, 293; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 235; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 440-41; Dall's Alaska, p. 417.

[270] On the coast, at 52° 12´, Vancouver found them 'civil, good-humoured and friendly.' At Cascade Canal, about 52° 24´, 'in traffic they proved themselves to be keen traders, but acted with the strictest honesty;' at Point Hopkins 'they all behaved very civilly and honestly;' while further north, at Observatory Inlet, 'in their countenances was expressed a degree of savage ferocity infinitely surpassing any thing of the sort I had before observed,' presents being scornfully rejected. Voy., vol. ii., pp. 281, 269, 303, 337. The Kitswinscolds on Skeena River 'are represented as a very superior race, industrious, sober, cleanly, and peaceable.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533. The Chimsyans are fiercer and more uncivilized than the Indians of the South. Sproat's Scenes, p. 317. 'Finer and fiercer men than the Indians of the South.' Mayne's B. C., p. 250. 'They appear to be of a friendly disposition, but they are subject to sudden gusts of passion, which are as quickly composed; and the transition is instantaneous, from violent irritation to the most tranquil demeanor. Of the many tribes ... whom I have seen, these appear to be the most susceptible of civilization.' Mackenzie's Voy., p. 375, 322. At Stewart's Lake the natives, whenever there is any advantage to be gained are just as readily tempted to betray each other as to deceive the colonists. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 466-68, 458-59; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 174. A Kygarnie chief being asked to go to America or England, refused to go where even chiefs were slaves—that is, had duties to perform—while he at home was served by slaves and wives. The Sebassas 'are more active and enterprising than the Milbank tribes, but the greatest thieves and robbers on the coast.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 287, 273. 'All these visitors of Fort Simpson are turbulent and fierce. Their broils, which are invariably attended with bloodshed, generally arise from the most trivial causes.' Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 206. The Kygarnies 'are very cleanly, fierce and daring.' The islanders, 'when they visit the mainland, they are bold and treacherous, and always ready for mischief.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 219. The Kygarnies 'are a very fierce, treacherous race, and have not been improved by the rum and fire-arms sold to them.' Dall's Alaska, p. 411. Queen Charlotte Islanders look upon white men as superior beings, but conceal the conviction. The Skidagates are the most intelligent race upon the islands. Wonderfully acute in reading character, yet clumsy in their own dissimulation.... 'Not revengeful or blood-thirsty, except when smarting under injury or seeking to avert an imaginary wrong.' ... 'I never met with a really brave man among them.' The Acoltas have 'given more trouble to the Colonial Government than any other along the coast.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 83, 151-2, 185-6, 208, 214, 233, 235, 245, 257, 271-72, 289, 309, 320-21. 'Of a cruel and treacherous disposition.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 197. They will stand up and fight Englishmen with their fists. Sproat's Scenes, p. 23. Intellectually superior to the Puget Sound tribes. Reed's Nar. 'Mansos y de buena indole.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s. iv., vol. vi., p. 646. On Skeena River, 'the worst I have seen in all my travels.' Downie, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 73. 'As rogues, where all are rogues,' preëminence is awarded them. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 74-5.

[271] 'On my arrival at this inlet, I had honoured it with the name of King George's Sound; but I afterward found, that it is called Nootka by the natives.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 288. 'No Aht Indian of the present day ever heard of such a name as Nootkah, though most of them recognize the other words in Cook's account of their language.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 315. Sproat conjectures that the name may have come from Noochee! Noochee! the Aht word for mountain. A large proportion of geographical names originate in like manner through accident.

[272] For full particulars see Tribal Boundaries at end of this chapter.

[273] 'The Newatees, mentioned in many books, are not known on the west coast. Probably the Klah-oh-quahts are meant.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 314.

[274] There are no Indians in the interior. Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. B. Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 115.

[275] The same name is also applied to one of the Sound nations across the strait in Washington.

[276] The Teets or Haitlins are called by the Tacullies, 'Sa-Chinco' strangers. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 73-4.

[277] Sproat's division into nations, 'almost as distinct as the nations of Europe' is into the Quoquoulth (Quackoll) or Fort Rupert, in the north and north-east; the Kowitchan, or Thongeith, on the east and south; Aht on the west coast; and Komux, a distinct tribe also on the east of Vancouver. 'These tribes of the Ahts are not confederated; and I have no other warrant for calling them a nation than the fact of their occupying adjacent territories, and having the same superstitions and language.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 18-19, 311. Mayne makes by language four nations; the first including the Cowitchen in the harbor and valley of the same name north of Victoria, with the Nanaimo and Kwantlum Indians about the mouth of the Fraser River, and the Songhies; the second comprising the Comoux, Nanoose, Nimpkish, Quawguult, etc., on Vancouver, and the Squawmisht, Sechelt, Clahoose, Ucle-tah, Mama-lil-a-culla, etc., on the main, and islands, between Nanaimo and Fort Rupert; the third and fourth groups include the twenty-four west-coast tribes who speak two distinct languages, not named. Mayne's Vanc. Isl., pp. 243-51. Grant's division gives four languages on Vancouver, viz., the Quackoll, from Clayoquot Sound north to C. Scott, and thence S. to Johnson's Strait; the Cowitchin, from Johnson's Strait to Sanetch Arm; the Tsclallum, or Clellum, from Sanetch to Soke, and on the opposite American shore; and the Macaw, from Patcheena to Clayoquot Sound. 'These four principal languages ... are totally distinct from each other, both in sound, formation, and modes of expression.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 295. Scouler attempts no division into nations or languages. Lond. Geo. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 221, 224. Mofras singularly designates them as one nation of 20,000 souls, under the name of Ouakich. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. Recent investigations have shown a somewhat different relationship of these languages, which I shall give more particularly in a subsequent volume.

[278] See Sproat's Scenes, pp. 272-86, on the 'effects upon savages of intercourse with civilized men.' 'Hitherto, (1856) in Vancouver Island, the tribes who have principally been in intercourse with the white man, have found it for their interest to keep up that intercourse in amity for the purposes of trade, and the white adventurers have been so few in number, that they have not at all interfered with the ordinary pursuits of the natives.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 303.

[279] 'Muy robustos y bien apersonados.' 'De mediana estatura, excepto los Xefes cuya corpulencia se hace notar.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 55, 124. 'The young princess was of low stature, very plump.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. Macquilla, the chief was five feet eight inches, with square shoulders and muscular limbs; his son was five feet nine inches. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 110-12. The seaboard tribes have 'not much physical strength.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 73. 'La gente dicen ser muy robusta.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'Leur taille est moyenne.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 343. 'In general, robust and well proportioned.' Meares' Voy., p. 249. Under the common stature, pretty full and plump, but not muscular—never corpulent, old people lean—short neck and clumsy body; women nearly the same size as the men. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Of smaller stature than the Northern Tribes; they are usually fatter and more muscular.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. In the north, among the Clayoquots and Quackolls, men are often met of five feet ten inches and over; on the south coast the stature varies from five feet three inches to five feet six inches. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297. 'The men are in general from about five feet six to five feet eight inches in height; remarkably straight, of a good form, robust and strong.' Only one dwarf was seen. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 60-61. The Klah-oh-quahts are 'as a tribe physically the finest. Individuals may be found in all the tribes who reach a height of five feet eleven inches, and a weight of 180 pounds, without much flesh on their bodies.' Extreme average height: men, five feet six inches, women, five feet one-fourth inch. 'Many of the men have well-shaped forms and limbs. None are corpulent.' 'The men generally have well-set, strong frames, and, if they had pluck and skill, could probably hold their own in a grapple with Englishmen of the same stature.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 22-3. 'Rather above the middle stature, copper-colored and of an athletic make.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 442. 'Spare muscular forms.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 14-22.

[280] Limbs small, crooked, or ill-made; large feet; badly shaped, and projecting ankles from sitting so much on their hams and knees. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Their limbs, though stout and athletic, are crooked and ill-shaped.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. 'Ils ont les membres inférieures légèrement arqués, les chevilles très-saillantes, et la pointe des pieds tournée en dedans, difformité qui provient de la manière dont ils sont assis dans leurs canots.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 343-4. 'Stunted, and move with a lazy waddling gait.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 428. 'Skeleton shanks ... not much physical strength ... bow-legged—defects common to the seaboard tribes.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 73-4. All the females of the Northwest Coast are very short-limbed. 'Raro es el que no tiene muy salientes los tobillos y las puntas de los pies inclinadas hácia dentro ... y una especie de entumecimiento que se advierte, particularmente en las mugeres.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124, 30, 62-3. They have great strength in the fingers. Sproat's Scenes, p. 33. Women, short-limbed, and toe in. Id., p. 22; Mayne's B. C., pp. 282-3. 'The limbs of both sexes are ill-formed, and the toes turned inwards.' 'The legs of the women, especially those of the slaves, are often swollen as if oedematous, so that the leg appears of an uniform thickness from the ankle to the calf,' from wearing a garter. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221.

[281] The different Aht tribes vary in physiognomy somewhat—'faces of the Chinese and Spanish types may be seen.' 'The face of the Ahts is rather broad and flat; the mouth and lips of both men and women are large, though to this there are exceptions, and the cheekbones are broad but not high. The skull is fairly shaped, the eyes small and long, deep set, in colour a lustreless inexpressive black, or very dark hazel, none being blue, grey, or brown.... One occasionally sees an Indian with eyes distinctly Chinese. The nose ... in some instances is remarkably well-shaped.' 'The teeth are regular, but stumpy, and are deficient in enamel at the points,' perhaps from eating sanded salmon. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 27. 'Their faces are large and full, their cheeks high and prominent, with small black eyes; their noses are broad and flat; their lips thick, and they have generally very fine teeth, and of the most brilliant whiteness.' Meares' Voy., pp. 249-50; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44. 'La fisonomia de estos (Nitinats) era differente de la de los habitantes de Nutka: tenian el cráneo de figura natural, los ojos chicos muy próximos, cargados los párpados.' Many have a languid look, but few a stupid appearance. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 28, 30, 62-3, 124. 'Dull and inexpressive eye.' 'Unprepossessing and stupid countenances.' Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 74, 80. The Wickinninish have 'a much less open and pleasing expression of countenance' than the Klaizzarts. The Newchemass 'were the most savage looking and ugly men that I ever saw.' 'The shape of the face is oval; the features are tolerably regular, the lips being thin and the teeth very white and even: their eyes are black but rather small, and the nose pretty well formed, being neither flat nor very prominent.' The women 'are in general very well-looking, and some quite handsome.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 76, 77, 61. 'Features that would have attracted notice for their delicacy and beauty, in those parts of the world where the qualities of the human form are best understood.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. Face round and full, sometimes broad, with prominent cheek-bones ... falling in between the temples, the nose flattening at the base, wide nostrils and a rounded point ... forehead low; eyes small, black and languishing; mouth round, with large, round, thickish lips; teeth tolerably equal and well-set, but not very white. Remarkable sameness, a dull phlegmatic want of expression; no pretensions to beauty among the women. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-2. See portraits of Nootkas in Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 108; Cook's Atlas, pl. 38-9; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; Whymper's Alaska, p. 75. 'Long nose, high cheek bones, large ugly mouth, very long eyes, and foreheads villainously low.' 'The women of Vancouver Island have seldom or ever good features; they are almost invariably pug-nosed; they have however, frequently a pleasing expression, and there is no lack of intelligence in their dark hazel eyes.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297-8. 'Though without any pretensions to beauty, could not be considered as disagreeable.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'Have the common facial characteristics of low foreheads, high cheek-bones, aquiline noses, and large mouths.' 'Among some of the tribes pretty women may be seen.' Mayne's B. C., p. 277.

[282] 'Her skin was clean, and being nearly white,' etc. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 395. 'Reddish brown, like that of a dirty copper kettle.' Some, when washed, have 'almost a florid complexion.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 297, 299. 'Brown, somewhat inclining to a copper cast.' The women are much whiter, 'many of them not being darker than those in some of the Southern parts of Europe.' The Newchemass are much darker than the other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 77. 'Their complexion, though light, has more of a copper hue' than that of the Haidahs. Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 221. 'Skin white, with the clear complexion of Europe.' Meares' Voy., p. 250. The color hard to tell on account of the paint, but in a few cases 'the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast ... of our southern nations.... Their children ... also equalled ours in whiteness.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 303. 'Their complexion is a dull brown,' darker than the Haidahs. 'Cook and Meares probably mentioned exceptional cases.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 23-4. 'Tan blancos como el mejor Español.' Perez, Rel. del Viage, MS., p. 20. 'Por lo que se puede inferir del (color) de los niños, parece menos obscuro que el de los Mexicanos,' but judging by the chiefs' daughters they are wholly white. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 125. 'A dark, swarthy copper-coloured figure.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. They 'have lighter complexions than other aborigines of America.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116. 'Sallow complexion, verging towards copper colour.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 44-6. Copper-coloured. Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[283] 'The hair of the natives is never shaven from the head. It is black or dark brown, without gloss, coarse and lank, but not scanty, worn long.... Slaves wear their hair short. Now and then, but rarely, a light-haired native is seen. There is one woman in the Opechisat tribe at Alberni who had curly, or rather wavy, brown hair. Few grey-haired men can be noticed in any tribe. The men's beards and whiskers are deficient, probably from the old alleged custom, now seldom practiced, of extirpating the hairs with small shells. Several of the Nootkah Sound natives (Moouchahts) have large moustaches and whiskers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25-7. 'El cabello es largo lacio y grueso, variando su color entre rubio, obscuro, castaño y negro. La barba sale á los mozos con la misma regularidad que á los de otros paises, y llega á ser en los ancianos tan poblada y larga como la de los Turcos; pero los jóvenes parecen imberbes porque se la arrancan con los dedos, ó mas comunmente con pinzas formadas de pequeñas conchas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 124-5, 57. 'Hair of the head is in great abundance, very coarse, and strong; and without a single exception, black, straight and lank.' No beards at all, or a small thin one on the chin, not from a natural defect, but from plucking. Old men often have beards. Eyebrows scanty and narrow. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 301-3. 'Neither beard, whisker, nor moustache ever adorns the face of the redskin.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 61, 75, 77. Hair 'invariably either black or dark brown.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Meares' Voy., p. 250; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[284] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 126-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 26-7; Meares' Voy., p. 254; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 21, 23, 62, 65, 77-8; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Mayne's B. C., pp. 277-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 44.

[285] Mayne's B. C., pp. 242, 277, with cut of a child with bandaged head, and of a girl with a sugar-loaf head, measuring eighteen inches from the eyes to the summit. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 298; Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 222; Meares' Voy., p. 249; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 441; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 171; vol. ii., p. 103, cut of three skulls of flattened, conical, and natural form; Kane's Wand., p. 241; Jewitt's Nar., p. 76; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 325; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 45; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 115.

[286] At Valdes Island, 'the faces of some were made intirely white, some red, black, or lead colour.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307, 341. At Nuñez Gaona Bay, 'se pintan de encarnado y negro.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 30. At Nootka Sound, 'Con esta grasa (de ballena) se untan todo el cuerpo, y despues se pintan con una especie de barniz compuesto de la misma grasa ó aceyte, y de almagre en términos que parece este su color natural.' Chiefs only may paint in varied colors, plebeians being restricted to one.' Id., pp. 125-7. 'Many of the females painting their faces on all occasions, but the men only at set periods.' Vermilion is obtained by barter. Black, their war and mourning color, is made by themselves. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442. 'Ces Indiens enduisent leur corps d'huile de baleine, et se peignent avec des ocres.' Chiefs only may wear different colors, and figures of animals. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. 'Rub their bodies constantly with a red paint, of a clayey or coarse ochry substance, mixed with oil.... Their faces are often stained with a black, a brighter red, or a white colour, by way of ornament.... They also strew the brown martial mica upon the paint, which makes it glitter.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. 'A line of vermilion extends from the centre of the forehead to the tip of the nose, and from this "trunk line" others radiate over and under the eyes and across the cheeks. Between these red lines white and blue streaks alternately fill the interstices. A similar pattern ornaments chest, arms, and back, the frescoing being artistically arranged to give apparent width to the chest.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 143. 'They paint the face in hideous designs of black and red (the only colours used), and the parting of the hair is also coloured red.' Mayne's B. C., p. 277. 'At great feasts the faces of the women are painted red with vermilion or berry-juice, and the men's faces are blackened with burnt wood. About the age of twenty-five the women cease to use paint.... Some of the young men streak their faces with red, but grown-up men seldom now use paint, unless on particular occasions.... The leader of a war expedition is distinguished by a streaked visage from his black-faced followers.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 27-8. The manner of painting is often a matter of whim. 'The most usual method is to paint the eye-brows black, in form of a half moon, and the face red in small squares, with the arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes one half of the face is painted red in squares, and the other black; at others, dotted with red spots, or red and black instead of squares, with a variety of other devices, such as painting one half of the face and body red, and the other black.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 64; Meares' Voy., p. 252; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46; Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 71.

[287] 'The habit of tattooing the legs and arms is common to all the women of Vancouver's Island; the men do not adopt it.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'No such practice as tattooing exists among these natives.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 27. 'The ornament on which they appear to set the most value, is the nose-jewel, if such an appellation may be given to the wooden stick, which some of them employ for this purpose.... I have seen them projecting not less than eight or nine inches beyond the face on each side; this is made fast or secured in its place by little wedges on each side of it.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 65-6, 75; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30, 126-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 442; Whymper's Alaska, pp. 37, 74, with cut of mask. Mayne's B. C., p. 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 221-2, and illustration of a hair medicine-cap.

[288] 'Their cloaks, which are circular capes with a hole in the centre, edged with sea-otter skin, are constructed from the inner bark of the cypress. It turns the rain, is very soft and pliable,' etc. Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112. The usual dress of the Newchemass 'is a kootsuck made of wolf skin, with a number of the tails attached to it ... hanging from the top to the bottom; though they sometimes wear a similar mantle of bark cloth, of a much coarser texture than that of Nootka.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 77-8, 21-3, 56-8, 62-6. 'Their common dress is a flaxen garment, or mantle, ornamented on the upper edge by a narrow strip of fur, and at the lower edge, by fringes or tassels. It passes under the left arm, and is tied over the right shoulder, by a string before, and one behind, near its middle.... Over this, which reaches below the knees, is worn a small cloak of the same substance, likewise fringed at the lower part.... Their head is covered with a cap, of the figure of a truncated cone, or like a flower-pot, made of fine matting, having the top frequently ornamented with a round or pointed knob, or bunch of leathern tassels.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 304-8, 270-1, 280. 'The men's dress is a blanket; the women's a strip of cloth, or shift, and blanket. The old costume of the natives was the same as at present, but the material was different.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 25, 315. 'Their clothing generally consists of skins,' but they have two other garments of bark or dog's hair. 'Their garments of all kinds are worn mantlewise, and the borders of them are fringed' with wampum. Spark's Life of Ledyard, pp. 71-2; Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 30-1, 38, 56-7, 126-8; Meares' Voy., pp. 251-4; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 297; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 143-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 344-5; Whymper's Alaska, p. 37; Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 116; Macfie's Van. Isl., pp. 431, 443; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 46. See portraits in Cook's Atlas, Belcher's Voy., Sutil y Mexicana, Atlas, and Whymper's Alaska.

[289] On the east side of Vancouver was a village of thirty-four houses, arranged in regular streets. The house of the leader 'was distinguished by three rafters of stout timber raised above the roof, according to the architecture of Nootka, though much inferior to those I had there seen, in point of size.' Bed-rooms were separated, and more decency observed than at Nootka Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346-7, with a view of this village; also pp. 324-5, description of the village on Desolation Sound; p. 338, on Valdes Island; p. 326, view of village on Bute Canal; and vol. iii., pp. 310-11, a peculiarity not noticed by Cook—'immense pieces of timber which are raised, and horizontally placed on wooden pillars, about eighteen inches above the roof of the largest houses in that village; one of which pieces of timber was of a size sufficient to have made a lower mast for a third rate man of war.' See Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 281, 313-19, and Atlas, plate 40. A sort of a duplicate inside building, with shorter posts, furnishes on its roof a stage, where all kinds of property and supplies are stored. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 37-43. 'The planks or boards which they make use of for building their houses, and for other uses, they procure of different lengths, as occasion requires, by splitting them out, with hard wooden wedges from pine logs, and afterwards dubbing them down with their chizzels.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 52-4. Grant states that the Nootka houses are palisade inclosures formed of stakes or young fir-trees, some twelve or thirteen feet high, driven into the ground close together, roofed in with slabs of fir or cedar. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299. The Teets have palisaded enclosures. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 74. 'The chief resides at the upper end, the proximity of his relatives to him being according to their degree of kindred.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 443-4; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 112; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158, 164-5, 167, 320-21; Seemann's Voy. of Herald, vol. i., pp. 105-6. The carved pillars are not regarded by the natives as idols in any sense. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 128-9, 102; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 47, 73-4. Some houses eighty by two hundred feet. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533; Mayne's B. C., p. 296; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., pp. 120-1.

[290] 'Their heads and their garments swarm with vermin, which, ... we used to see them pick off with great composure, and eat.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 305. See also pp. 279-80, 318-24. 'Their mode of living is very simple—their food consisting almost wholly of fish, or fish spawn fresh or dried, the blubber of the whale, seal, or sea-cow, muscles, clams, and berries of various kinds; all of which are eaten with a profusion of train oil.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 58-60, 68-9, 86-8, 94-7, 103. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 52-7, 61, 87, 144-9, 216-70. 'The common business of fishing for ordinary sustenance is carried on by slaves, or the lower class of people;—While the more noble occupation of killing the whale and hunting the sea-otter, is followed by none but the chiefs and warriors.' Meares' Voy., p. 258. 'They make use of the dried fucus giganteus, anointed with oil, for lines, in taking salmon and sea-otters.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 112-13. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 17, 26, 45-6, 59-60, 76, 129-30, 134-5; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 299-300; Mayne's B. C., pp. 252-7; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 165-442; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., p. 239; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., pp. 28-32; Dunn's Oregon, p. 243; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 338. The Sau-kau-lutuck tribe 'are said to live on the edge of a lake, and subsist principally on deer and bear, and such fish as they can take in the lake.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 158-9; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 48, 74-5, 76-7, 85-6, 90-1, 144-50, 197-8; vol. ii., p. 111; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 100; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., pp. 54-5; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 77-8, 82-3; Hud. Bay Co., Rept. Spec. Com., 1857, p. 114.

[291] Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 57, 63, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-81; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 443; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 100. 'The native bow, like the canoe and paddle, is beautifully formed. It is generally made of yew or crab-apple wood, and is three and a half feet long, with about two inches at each end turned sharply backwards from the string. The string is a piece of dried seal-gut, deer-sinew, or twisted bark. The arrows are about thirty inches long, and are made of pine or cedar, tipped with six inches of serrated bone, or with two unbarbed bone or iron prongs. I have never seen an Aht arrow with a barbed head.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 82. 'Having now to a great extent discarded the use of the traditional tomahawk and spear. Many of these weapons are, however, still preserved as heirlooms among them.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 42. 'No bows and arrows.' 'Generally fight hand to hand, and not with missiles.' Fitzwilliam's Evidence, in Hud. Bay Co. Rept., 1857, p. 115.

[292] The Ahts 'do not take the scalp of the enemy, but cut off his head, by three dexterous movements of the knife ... and the warrior who has taken most heads is most praised and feared.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 186-202. 'Scalp every one they kill.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 470, 443, 467. One of the Nootka princes assured the Spaniards that the bravest captains ate human flesh before engaging in battle. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. The Nittinahts consider the heads of enemies slain in battle as spolia opima. Whymper's Alaska, pp. 54, 78; Jewitt's Nar., pp. 120-1; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 155-6, 158, 166, 171, vol. ii., p. 251-3. Women keep watch during the night, and tell the exploits of their nation to keep awake. Meares' Voy., p. 267. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 396; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Mayne's B. C., p. 270; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 41-2, 129-36.

[293] 'They have no seats.... The rowers generally sit on their hams, but sometimes they make use of a kind of small stool.' Meares' Voy., pp. 263-4. The larger canoes are used for sleeping and eating, being dry and more comfortable than the houses. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 319, 327, and Atlas, pl. 41. 'The most skillful canoe-makers among the tribes are the Nitinahts and the Klah-oh-quahts. They make canoes for sale to other tribes.' 'The baling-dish of the canoes, is always of one shape—the shape of the gable-roof of a cottage.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 85, 87-8; Mayne's B. C., p. 283, and cut on title-page. Canoes not in use are hauled up on the beach in front of their villages. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 301. 'They keep time to the stroke of the paddle with their songs.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 69-71, 75; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 39, 133; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 144; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 338. Their canoes 'are believed to supply the pattern after which clipper ships are built.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 484, 430. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 50. Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 533.

[294] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 271, 308, 316, 326, 329-30. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 86-9, 317; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 129; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 257-8, which describes a painted and ornamented plate of native copper some one and a half by two and a half feet, kept with great care in a wooden case, also elaborately ornamented. It was the property of the tribe at Fort Rupert, and was highly prized, and only brought out on great occasions, though its use was not discovered. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 165.

[295] Woolen cloths of all degrees of fineness, made by hand and worked in figures, by a method not known. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 325. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 46, 136; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 254; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 88-9; Jewitt's Nar., p. 55; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 442, 451, 483-5; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 344; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-100. 'The implement used for weaving, (by the Teets) differed in no apparent respect from the rude loom of the days of the Pharaohs.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[296] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 79-81, 89, 96, 111-13; Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 429, 437; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 284; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 147; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 165-6; Mayne's B. C., 263-5.

[297] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 78-80; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 19, 55, 78-9, 92. Before the adoption of blankets as a currency, they used small shells from the coast bays for coin, and they are still used by some of the more remote tribes. Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 307. 'Their acuteness in barter is remarkable.' Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25.

[298] The Ahts 'divide the year into thirteen months, or rather moons, and begin with the one that pretty well answers to our November. At the same time, as their names are applied to each actual new moon as it appears, they are not, by half a month and more (sometimes), identical with our calendar months.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 121-4. 'Las personas mas cultas dividen el año en catorce meses, y cada uno de estos en veinte dias, agregando luego algunos dias intercalares al fin de cada mes. El de Julio, que ellos llaman Satz-tzi-mitl, y es el primero de su año, á mas de sus veinte dias ordinarios tiene tantos intercalares quantos dura la abundancia de lenguados, atunes, etc.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 153-4, 148; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 295, 304; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 242-4.

[299] 'They shew themselves ingenious sculptors. They not only preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own faces, but finish the more minute parts, with a degree of accuracy in proportion, and neatness in execution.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 326-7, and Atlas, pl. 40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 164-5, vol. ii., pp. 257-8, and cut, p. 103; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7, 484; Mayne's B. C., cut on p. 271.

[300] 'In an Aht tribe of two hundred men, perhaps fifty possess various degrees of acquired or inherited rank; there may be about as many slaves; the remainder are independent members.' Some of the Klah-oh-quahts 'pay annually to their chief certain contributions, consisting of blankets, skins, etc.' 'A chief's "blue blood" avails not in a dispute with one of his own people; he must fight his battle like a common man.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 113-17, 18-20, 226. Cheslakees, a chief on Johnson's Strait, was inferior but not subordinate in authority to Maquinna, the famous king at Nootka Sound, but the chief at Loughborough's Channel claimed to be under Maquinna. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 346, 331. 'La dignidad de Tays es hereditaria de padres á hijos, y pasa regularmente á estos luego que estan en edad de gobernar, si los padres por ancianidad ú otras causas no pueden seguir mandando.' 'El gobierno de estos naturales puede llamarse Patriarcal; pues el Xefe de la nacion hace á un mismo tiempo los oficios de padre de familia, de Rey y de Sumo Sacerdote.' 'Los nobles gozan de tanta consideracion en Nutka, que ni aun de palabra se atreven los Tayses á reprehenderlos.' 'Todos consideraban á este (Maquinna) como Soberano de las costas, desde la de Buena Esperanza hasta la punta de Arrecifes, con todos los Canales interiores.' To steal, or to know carnally a girl nine years old, is punished with death. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 140, 136, 147, 19, 25. 'There are such men as Chiefs, who are distinguished by the name or title of Acweek, and to whom the others are, in some measure, subordinate. But, I should guess, the authority of each of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he belongs.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 333-4. 'La forme de leur gouvernement est toute patriarcale, et la dignité de chef, héréditaire.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 346. Several very populous villages to the northward, included in the territory of Maquilla, the head chief, were entrusted to the government of the principal of his female relations. The whole government formed a political bond of union similar to the feudal system which formerly obtained in Europe. Meares' Voy., pp. 228-9. 'The king or head Tyee, is their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute. He is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 138-9, 47, 69, 73. Kane's Wand., pp. 220-1. 'There is no code of laws, nor do the chiefs possess the power or means of maintaining a regular government; but their personal influence is nevertheless very great with their followers.' Douglas, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxiv., p. 246.

[301] 'Usually kindly treated, eat of the same food, and live as well as their masters.' 'None but the king and chiefs have slaves.' 'Maquinna had nearly fifty, male and female, in his house.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 73-4. Meares states that slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. Voy., p. 255. The Newettee tribe nearly exterminated by kidnappers. Dunn's Oregon, p. 242. 'An owner might bring half a dozen slaves out of his house and kill them publicly in a row without any notice being taken of the atrocity. But the slave, as a rule, is not harshly treated.' 'Some of the smaller tribes at the north of the Island are practically regarded as slave-breeding tribes, and are attacked periodically by stronger tribes.' The American shore of the strait is also a fruitful source of slaves. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 89-92. 'They say that one Flathead slave is worth more than two Roundheads.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 327; Mayne's B. C., p. 284; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 296; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 154-5, 166; Kane's Wand., p. 220; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 131; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 431, 442, 470-1.

[302] 'The women go to bed first, and are up first in the morning to prepare breakfast,' p. 52. 'The condition of the Aht women is not one of unseemly inferiority,' p. 93. 'Their female relations act as midwives. There is no separate place for lying-in. The child, on being born, is rolled up in a mat among feathers.' 'They suckle one child till another comes,' p. 94. 'A girl who was known to have lost her virtue, lost with it one of her chances of a favourable marriage, and a chief ... would have put his daughter to death for such a lapse,' p. 95. In case of a separation, if the parties belong to different tribes, the children go with the mother, p. 96. 'No traces of the existence of polyandry among the Ahts,' p. 99. The personal modesty of the Aht women when young is much greater than that of the men, p. 315. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 28-30, 50-2, 93-102, 160, 264, 315. One of the chiefs said that three was the number of wives permitted: 'como número necesario para no comunicar con la que estuviese en cinta.' 'Muchos de ellos mueren sin casarse.' 'El Tays no puede hacer uso de sus mugeres sin ver enteramente iluminado el disco de la luna.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 141-6. Women treated with no particular respect in any situation. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 318. Persons of the same crest are not allowed to marry. 'The child again always takes the crest of the mother.' 'As a rule also, descent is traced from the mother, not from the father.' 'Intrigue with the wives of men of other tribes is one of the commonest causes of quarrel among the Indians.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 257-8, 276; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 444-7. The women are 'very reserved and chaste.' Meares' Voy., pp. 251, 258, 265, 268; Kane's Wand., pp. 239-40. The Indian woman, to sooth her child, makes use of a springy stick fixed obliquely in the ground to which the cradle is attached by a string, forming a convenient baby-jumper. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 259; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 346-7. 'Where there are no slaves in the tribe or family they perform all the drudgery of bringing firewood, water, &c.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 298-9, 304. No intercourse between the newly married pair for a period of ten days, p. 129. 'Perhaps in no part of the world is virtue more prized,' p. 74. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 59-60, 74, 127-9; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 101.

[303] 'When relieved from the presence of strangers, they have much easy and social conversation among themselves.' 'The conversation is frequently coarse and indecent.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 50-1. 'Cantando y baylando al rededor de las hogueras, abandonándose á todos los excesos de la liviandad.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 133.

[304] Sproat's Scenes, pp. 55-6; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 144.

[305] Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 299; Mayne's B. C., pp. 275-6; Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 134; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 444; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 53.

[306] Sproat's Scenes, p. 269. But Lord says 'nothing can be done without it.' Nat., vol. i., p. 168.

[307] The Indian never invites any of the same crest as himself. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., 445. 'They are very particular about whom they invite to their feasts, and, on great occasions, men and women feast separately, the women always taking the precedence.' Duncan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 263-6; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 59-63.

[308] Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 259-60.

[309] 'I have never seen an Indian woman dance at a feast, and believe it is seldom if ever done.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 267-9. The women generally 'form a separate circle, and chaunt and jump by themselves.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306. 'As a rule, the men and women do not dance together; when the men are dancing the women sing and beat time,' but there is a dance performed by both sexes. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 66-7. 'On other occasions a male chief will invite a party of female guests to share his hospitality.' Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 431. 'Las mugeres baylan desayradisimamente; rara vez se prestan á esta diversion.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 152.

[310] 'La decencia obliga á pasar en silencio los bayles obscenos de los Mischîmis (common people), especialmente el del impotente á causa de la edad, y el del pobre que no ha podido casarse.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2, 18; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 432-7; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 65-71; Mayne's B. C., pp. 266-7; Jewitt's Nar., p. 389; Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., p. 306; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 99-103.

[311] Jewitt's Nar., pp. 39, 60, 72-3; Vancouver's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 307-10; Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11.

[312] Their music is mostly grave and serious, and in exact concert, when sung by great numbers. 'Variations numerous and expressive, and the cadence or melody powerfully soothing.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 310-11, 283. Dislike European music. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 151-2. 'Their tunes are generally soft and plaintive, and though not possessing great variety, are not deficient in harmony.' Jewitt thinks the words of the songs may be borrowed from other tribes. Jewitt's Nar., p. 72, and specimen of war song, p. 166. Airs consist of five or six bars, varying slightly, time being beaten in the middle of the bar. 'Melody they have none, there is nothing soft, pleasing, or touching in their airs; they are not, however, without some degree of rude harmony.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xviii., p. 306. 'A certain beauty of natural expression in many of the native strains, if it were possible to relieve them from the monotony which is their fault.' There are old men, wandering minstrels, who sing war songs and beg. 'It is remarkable how aptly the natives catch and imitate songs heard from settlers or travelers.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 63-5.

[313] Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 430-1; Jewitt's Nar., p. 39.

[314] 'I have seen the sorcerers at work a hundred times, but they use so many charms, which appear to me ridiculous,—they sing, howl, and gesticulate in so extravagant a manner, and surround their office with such dread and mystery,—that I am quite unable to describe their performances,' pp. 169-70. 'An unlucky dream will stop a sale, a treaty, a fishing, hunting, or war expedition,' p. 175. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 165-75. A chief, offered a piece of tobacco for allowing his portrait to be made, said it was a small reward for risking his life. Kane's Wand., p. 240. Shrewd individuals impose on their neighbors by pretending to receive a revelation, telling them where fish or berries are most abundant. Description of initiatory ceremonies of the sorcerers. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 446, 433-7, 451. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 98-9. A brave prince goes to a distant lake, jumps from a high rock into the water, and rubs all the skin off his face with pieces of rough bark, amid the applause of his attendants. Description of king's prayers, and ceremonies to bring rain. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 145-6, 37. Candidates are thrown into a state of mesmerism before their initiation. 'Medicus', in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 227-8; Barrett-Lennard's Trav., pp. 51-3; Californias, Noticias, pp. 61-85.

[315] They brought for sale 'human skulls, and hands not yet quite stripped of the flesh, which they made our people plainly understand they had eaten; and, indeed, some of them had evident marks that they had been upon the fire.' Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 271. Slaves are occasionally sacrificed and feasted upon. Meares' Voy., p. 255. 'No todos habian comido la carne humana, ni en todo tiempo, sino solamente los guerreros mas animosos quando se preparaban para salir á campaña.' 'Parece indudable que estos salvages han sido antropófagos.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 130. 'At Nootka Sound, and at the Sandwich Islands, Ledyard witnessed instances of cannibalism. In both places he saw human flesh prepared for food.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 74; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, pp. 104-6. 'Cannibalism, all-though unknown among the Indians of the Columbia, is practised by the savages on the coast to the northward.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 310-11. The cannibal ceremonies quoted by Macfie and referred to Vancouver Island, probably were intended for the Haidahs farther north. Vanc. Isl., p. 434. A slave as late as 1850 was drawn up and down a pole by a hook through the skin and tendons of the back, and afterwards devoured. Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 223. 'L'anthropophagie á été longtemps en usage ... et peut-être y existe-t-elle encore.... Le chef Maquina ... tuait un prisonnier à chaque lune nouvelle. Tous les chefs étaient invités à cette horrible fête.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 345. 'It is not improbable that the suspicion that the Nootkans are cannibals may be traced to the practice of some custom analagous to the Tzeet-tzaiak of the Haeel tzuk.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 223-4. 'The horrid practice of sacrificing a victim is not annual, but only occurs either once in three years or else at uncertain intervals.' Sproat's Scenes, p. 156.

[316] 'Rheumatism and paralysis are rare maladies.' Syphilis is probably indigenous. Amputation, blood-letting, and metallic medicine not employed. Medicines to produce love are numerous. 'Young and old of both sexes are exposed when afflicted with lingering disease.' Sproat's Scenes, pp. 251-7, 282, 213-4. 'Headache is cured by striking the part affected with small branches of the spruce tree.' Doctors are generally chosen from men who have themselves suffered serious maladies. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 438-40. 'Their cure for rheumatism or similar pains ... is by cutting or scarifying the part affected.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 142. They are sea sick on European vessels. Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 81. Description of ceremonies. Swan, in Mayne's B. C., pp. 261-3, 304. 'The patient is put to bed, and for the most part starved, lest the food should be consumed by his internal enemy.' 'The warm and steam bath is very frequently employed.' Medicus, in Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. v., pp. 226-8.

[317] The custom of burning or burying property is wholly confined to chiefs. 'Night is their time for interring the dead.' Buffoon tricks, with a feast and dance, formed part of the ceremony. Jewitt's Nar., pp. 105, 111-2, 136. At Valdes Island, 'we saw two sepulchres built with plank about five feet in height, seven in length, and four in breadth. These boards were curiously perforated at the ends and sides, and the tops covered with loose pieces of plank;' inclosed evidently the relics of many different bodies. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 338-9. 'The coffin is usually an old canoe, lashed round and round, like an Egyptian mummy-case.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 170. 'There is generally some grotesque figure painted on the outside of the box, or roughly sculptured out of wood and placed by the side of it. For some days after death the relatives burn salmon or venison before the tomb.' 'They will never mention the name of a dead man.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 301-3. 'As a rule, the Indians burn their dead, and then bury the ashes.' 'It was at one time not uncommon for Indians to desert forever a lodge in which one of their family had died.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 271-2, with cut of graves. For thirty days after the funeral, dirges are chanted at sunrise and sunset. Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 447-8. Children frequently, but grown persons never, were found hanging in trees. Meares' Voy., p. 268; Sproat's Scenes, pp. 258-63. The bodies of chiefs are hung in trees on high mountains, while those of the commons are buried, that their souls may have a shorter journey to their residence in a future life. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 139-40. 'The Indians never inter their dead,' and rarely burn them. Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 51.

[318] 'As light-fingered as any of the Sandwich Islanders. Of a quiet, phlegmatic, and inactive disposition.' 'A docile, courteous, good-natured people ... but quick in resenting what they look upon as an injury; and, like most other passionate people, as soon forgetting it.' Not curious; indolent; generally fair in trade, and would steal only such articles as they wanted for some purpose. Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 272, 308-12, etc. 'Exceedingly hospitable in their own homes, ... lack neither courage nor intelligence.' Pemberton's Vanc. Isl., p. 131. The Kla-iz-zarts 'appear to be more civilized than any of the others.' The Cayuquets are thought to be deficient in courage; and the Kla-os-quates 'are a fierce, bold, and enterprizing people.' Jewitt's Nar., pp. 75-7. 'Civil and inoffensive' at Horse Sound. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. 'Their moral deformities are as great as their physical ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88. The Nittinahts given to aggressive war, and consequently 'bear a bad reputation.' Whymper's Alaska, p. 74. Not brave, and a slight repulse daunts them. 'Sincere in his friendship, kind to his wife and children, and devotedly loyal to his own tribe,' p. 51. 'In sickness and approaching death, the savage always becomes melancholy,' p. 162. Sproat's Scenes, pp. 30, 36, 52, 91, 119-24, 150-66, 187, 216. 'Comux and Yucletah fellows very savage and uncivilized dogs,' and the Nootkas not to be trusted. 'Cruel, bloodthirsty, treacherous and cowardly.' Grant, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxvii., pp. 294, 296, 298, 305, 307. Mayne's B. C., p. 246; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 190, 460-1, 472, 477, 484; Poole's Q. Char. Isl., pp. 294-6. The Spaniards gave the Nootkas a much better character than voyagers of other nations. Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 25, 31-2, 57-9, 63, 99, 107, 133, 149-51, 154-6; Forbes' Vanc. Isl., p. 25; Rattray's Vanc. Isl., pp. 172-3. The Ucultas 'are a band of lawless pirates and robbers, levying black-mail on all the surrounding tribes.' Barrett-Lennard's Trav., p. 43. 'Bold and ferocious, sly and reserved, not easily provoked, but revengeful.' Spark's Life of Ledyard, p. 72. The Teets have 'all the vices of the coast tribes' with 'none of the redeeming qualities of the interior nations.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[319] 'Those who came within our notice so nearly resembled the people of Nootka, that the best delineation I can offer is a reference to the description of those people' (by Cook), p. 252. At Cape Flattery they closely resembled those of Nootka and spoke the same language, p. 218. At Gray Harbor they seemed to vary in little or no respect 'from those on the sound, and understood the Nootka tongue', p. 83. 'The character and appearance of their several tribes here did not seem to differ in any material respect from each other,' p. 288. Evidence that the country was once much more thickly peopled, p. 254. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 252, 254, 288; vol. ii., p. 83. The Chehalis come down as far as Shoal-water Bay. A band of Klikatats (Sahaptins) is spoken of near the head of the Cowlitz. 'The Makahs resemble the northwestern Indians far more than their neighbors.' The Lummi are a branch of the Clallams. Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 240-4. The Lummi 'traditions lead them to believe that they are descendants of a better race than common savages.' The Semianmas 'are intermarried with the north band of the Lummis, and Cowegans, and Quantlums.' The Neuk-wers and Siamanas are called Stick Indians, and in 1852 had never seen a white. 'The Neuk-sacks (Mountain Men) trace from the salt water Indians,' and 'are entirely different from the others.' 'The Loomis appear to be more of a wandering class than the others about Bellingham Bay.' Id., 1857, pp. 327-9. 'They can be divided into two classes—the salt-water and the Stick Indians.' Id., 1857, p. 224. Of the Nisquallies 'some live in the plains, and others on the banks of the Sound.' The Classets have been less affected than the Chinooks by fever and ague. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 231-5. The Clallams speak a kindred language to that of the Ahts. Sproat's Scenes, p. 270. 'El gobierno de estos naturales de la entrada y canales de Fuca, la disposicion interior de las habitaciones las manufacturas y vestidos que usan son muy parecidos á los de los habitantes de Nutka.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 111. The Sound Indians live in great dread of the Northern tribes. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 513. The Makahs deem themselves much superior to the tribes of the interior, because they go out on the ocean. Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., pp. 277-8. The Nooksaks are entirely distinct from the Lummi, and some suppose them to have come from the Clallam country. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428.

[320] At Port Discovery they 'seemed capable of enduring great fatigue.' 'Their cheek-bones were high.' 'The oblique eye of the Chinese was not uncommon.' 'Their countenances wore an expression of wildness, and they had, in the opinion of some of us, a melancholy cast of features.' Some of women would with difficulty be distinguished in colour from those of European race. The Classet women 'were much better looking than those of other tribes.' Portrait of a Tatouche chief. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-8, 320, 517-8. 'All are bow-legged.' 'All of a sad-colored, Caravaggio brown.' 'All have coarse, black hair, and are beardless.' Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32. 'Tall and stout.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 28. Sproat mentions a Clallam slave who 'could see in the dark like a racoon.' Scenes, p. 52. The Classet 'cast of countenance is very different from that of the Nootkians ... their complexion in also much fairer and their stature shorter.' Jewitt's Nar., p. 75. The Nisqually Indians 'are of very large stature; indeed, the largest I have met with on the continent. The women are particularly large and stout.' Kane's Wand., pp. 207, 228, 234. The Nisquallies are by no means a large race, being from five feet five inches to five feet nine inches in height, and weighing from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and eighty pounds. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 227. 'De rostro hermoso y da gallarda figura.' Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv. The Queniults, 'the finest-looking Indians I had ever seen.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 78-9. Neuksacks stronger and more athletic than other tribes. Many of the Lummi 'very fair and have light hair.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1857, p. 328; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 23; Morton's Crania, p. 215, with plate of Cowlitz skull; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 252; Murphy and Harned, Puget Sound Directory, pp. 64-71; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 214-15, 224-6.

[321] 'Less bedaubed with paint and less filthy' than the Nootkas. At Port Discovery 'they wore ornaments, though none were observed in their noses.' At Cape Flattery the nose ornament was straight, instead of crescent-shaped, as among the Nootkas. Vancouver supposed their garments to be composed of dog's hair mixed with the wool of some wild animal, which he did not see. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 218, 230, 266. At Port Discovery some had small brass bells hung in the rim of the ears, p. 318. Some of the Skagits were tattooed with lines on the arms and face, and fond of brass rings, pp. 511-12. The Classets 'wore small pieces of an iridescent mussel-shell, attached to the cartilage of their nose, which was in some, of the size of a ten cents piece, and triangular in shape. It is generally kept in motion by their breathing,' p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317-20, 334, 404, 444, 511-2, 517-8. The conical hats and stout bodies 'brought to mind representations of Siberian tribes.' Pickering's Races, in Idem., vol. ix., p. 23. The Clallams 'wear no clothing in summer.' Faces daubed with red and white mud. Illustration of head-flattening. Kane's Wand., pp. 180, 207, 210-11, 224. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 232-3; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Id., 1857, p. 329; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 430. Above Gray Harbor they were dressed with red deer skins. Navarrete, in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xciv: Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 32-3; Murphy and Harned, in Puget Sd. Direct., pp. 64-71.

[322] The Skagit tribe being exposed to attacks from the north, combine dwellings and fort, and build themselves 'enclosures, four hundred feet long, and capable of containing many families, which are constructed of pickets made of thick planks, about thirty feet high. The pickets are firmly fixed into the ground, the spaces between them being only sufficient to point a musket through.... The interior of the enclosure is divided into lodges,' p. 511. At Port Discovery the lodges were 'no more than a few rudely-cut slabs, covered in part by coarse mats,' p. 319. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 511, 517. The Clallams also have a fort of pickets one hundred and fifty feet square, roofed over and divided into compartments for families. 'There were about two hundred of the tribe in the fort at the time of my arrival.' 'The lodges are built of cedar like the Chinook lodges, but much larger, some of them being sixty or seventy feet long.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210, 219, 227-9. 'Their houses are of considerable size, often fifty to one hundred feet in length, and strongly built.' Rept. Ind. Aff., 1854, pp. 242-3. 'The planks forming the roof run the whole length of the building, being guttered to carry off the water, and sloping slightly to one end.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 429-30. Well built lodges of timber and plank on Whidbey Island. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 300. At New Dungeness, 'composed of nothing more than a few mats thrown over cross sticks;' and on Puget Sound 'constructed something after the fashion of a soldier's tent, by two cross sticks about five feet high, connected at each end by a ridge-pole from one to the other, over some of which was thrown a coarse kind of mat; over others a few loose branches of trees, shrubs or grass.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 262. The Queniults sometimes, but not always, whitewash the interior of their lodges with pipe-clay, and then paint figures of fishes and animals in red and black on the white surface. See description and cuts of exterior and interior of Indian lodge in Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 266-7, 330, 338; Crane's Top. Mem., p. 65; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 98; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 225.

[323] The Nootsaks, 'like all inland tribes, they subsist principally by the chase.' Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795, 799, 815; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 328. Sturgeon abound weighing 400 to 600 pounds, and are taken by the Clallams by means of a spear with a handle seventy to eighty feet long, while lying on the bottom of the river in spawning time. Fish-hooks are made of cedar root with bone barbs. Their only vegetables are the camas, wappatoo, and fern roots. Kane's Wand., pp. 213-14, 230-4, 289. At Puget Sound, 'men, women and children were busily engaged like swine, rooting up this beautiful verdant meadow in quest of a species of wild onion, and two other roots, which in appearance and taste greatly resembled the saranne.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 225, 234, 262. In fishing for salmon at Port Discovery 'they have two nets, the drawing and casting net, made of a silky grass,' 'or of the fibres of the roots of trees, or of the inner bark of the white cedar.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 147. 'The line is made either of kelp or the fibre of the cypress, and to it is attached an inflated bladder.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 109. At Port Townsend, 'leurs provisions, consistaient en poisson séché au soleil ou boucané; ... tout rempli de sable.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 182-3, 299. The Clallams 'live by fishing and hunting around their homes, and never pursue the whale and seal as do the sea-coast tribes.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. The Uthlecan or candle-fish is used on Fuca Strait for food as well as candles. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 241. Lamprey eels are dried for food and light by the Nisquallies and Chehalis. 'Cammass root, ... stored in baskets. It is a kind of sweet squills, and about the size of a small onion. It is extremely abundant on the open prairies, and particularly on those which are overflowed by the small streams.' Cut of salmon fishery, p. 335. 'Hooks are made in an ingenious manner of the yew tree.' 'They are chiefly employed in trailing for fish.' Cut of hooks, pp. 444-5. The Classets make a cut in the nose when a whale is taken. Each seal-skin float has a different pattern painted on it, p. 517. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 318-19, 335, 444-5, 517-18. The Chehalis live chiefly on salmon. Id., vol. v., p. 140. According to Swan the Puget Sound Indians sometimes wander as far as Shoalwater Bay in Chinook territory, in the spring. The Queniult Indians are fond of large barnacles, not eaten by the Chinooks of Shoalwater Bay. Cut of a sea-otter hunt. The Indians never catch salmon with a baited hook, but always use the hook as a gaff. N. W. Coast, pp. 59, 87, 92, 163, 264, 271; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 293-4, 301, 388-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 241; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 732-5; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. 'They all depend upon fish, berries, and roots for a subsistence, and get their living with great ease.' Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 600-2. The Makahs live 'by catching cod and halibut on the banks north and east of Cape Flattery.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 231. 'When in a state of semi-starvation the beast shows very plainly in them (Stick Indians): they are generally foul feeders, but at such a time they eat anything, and are disgusting in the extreme.' Id., 1858, p. 225; Id., 1860, p. 195; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 102-5; Hittell, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 408; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 33-7; Maurelle's Jour., p. 28.

[324] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 253. At Gray Harbor the bows were somewhat more circular than elsewhere. Id., vol. ii., p. 84; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 319; Kane's Wand., pp. 209-10.

[325] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 321; Kane's Wand., pp. 231-2; Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 234. 'They have been nearly annihilated by the hordes of northern savages that have infested, and do now, even at the present day, infest our own shores' for slaves. They had fire-arms before our tribes, thus gaining an advantage.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327; Clark's Lights and Shadows, p. 224.

[326] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 287.

[327] 'A single thread is wound over rollers at the top and bottom of a square frame, so as to form a continuous woof through which an alternate thread is carried by the hand, and pressed closely together by a sort of wooden comb; by turning the rollers every part of the woof is brought within reach of the weaver; by this means a bag formed, open at each end, which being cut down makes a square blanket.' Kane's Wand., pp. 210-11. Cuts showing the loom and process of weaving among the Nootsaks, also house, canoes, and willow baskets. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 799-800. The Clallams 'have a kind of cur with soft and long white hair, which they shear and mix with a little wool or the ravelings of old blankets.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 431. The Makahs have 'blankets and capes made of the inner bark of the cedar, and edged with fur.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 241-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 32. The candle-fish 'furnishes the natives with their best oil, which is extracted by the very simple process of hanging it up, exposed to the sun, which in a few days seems to melt it away.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 388. They 'manufacture some of their blankets from the wool of the wild goat.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 231. The Queniults showed 'a blanket manufactured from the wool of mountain sheep, which are to be found on the precipitous slopes of the Olympian Mountains.' Alta California, Feb. 9, 1861, quoted in California Farmer, July 25, 1862; Cornwallis' New El Dorado, p. 97; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[328] 'They present a model of which a white mechanic might well be proud.' Description of method of making, and cuts of Queniult, Clallam, and Cowlitz canoes, and a Queniult paddle. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82. At Port Orchard they 'exactly corresponded with the canoes of Nootka,' while those of some visitors were 'cut off square at each end,' and like those seen below Cape Orford. At Gray Harbor the war canoes 'had a piece of wood rudely carved, perforated, and placed at each end, three feet above the gunwale; through these holes they are able to discharge their arrows.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 264; vol. ii., p. 84. The Clallam boats were 'low and straight, and only adapted to the smoother interior waters.' Scammon, in Overland Monthly, vol. vii., p. 278. Cut showing Nootsak canoes in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., p. 799. 'The sides are exceedingly thin, seldom exceeding three-fourths of an inch.' To mend the canoe when cracks occur, 'holes are made in the sides, through which withes are passed, and pegged in such a way that the strain will draw it tighter; the withe is then crossed, and the end secured in the same manner. When the tying is finished, the whole is pitched with the gum of the pine.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320-1. The Clallams have 'a very large canoe of ruder shape and workmanship, being wide and shovel-nosed,' used for the transportation of baggage. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 430-1; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25-6; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 20; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[329] Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 409; Starling, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26.

[330] 'Ils obéissent à un chef, qui n'exerce son pouvoir qu'en temps de guerre.' Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 299. At Gray Harbor 'they appeared to be divided into three different tribes, or parties, each having one or two chiefs.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 84. Wilkes met a squaw chief at Nisqually, who 'seemed to exercise more authority than any that had been met with.' 'Little or no distinction of rank seems to exist among them; the authority of the chiefs is no longer recognized.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 444; vol. v., p. 131. Yellow-cum had become chief of the Makahs from his own personal prowess. Kane's Wand., pp. 237-9; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8.

[331] Sproat's Scenes, p. 92; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 242-3; Kane's Wand., pp. 214-15. The Nooksaks 'have no slaves.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601. It is said 'that the descendants of slaves obtain freedom at the expiration of three centuries.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 28.

[332] The Makahs have some marriage ceremonies, 'such as going through the performance of taking the whale, manning a canoe, and throwing the harpoon into the bride's house.' Ind. Aff. Rept., p. 242. The Nooksak women 'are very industrious, and do most of the work, and procure the principal part of their sustenance.' Id., 1857, p. 327. 'The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' Id., 1858, p. 225; Siwash Nuptials, in Olympia Washington Standard, July 30, 1870. In matters of trade the opinion of the women is always called in, and their decision decides the bargain. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 108. 'The whole burden of domestic occupation is thrown upon them.' Cut of the native baby-jumper. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 319-20, 361. At Gray Harbor they were not jealous. At Port Discovery they offered their children for sale. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 231; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'Rarely having more than three or four' children. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 266; Clark's Lights and Shadows, pp. 224-6.

[333] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 320, 444; Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 298-9; San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 1859.

[334] Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 263, 270. The Lummi 'are a very superstitious tribe, and pretend to have traditions—legends handed down to them by their ancestors.' 'No persuasion or pay will induce them to kill an owl or eat a pheasant.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, pp. 327-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 216-17, 229. No forms of salutation. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 23-4; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, pp. 21-2.

[335] Among the Skagits 'Dr. Holmes saw an old man in the last stage of consumption, shivering from the effects of a cold bath at the temperature of 40° Fahrenheit. A favourite remedy in pulmonary consumption is to tie a rope tightly around the thorax, so as to force the diaphram to perform respiration without the aid of the thoracic muscles.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 512. Among the Clallams, to cure a girl of a disease of the side, after stripping the patient naked, the medicine-man, throwing off his blanket, 'commenced singing and gesticulating in the most violent manner, whilst the others kept time by beating with little sticks on hollow wooden bowls and drums, singing continually. After exercising himself in this manner for about half an hour, until the perspiration ran down his body, he darted suddenly upon the young woman, catching hold of her side with his teeth and shaking her for a few minutes, while the patient seemed to suffer great agony. He then relinquished his hold, and cried out that he had got it, at the same time holding his hands to his mouth; after which he plunged them in the water and pretended to hold down with great difficulty the disease which he had extracted.' Kane's Wand., pp. 225-6. Small-pox seemed very prevalent by which many had lost the sight of one eye. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 242. To cure a cold in the face the Queniults burned certain herbs to a cinder and mixing them with grease, anointed the face. Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 265. Among the Nooksaks mortality has not increased with civilization. 'As yet the only causes of any amount are consumption and the old diseases.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 327. At Neah Bay, 'a scrofulous affection pervades the whole tribe.' The old, sick and maimed are abandoned by their friends to die. Id., 1872, p. 350.

[336] Slaves have no right to burial. Kane's Wand., p. 215. At a Queniult burial place 'the different colored blankets and calicoes hung round gave the place an appearance of clothes hung out to dry on a washing day.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267. At Port Orchard bodies were 'wrapped firmly in matting, beneath which was a white blanket, closely fastened round the body, and under this a covering of blue cotton.' At Port Discovery bodies 'are wrapped in mats and placed upon the ground in a sitting posture, and surrounded with stakes and pieces of plank to protect them.' On the Cowlitz the burial canoes are painted with figures, and gifts are not deposited till several months after the funeral. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 323, 347-8, 509-10. Among the Nisquallies bodies of relatives are sometimes disinterred at different places, washed, re-wrapped and buried again in one grave. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 238-9. 'Ornés de rubans de diverses couleurs, de dents de poissons, de chapelets et d'autres brimborions du goût des sauvages.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 74-5. On Penn Cove, in a deserted village, were found 'several sepulchres formed exactly like a centry box. Some of them were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied up in baskets.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 254-6, 287; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 242; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. A correspondent describes a flathead mummy from Puget Sound preserved in San Francisco. 'The eye-balls are still round under the lid; the teeth, the muscles, and tendons perfect, the veins injected with some preserving liquid, the bowels, stomach and liver dried up, but not decayed, all perfectly preserved. The very blanket that entwines him, made of some threads of bark and saturated with a pitchy substance, is entire.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 693; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 32.

[337] 'Their native bashfulness renders all squaws peculiarly sensitive to any public notice or ridicule.' Probably the laziest people in the world. The mails are intrusted with safety to Indian carriers, who are perfectly safe from interference on the part of any Indian they may meet. Kane's Wand., p. 209-16, 227-8, 234, 247-8. 'La mémoire locale et personelle du sauvage est admirable; il n'oublie jamais un endroit ni une personne.' Nature seems to have given him memory to supply the want of intelligence. 'Much inclined to vengeance. Those having means may avert vengeance by payments.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 113, 295-9. 'Perfectly indifferent to exposure; decency has no meaning in their language.' Although always begging, they refuse to accept any article not in good condition, calling it Peeshaaak, a term of contempt. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 108-9. Murder of a Spanish boat's crew in latitude 47° 20´. Maurelle's Jour., pp. 29, 31. 'Cheerful and well disposed' at Port Orchard. At Strait of Fuca 'little more elevated in their moral qualities than the Fuegians.' At Nisqually, 'addicted to stealing.' 'Vicious and exceedingly lazy, sleeping all day.' The Skagits are catholics, and are more advanced than others in civilization. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 317, 444, 510-11, 517. Both at Gray Harbor and Puget Sound they were uniformly civil and friendly, fair and honest in trade. Each tribe claimed that 'the others were bad people and that the party questioned were the only good Indians in the harbor.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 256; vol. ii., pp. 83-4. 'The Clallam tribe has always had a bad character, which their intercourse with shipping, and the introduction of whiskey, has by no means improved.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 243. 'The superior courage of the Makahs, as well as their treachery, will make them more difficult of management than most other tribes.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 429. The Lummis and other tribes at Bellingham Bay have already abandoned their ancient barbarous habits, and have adopted those of civilization. Coleman, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxxix., pp. 795-7; Simpson's Overland Journ., vol. i., pp. 240-2. 'The instincts of these people are of a very degraded character. They are filthy, cowardly, lazy, treacherous, drunken, avaricious, and much given to thieving. The women have not the slightest pretension to virtue.' The Makahs 'are the most independent Indians in my district—they and the Quilleyutes, their near neighbors.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, pp. 225, 231; Id., 1862, p. 390; Id., 1870, p. 20; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 601; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 58; Cram's Top. Mem., p. 65.

[338] Perhaps the Cascades might more properly be named as the boundary, since the region of the Dalles, from the earliest records, has been the rendezvous for fishing, trading, and gambling purposes, of tribes from every part of the surrounding country, rather than the home of any particular nation.

[339] For details see Tribal Boundaries at the end of this chapter. The Chinooks, Clatsops, Wakiakums and Cathlamets, 'resembling each other in person, dress, language, and manners.' The Chinooks and Wakiakums were originally one tribe, and Wakiakum was the name of the chief who seceded with his adherents. Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6. 'They may be regarded as the distinctive type of the tribes to the north of the Oregon, for it is in them that the peculiarities of the population of these regions are seen in the most striking manner.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-6, 36. All the tribes about the mouth of the Columbia 'appear to be descended from the same stock ... and resemble one another in language, dress, and habits.' Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8. The Cathleyacheyachs at the Cascades differ but little from the Chinooks. Id., p. 111. Scouler calls the Columbia tribes Cathlascons, and considers them 'intimately related to the Kalapooiah Family.' Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225. The Willamette tribes 'differ very little in their habits and modes of life, from those on the Columbia River.' Hunter's Cap., p. 72. Mofras makes Killimous a general name for all Indians south of the Columbia. Explor., tom. ii., p. 357; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-18; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 133. The Nechecolees on the Willamette claimed an affinity with the Eloots at the Narrows of the Columbia. The Killamucks 'resemble in almost every particular the Clatsops and Chinnooks. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 427, 504. 'Of the Coast Indians that I have seen there seems to be so little difference in their style of living that a description of one family will answer for the whole.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 153-4. 'All the natives inhabiting the southern shore of the Straits, and the deeply indented territory as far and including the tide-waters of the Columbia, may be comprehended under the general term of Chinooks.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25.

[340] 'The race of the Chenooks is nearly run. From a large and powerful tribe ... they have dwindled down to about a hundred individuals, ... and these are a depraved, licentious, drunken set.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 108-10. The Willopahs 'may be considered as extinct, a few women only remaining.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 428; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 351; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 239-40; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 354; vol. ii., p. 217; De Smet, Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 163-4; Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6, 196-7; Irving's Astoria, pp. 335-6; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 170-2; Hines' Oregon, pp. 103-19, 236; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., pp. 52-3; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 36; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 87; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 191-2. 'In the Wallamette valley, their favorite country, ... there are but few remnants left, and they are dispirited and broken-hearted.' Robertson's Oregon, p. 130.

[341] 'The personal appearance of the Chinooks differs so much from that of the aboriginal tribes of the United States, that it was difficult at first to recognize the affinity.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 27. 'There are no two nations in Europe so dissimilar as the tribes to the north and those to the south of the Columbia.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 36. 'Thick set limbs,' north; 'slight,' south. Id., vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., p. 16. 'Very inferior in muscular power.' Id., vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Among the ugliest of their race. They are below the middle size, with squat, clumsy forms.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. The men from five feet to five feet six inches high, with well-shaped limbs; the women six to eight inches shorter, with bandy legs, thick ankles, broad, flat feet, loose hanging breasts. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 303-4. 'A diminutive race, generally below five feet five inches, with crooked legs and thick ankles.' 'Broad, flat feet.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 87, 336. 'But not deficient in strength or activity.' Nicolay's Oregon, p. 145. Men 'stout, muscular and strong, but not tall;' women 'of the middle size, but very stout and flabby, with short necks and shapeless limbs.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. At Cape Orford none exceed five feet six inches; 'tolerably well limbed, though slender in their persons.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. The Willamette tribes were somewhat larger and better shaped than those of the Columbia and the coast. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7, 504, 508. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-73; Hines' Voy., pp. 88, 91. 'Persons of the men generally are rather symmetrical; their stature is low, with light sinewy limbs, and remarkably small, delicate hands. The women are usually more rotund, and, in some instances, even approach obesity.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'Many not even five feet.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 240-1. Can endure cold, but not fatigue; sharp sight and hearing, but obtuse smell and taste. 'The women are uncouth, and from a combination of causes appear old at an early age. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. 'The Indians north of the Columbia are, for the most part good-looking, robust men, some of them having fine, symmetrical, forms. They have been represented as diminutive, with crooked legs and uncouth features. This is not correct; but, as a general rule, the direct reverse is the truth.' Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 154; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3.

[342] The following terms applied to Chinook complexion are taken from the authors quoted in the preceding note: 'Copper-colored brown;' 'light copper color;' 'light olive;' 'fair complexion.' 'Not dark' when young. 'Rough tanned skins.' 'Dingy copper.' 'Fairer' than eastern Indians. Fairer on the coast than on the Columbia. Half-breeds partake of the swarthy hue of their mothers.

[343] 'The Cheenook cranium, even when not flattened, is long and narrow, compressed laterally, keel-shaped, like the skull of the Esquimaux.' Broad and high cheek-bones, with a receding forehead.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 220. 'Skulls ... totally devoid of any peculiar development.' Nose flat, nostrils distended, short irregular teeth; eyes black, piercing and treacherous. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 303. 'Broad faces, low foreheads, lank black hair, wide mouths.' 'Flat noses, and eyes turned obliquely upward at the outer corner.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 198, 216. 'Faces are round, with small, but animated eyes. Their noses are broad and flat at the top, and fleshy at the end, with large nostrils.' Irving's Astoria, p. 336. Portraits of two Calapooya Indians. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 14. South of the Columbia they have 'long faces, thin lips,' but the Calapooyas in Willamette Valley have 'broad faces, low foreheads,' and the Chinooks have 'a wide face, flat nose, and eyes turned obliquely outwards.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; vol. ii., pp. 15-16. 'Dull phlegmatic want of expression' common to all adults. Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 145. Women 'well-featured,' with 'light hair, and prominent eyes.' Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93. 'Their features rather partook of the general European character.' Hair long and black, clean and neatly combed. Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'Women have, in general, handsome faces.' 'There are rare instances of high aquiline noses; the eyes are generally black,' but sometimes 'of a dark yellowish brown, with a black pupil.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 425, 436-7. The men carefully eradicate every vestige of a beard. Dunn's Oregon, p. 124. 'The features of many are regular, though often devoid of expression.' Townsend's Nar., p. 178. 'Pluck out the beard at its first appearance.' Kane's Wand., p. 181. Portrait of chief, p. 174. 'A few of the old men only suffer a tuft to grow upon their chins.' Franchère's Nar., p. 240. One of the Clatsops 'had the reddest hair I ever saw, and a fair skin, much freckled.' Gass' Jour., p. 244; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 75. For descriptions and plates of Chinook skulls see Morton's Crania, pp. 202-13; pl. 42-7, 49, 50, and Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 318-34.

[344] 'Practiced by at least ten or twelve distinct tribes of the lower country.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6. 'On the coast it is limited to a space of about one hundred and seventy miles, extending between Cape Flattery and Cape Look-out. Inland, it extends up the Columbia to the first rapids, or one hundred and forty miles, and is checked at the falls on the Wallamette.' Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 307. The custom 'prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the Rocky Mountains,' but 'diminishes in receding eastward.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 437. 'The Indians at the Dalles do not distort the head.' Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 180-2. 'The Chinooks are the most distinguished for their attachment to this singular usage.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198. The tribes from the Columbia River to Millbank Sound flatten the forehead, also the Yakimas and Klikitats of the interior. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249. 'The practice prevails, generally, from the mouth of the Columbia to the Dalles, about one hundred and eighty miles, and from the Straits of Fuca on the north, to Coos Bay.... Northward of the Straits it diminishes gradually to a mere slight compression, finally confined to women, and abandoned entirely north of Milbank Sound. So east of the Cascade Mountains, it dies out in like manner.' Gibbs, in Nott and Gliddon's Indig. Races, p. 337. 'None but such as are of noble birth are allowed to flatten their skulls.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197.

[345] All authors who mention the Chinooks have something to say of this custom; the following give some description of the process and its effects, containing, however, no points not included in that given above. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 122-3, 128-30; Ross' Adven., pp. 99-100; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 167-8, with cut; Chamber's Jour., vol. x., pp. 111-2; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., pp. 307-11, with cuts; Townsend's Nar., pp. 175-6; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 216; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 150; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 294; Irving's Astoria, p. 89; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 302; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., pp. 110-11, with plate. Females remain longer than the boys. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 476, 437. 'Not so great a deformity as is generally supposed.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 142-3, 251-2. 'Looking with contempt even upon the white for having round heads.' Kane's Wand., p. 181, 204, cut. 'As a general thing the tribes that have followed the practice of flattening the skull are inferior in intellect, less stirring and enterprising in their habits, and far more degraded in their morals than other tribes.' Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 197. Mr. Gray is the only authority I have seen for this injurious effect, except Domenech, who pronounces the flat-heads more subject to apoplexy than others. Deserts, vol. ii., p. 87; Gass' Jour., pp. 224-5; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 335-7; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 203-13, cut of cradle and of skulls; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 349-50, Atlas, pl. 26; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, pp. 294-5, 328, with cut; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 124; Wilson, in Smithsonian Rept., 1862, p. 287.

[346] The Multnomah women's hair 'is most commonly braided into two tresses falling over each ear in front of the body.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 508-9, 416, 425-6, 437-8. The Clackamas 'tattoo themselves below the mouth, which gives a light blue appearance to the countenance.' Kane's Wand., pp. 241, 184-5, 256. At Cape Orford 'they seemed to prefer the comforts of cleanliness to the painting of their bodies.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. On the Columbia 'in the decoration of their persons they surpassed all the other tribes with paints of different colours, feathers and other ornaments.' Id., vol. ii., p. 77. 'Ils mettent toute leur vanité dans leurs colliers et leurs pendants d'oreilles.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 45. 'Some of these girls I have seen with the whole rim of their ears bored full of holes, into each of which would be inserted a string of these shells that reached to the floor, and the whole weighing so heavy that to save their ears from being pulled off they were obliged to wear a band across the top of the head.' 'I never have seen either men or women put oil or grease of any kind on their bodies.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 112, 158-9. See Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115, 123-4; Cox's Adven., pp. 111-12; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Franchère's Nar., p. 244.

[347] 'These robes are in general, composed of the skins of a small animal, which we have supposed to be the brown mungo.' 'Sometimes they have a blanket woven with the fingers, from the wool of their native sheep.' Every part of the body but the back and shoulders is exposed to view. The Nechecolies had 'larger and longer robes, which are generally of deer skin dressed in the hair.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 392, 425-6, 438, 504-9, 522. 'I have often seen them going about, half naked, when the thermometer ranged between 30° and 40°, and their children barefooted and barelegged in the snow.' 'The lower Indians do not dress as well, nor with as good taste, as the upper.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 244-5. The fringed skirt 'is still used by old women, and by all the females when they are at work in the water, and is called by them their siwash coat.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 154-5. Ross' Adven., pp. 89-93; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-4; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 15-16, 281-2, 288; Townsend's Nar., p. 178; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5; Franchère's Nar., pp. 242-4. The conical cap reminded Pickering of the Siberian tribes. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 25, 39; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 111-12, 126-7; Hines' Voy., p. 107. Collars of bears' claws, for the men, and elks' tusks for the women and children. Irving's Astoria, pp. 336-8; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 239-40, 242-4, 267, 274, 278, 282.

[348] 'Their houses seemed to be more comfortable than those at Nootka, the roof having a greater inclination, and the planking being thatched over with the bark of trees. The entrance is through a hole, in a broad plank, covered in such a manner as to resemble the face of a man, the mouth serving the purpose of a door-way. The fire-place is sunk into the earth, and confined from spreading above by a wooden frame.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Archives, vol. iii., p. 206, speaks of a palisade enclosure ten or fifteen feet high, with a covered way to the river. 'The Indian huts on the banks of the Columbia are, for the most part, constructed of the bark of trees, pine branches, and brambles, which are sometimes covered with skins or rags.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 260. But 'the Chinooks build their houses of thick and broad planks,' etc. Id. Lewis and Clarke saw a house in the Willamette Valley two hundred and twenty-six feet long, divided into two ranges of large apartments separated by a narrow alley four feet wide. Travels, pp. 502-4, 509, 431-2, 415-16, 409, 392. The door is a piece of board 'which hangs loose by a string, like a sort of pendulum,' and is self-closing. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 110-11. 'The tribes near the coast remove less frequently than those of the interior.' California, Past, Present and Future, p. 136. 'I never saw more than four fires, or above eighty persons—slaves and all—in the largest house.' Ross' Adven., pp. 98-9; Palmer's Jour., pp. 86, 108; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 148-9; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 327, from Lewis and Clarke; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135-7, from Lewis and Clarke; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144-5, 178-9, 245; Franchère's Nar., pp. 247-8; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 65; Townsend's Nar., p. 181; Kane's Wand., pp. 187-8; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 204, 216-17; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 136-9.

[349] 'In the summer they resort to the principal rivers and the sea coast, ... retiring to the smaller rivers of the interior during the cold season.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. All small fish are driven into the small coves or shallow waters, 'when a number of Indians in canoes continue splashing the water; while others sink branches of pine. The fish are then taken easily out with scoops or wicker baskets.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 389, 288-9, 384-6, 390-1. Fish 'are not eaten till they become soft from keeping, when they are mashed with water.' In the Willamette Valley they raised corn, beans, and squashes. Hunter's Cap., pp. 70-2. A 'sturgeon, though weighing upwards of three hundred pounds, is, by the single effort of one Indian, jerked into the boat'! Dunn's Oregon, pp. 135, 114-15, 134, 137-9. The Umpquas, to cook salmon, 'all provided themselves with sticks about three feet long, pointed at one end and split at the other. They then apportioned the salmon, each one taking a large piece, and filling it with splinters to prevent its falling to pieces when cooking, which they fastened with great care, into the forked end of the stick; ... then placing themselves around the fire so as to describe a circle, they stuck the pointed end of the stick into the ground, a short distance from the fire, inclining the top towards the flames, so as to bring the salmon in contact with the heat, thus forming a kind of pyramid of salmon over the whole fire.' Hines' Voy., p. 102; Id. Ogn., p. 305. 'There are some articles of food which are mashed by the teeth before being boiled or roasted; this mastication is performed by the women.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 314, 316, 240-2. 'The salmon in this country are never caught with a (baited) hook.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107. 'Turbot and flounders are caught (at Shoalwater Bay) while wading in the water, by means of the feet.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 38, 83, 103-8, 140, 163-6, with cuts. On food, see Ross' Adven., vol. i., pp. 94-5, 97, 112-3; Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 68-9, 181-3; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 409-15, 422, 425, 430-1, 445, 506; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., pp. 605-7, with cuts; Nicolay's Ogn., pp. 144, 147-8; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 244; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 335; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 329-32; vol. ii., pp. 128-31; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113; Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 89; Ind. Life, p. 165; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 26; Kane's Wand., pp. 185-9; Franchère's Nar., pp. 235-7; Gass' Jour., pp. 224, 230-1, 282-3; Fédix, L'Orégon, pp. 44-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 59-62.

[350] For description of the various roots and berries used by the Chinooks as food, see Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 450-5.

[351] The Multnomahs 'are very fond of cold, hot, and vapour baths, which are used at all seasons, and for the purpose of health as well as pleasure. They, however, add a species of bath peculiar to themselves, by washing the whole body with urine every morning.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 509, 409. Eat insects from each other's head, for the animals bite them, and they claim the right to bite back. Kane's Wand., pp. 183-4.

[352] Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 323-4; vol. ii., p. 13; Irving's Astoria, pp. 324, 338; Ross' Adven., p. 90; Kane's Wand., p. 189; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 124-5; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 429-31, 509; Hines' Ogn., p. 110; Franchère's Nar., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 206-7, 215-16, 468.

[353] 'When the conflict is postponed till the next day, ... they keep up frightful cries all night long, and, when they are sufficiently near to understand each other, defy one another by menaces, railleries, and sarcasms, like the heroes of Homer and Virgil.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 251-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Dunn's Oregon, p. 124; Irving's Astoria, pp. 340-1; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 88, 105-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 354; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 232.

[354] Pickering makes 'the substitution of the water-proof basket, for the square wooden bucket of the straits' the chief difference between this and the Sound Family. Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 25; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 206; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Adven., p. 92; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 241, 260; Franchère's Nar., pp. 248-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 432-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 329-32; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 138-9; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 113, pl. 210½, showing cradle, ladles, Wapato diggers, Pautomaugons, or war clubs and pipes. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 248-9; Kane's Wand., pp. 184-5, 188-9.

[355] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253.

[356] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 433-5. 'Hollowed out of the cedar by fire, and smoothed off with stone axes.' Kane's Wand., p. 189. At Cape Orford 'their shape much resembled that of a butcher's tray.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., p. 204. 'A human face or a white-headed eagle, as large as life, carved on the prow, and raised high in front.' Ross' Adven., pp. 97-8. 'In landing they put the canoe round, so as to strike the beach stern on.' Franchère's Nar., p. 246. 'The larger canoes on the Columbia are sometimes propelled by short oars.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'Finest canoes in the world.' Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 107; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 252; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 121-2; Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 79-82, with cuts; Irving's Astoria, pp. 86, 324; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 325-7; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 217; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 276-7; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 535-7; Gass' Jour., p. 279.

[357] Dried and pounded salmon, prepared by a method not understood except at the falls, formed a prominent article of commerce, both with coast and interior nations. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-7, 413. A fathom of the largest hiaqua shells is worth about ten beaver-skins. A dying man gave his property to his intimate friends 'with a promise on their part to restore them if he recovered.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 244-5, 137; Ross' Adven., pp. 87-8, 95-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 166; Irving's Astoria, p. 322; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 133-4; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 333; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392; Kane's Wand., p. 185; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 250; Gass' Jour., p. 227; Morton's Crania Am., pp. 202-14; Fédix, l'Orégon, pp. 44-5.

[358] Have no idea of drawing maps on the sand. 'Their powers of computation ... are very limited.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 205, 207; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 493; Ross' Adven., pp. 88-9, 98; Kane's Wand., p. 185.

[359] The Willamette tribes, nine in number, were under four principal chiefs. Ross' Adven., pp. 235-6, 88, 216. Casanov, a famous chief at Fort Vancouver employed a hired assassin to remove obnoxious persons. Kane's Wand., pp. 173-6; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Irving's Astoria, pp. 88, 340; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 322-3; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 253; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 443.

[360] 'Live in the same dwelling with their masters, and often intermarry with those who are free.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 197, 247. 'Treat them with humanity while their services are useful.' Franchère's Nar., p. 241. Treated with great severity. Kane's Wand., pp. 181-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 447; Ross' Adven., pp. 92-3; Irving's Astoria, p. 88; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 305-6; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 129-30; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 196-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 61-2.

[361] Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 161, 171; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 211-2. 'In proportion as we approach the rapids from the sea, female impurity becomes less perceptible; beyond this point it entirely ceases.' Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 134, 159; vol. i., pp. 366-7, 318; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 439-43. Ceremonies of a widow in her endeavors to obtain a new husband. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Ross' Adven., pp. 88, 92-3; Franchère's Nar., pp. 245, 254-5; Hunter's Cap., p. 70; Hines' Voy., p. 113; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 16, 294-5; Irving's Astoria, p. 340; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 132-3; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2; Kane's Wand., pp. 175-7, 182; Gass' Jour., p. 275; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[362] 'I saw neither musical instruments, nor dancing, among the Oregon tribes.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 43. 'All extravagantly fond of ardent spirits, and are not particular what kind they have, provided it is strong, and gets them drunk quickly.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 155-8, 197-202. 'Not addicted to intemperance.' Franchère's Nar., p. 242. At gambling 'they will cheat if they can, and pride themselves on their success.' Kane's Wand., pp. 190, 196. Seldom cheat, and submit to their losses with resignation. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 332; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 410, 443-4; Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601, and cut of dance at Coos Bay; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 392-3; vol. v., p. 123; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 90-4, 112-13; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 114-15, 121, 125-8, 130-1; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 247-8; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 242; Irving's Astoria, p. 341; Palmer's Jour., p. 86.

[363] Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 248; Gass' Jour., pp. 232, 275; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 123-8; Kane's Wand., pp. 205, 255-6; Swan's N. W. Coast, p. 267; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654.

[364] Doctors, if unsuccessful, are sometimes subjected to rough treatment, but rarely killed, except when they have previously threatened the life of the patient. Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 176-185. At the Dalles an old woman, whose incantations had caused a fatal sickness, was beheaded by a brother of the deceased. Ind. Life, pp. 173-4, 142-3. Whole tribes have been almost exterminated by the small-pox. Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 82, 179. Venereal disease prevalent, and a complete cure is never effected. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 440, 508. Generally succeed in curing venereal disease even in its worst stage. Ross' Adven., pp. 96-9. The unsuccessful doctor killed, unless able to buy his life. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 394. Flatheads more subject to apoplexy than others. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 126-7, 307, 312-15, 335, vol. ii., pp. 94-5; Townsend's Nar., pp. 158, 178-9; Franchère's Nar., p. 250; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 115-9, 127; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 53; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 176, 191-2; Fitzgerald's Hud. B. Co., pp. 171-2; Strickland's Hist. Missions, pp. 139-40.

[365] A chief on the death of his daughter 'had an Indian slave bound hand and foot, and fastened to the body of the deceased, and enclosed the two in another mat, leaving out the head of the living one. The Indian then took the canoe and carried it to a high rock and left it there. Their custom is to let the slave live for three days; then another slave is compelled to strangle the victim by a cord.' Letter, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 71. See also vol. iii., pp. 217-18; vol. vi., pp. 616-23, with plate; vol. v., p. 655. 'The emblem of a squaw's grave is generally a camass-root digger, made of a deer's horns, and fastened on the end of a stick.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 233-4, vol. iv., p. 394. 'I believe I saw as many as an hundred canoes at one burying place of the Chinooks.' Gass' Jour., p. 274. 'Four stakes, interlaced with twigs and covered with brush,' filled with dead bodies. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 88. At Coos Bay, 'formerly the body was burned, and the wife of the corpse killed and interred.' Now the body is sprinkled with sand and ashes, the ankles are bent up and fastened to the neck; relatives shave their heads and put the hair on the body with shells and roots, and the corpse is then buried and trampled on by the whole tribe. Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 602. 'The canoe-coffins were decorated with rude carved work.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. Strangers are paid to join in the lamentations. Ross' Adven., p. 97. Children who die during the head-flattening process are set afloat in their cradles upon the surface of some sacred pool, where the bodies of the old are also placed in their canoes. Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 111. On burial and mourning see also, Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 72-3, 13, 186-9, with cut of canoe on platform. Mofras' Explor., vol. ii., p. 355, and pl. 18 of Atlas; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 423, 429, 509; Kane's Wand., pp. 176-8, 181, 202-5; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 124-5, 335-6, vol. ii., p. 157; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 144, 151-2; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., pp. 281-2, vol. ii., p. 53; Belcher's Voy., vol. i., p. 292; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 255; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 119-20, 131-2; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 149-50; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., p. 186; Irving's Astoria, p. 99; Franchère's Nar., p. 106; Palmer's Jour., p. 87; Ind. Life, p. 210; Townsend's Nar., p. 180.

[366] 'The clumsy thief, who is detected, is scoffed at and despised.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 130-1, 114. 'The Kalapuya, like the Umkwa, ... are more regular and quiet' than the inland tribes, 'and more cleanly, honest and moral than the' coast tribes. The Chinooks are a quarrelsome, thievish, and treacherous people. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 217, 215, 198, 204. 'A rascally, thieving set.' Gass' Jour., p. 304. 'When well treated, kind and hospitable.' Swan's N. W. Coast, pp. 215, 110, 152. At Cape Orford 'pleasing and courteous deportment ... scrupulously honest.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. i., pp. 204-5. Laziness is probably induced by the ease with which they obtain food. Kane's Wand., pp. 181, 185. 'Crafty and intriguing.' Easily irritated, but a trifle will appease him. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 61, 70-1, 77, 88, 90-1, 124-5, 235-6. 'They possess in an eminent degree, the qualities opposed to indolence, improvidence, and stupidity: the chiefs above all, are distinguished for their good sense and intelligence. Generally speaking, they have a ready intellect and a tenacious memory.' 'Rarely resist the temptation of stealing' white men's goods. Franchère's Nar., pp. 241-2, 261. Loquacious, never gay, knavish, impertinent. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 416, 441-2, 504, 523-4. 'Thorough-bred hypocrites and liars.' 'The Killymucks the most roguish.' Industry, patience, sobriety and ingenuity are their chief virtues; thieving, lying, incontinence, gambling and cruelty may be classed among their vices. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 115, 131, 296-7, 302, 304-5, 321, vol. ii., p. 133. At Wishiam 'they were a community of arrant rogues and freebooters.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 322, 342. 'Lying is very common; thieving comparatively rare.' White's Ogn., p. 207. 'Do not appear to possess a particle of natural good feeling.' Townsend's Nar., p. 183. At Coos Bay 'by no means the fierce and warlike race found further to the northward.' Wells, in Harper's Mag., vol. xiii., p. 601. Umqua and Coose tribes are naturally industrious; the Suislaws the most advanced; the Alcea not so enterprising. Sykes, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 215. Calapooias, a poor, cowardly, and thievish race. Miller, in Id., 1857, p. 364; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 87, vol. ii., pp. 16, 36; Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83; Palmer's Jour., pp. 84, 105; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 249-50; Ind. Life, pp. 1-4, 210; Fitzgerald's Vanc. Isl., p. 196; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 207, etc.

[367] 'They all resemble each other in general characteristics.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Shushwaps and Salish all one race. Mayne's B. C., p. 296-7. 'The Indians of the interior are, both physically and morally, vastly superior to the tribes of the coast.' Id., p. 242. 'The Kliketat near Mount Rainier, the Walla-Wallas, and the Okanagan ... speak kindred dialects.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170. The best-supported opinion is that the inland were of the same original stock with the lower tribes. Dunn's Oregon, p. 316. 'On leaving the verge of the Carrier country, near Alexandria, a marked change is at once perceptible.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Inland tribes differ widely from the piscatorial tribes. Ross' Adven., p. 127. 'Those residing near the Rocky Mountains ... are and always have been superior races to those living on the lower Columbia.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654. 'I was particularly struck with their vast superiority (on the Similkameen River, Lat. 49° 30´, Long. 120° 30´) in point of intelligence and energy to the Fish Indians on the Fraser River, and in its neighbourhood.' Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. Striking contrast noted in passing up the Columbia. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199.

[368] 'The Shewhapmuch ... who compose a large branch of the Saeliss family,' known as Nicute-much—corrupted by the Canadians into Couteaux—below the junction of the Fraser and Thompson. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 76-7. Atnahs is their name in the Takali language, and signifies 'strangers.' 'Differ so little from their southern neighbors, the Salish, as to render a particular description unnecessary.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. They were called by Mackenzie the Chin tribe, according to Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 427, but Mackenzie's Chin tribe was north of the Atnahs, being the Nagailer tribe of the Carriers. See Mackenzie's Voy., pp. 257-8, and map.

[369] 'About Okanagan, various branches of the Carrier tribe.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 143. 'Okanagans, on the upper part of Frazer's River.' Ludewig, Ab. Lang., p. 170.

[370] Also known as Flat-bows. 'The poorest of the tribes composing the Flathead nation.' McCormick, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 211. 'Speaking a language of their own, it is not easy to imagine their origin; but it appears probable that they once belonged to some more southern tribe, from which they became shut off by the intervention of larger tribes.' Mayne's B. C., p. 297. 'In appearance, character, and customs, they resemble more the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains than those of Lower Oregon.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 205. 'Les Arcs-à-Plats, et les Koetenais sont connus dans le pays sous le nom de Skalzi.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 80.

[371] The origin of the name Flathead, as applied to this nation, is not known, as they have never been known to flatten the head. 'The mass of the nation consists of persons who have more or less of the blood of the Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, Nez Perces, and Iroquois.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 207; Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 150; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Stuart's Montana, p. 82. Gass applied the name apparently to tribes on the Clearwater of the Sahaptin family. Jour., p. 224.

[372] Also called Kalispelms and Ponderas. The Upper Pend d'Oreilles consist of a number of wandering families of Spokanes, Kalispelms proper, and Flatheads. Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 294; Stevens, in Id., p. 149; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 210. 'Very similar in manners, etc., to the Flatheads, and form one people with them.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 32.

[373] The native name, according to Hale, is Skitsuish, and Coeur d'Alêne, 'Awl heart,' is a nickname applied from the circumstance that a chief used these words to express his idea of the Canadian traders' meanness. Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 210.

[374] Quiarlpi, 'Basket People,' Chaudieres, 'Kettles,' Kettle Falls, Chualpays, Skoielpoi, and Lakes, are some of the names applied to these bands.

[375] 'Ils s'appellent entre eux les Enfants du Soleil, dans leur langue Spokane.' De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 31. 'Differing very little from the Indians at Colville, either in their appearance, habits, or language.' Kane's Wand., p. 307.

[376] So much intermarried with the Yakamas that they have almost lost their nationality.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 236.

[377] 'Pierced Noses,' so named by the Canadians, perhaps from the nasal ornaments of the first of the tribe seen, although the custom of piercing the nose has never been known to be prevalent with this people. 'Generally known and distinguished by the name of "black robes," in contradistinction to those who live on fish.' Named Nez Perces from the custom of boring the nose to receive a white shell, like the fluke of an anchor. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 305, 185-6. 'There are two tribes of the Pierced-Nose Indians, the upper and the lower. Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. 'Though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the Tushepaws.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 341. Called Thoiga-rik-kah, Tsoi-gah, 'Cowse-eaters,' by the Snakes. 'Ten times better off to-day than they were then'—'a practical refutation of the time-honored lie, that intercourse with whites is an injury to Indians.' Stuart's Montana, pp. 76-7. 'In character and appearance, they resemble more the Indians of the Missouri than their neighbors, the Salish.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 212; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 54.

[378] 'La tribu Paloose appartient à la nation des Nez-percés et leur ressemble sous tous les rapports.' De Smet, Voy., p. 31.

[379] The name comes from that of the river. It should be pronounced Wălă-Wălă, very short. Pandosy's Gram., p. 9. 'Descended from slaves formerly owned and liberated by the Nez Perces.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'Not unlike the Pierced-Noses in general appearance, language, and habits.' Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5. Parts of three different nations at the confluence of the Snake and Columbia. Gass' Jour., pp. 218-19, 'None of the Indians have any permanent habitations' on the south bank of the Columbia about and above the Dalles. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 365. 'Generally camping in winter on the north side of the river.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 223.

[380] The name Yakima is a word meaning 'Black Bear' in the Walla Walla dialect. They are called Klikatats west of the mountains. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. 'The Klikatats and Yakimas, in all essential peculiarities of character, are identical, and their intercourse is constant.' Id., p. 403, and Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 225. 'Pshawanwappam bands, usually called Yakamas.' The name signifies 'Stony Ground.' Gibbs, in Pandosy's Gram., p. vii. 'Roil-roil-pam, is the Klikatat country.' 'Its meaning is "the Mouse country."' Id. The Yakima valley is a great national rendezvous for these and surrounding nations. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 19, 21. Kliketats, meaning robbers, was first the name given to the Whulwhypums, and then extended to all speaking the same language. For twenty-five years before 1854 they overran the Willamette Valley, but at that time were forced by government to retire to their own country. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 244-7.

[381] Wasco is said to mean 'basin,' and the tribe derives its name, traditionally, from the fact that formerly one of their chiefs, his wife having died, spent much of his time in making cavities or basins in the soft rock for his children to fill with water and pebbles, and thereby amuse themselves. Victor's All over Ogn., pp. 94-5. The word Cayuse is perhaps the French Cailloux, 'pebbles.' Called by Tolmie, 'Wyeilats or Kyoose.' He says their language has an affinity to that of the Carriers and Umpquas. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 249-50. 'Resemble the Walla-Wallas very much.' Kane's Wand., pp. 279-80. 'The imperial tribe of Oregon' claiming jurisdiction over the whole Columbia region. Farnham's Trav., p. 81. The Snakes, Walla-Wallas, and Cayuse meet annually in the Grande Ronde Valley. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270. 'Individuals of the pure blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the Nez Perces and the Wallah-Wallahs.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 218-19. The region which I give to the Wascos and Cayuses is divided on Hale's map between the Walla-Wallas, Waiilatpu, and Molele.

[382] In the interior the 'men are tall, the women are of common stature, and both are well formed.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. 'Of middle height, slender.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. The inland tribes of British Columbia, compared with those on the coast, 'are of a better cast, being generally of the middle height.' Id., p. 198. See also p. 206. The Nez Percés and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine-looking, robust men.' In criticising the person of one of that tribe 'one was forcibly reminded of the Apollo Belvidere.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 148, 98. The Klikatat 'stature is low, with light, sinewy limbs.' Id., p. 178; also pp. 158-174. The Walla-Wallas are generally powerful men, at least six feet high, and the Cayuse are still 'stouter and more athletic.' Gairdner, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 256. The Umatillas 'may be a superior race to the "Snakes," but I doubt it.' Barnhart, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 271. The Salish are 'rather below the average size, but are well knit, muscular, and good-looking.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208. 'Well made and active.' Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 327. 'Below the middle hight, with thick-set limbs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5. The Cootonais are above the medium height. Very few Shushwaps reach the height of five feet nine inches. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 376, vol. i., p. 240. See also on physique of the inland nations, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340, 356, 359, 382, 527-8, 556-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 475; Dunn, in Cal. Farmer, April 26, 1861; San Francisco Herald, June, 1858; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 309, 414; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6, and vol. i., frontispiece, cut of a group of Spokanes. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30, 198; Palmer's Jour., p. 54; Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294; Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[383] The interior tribes have 'long faces, and bold features, thin lips, wide cheek-bones, smooth skins, and the usual tawny complexion of the American tribes.' 'Features of a less exaggerated harshness' than the coast tribes. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 198-9. 'Hair and eyes are black, their cheek bones high, and very frequently they have aquiline noses.' 'They wear their hair long, part it upon their forehead, and let it hang in tresses on each side, or down behind.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Complexion 'a little fairer than other Indians.' Id. The Okanagans are 'better featured and handsomer in their persons, though darker, than the Chinooks or other Indians along the sea-coast.' 'Teeth white as ivory, well set and regular.' The voices of Walla Wallas, Nez Percés, and Cayuses, are strong and masculine. Ross' Adven., pp. 294, 127. The Flatheads (Nez Percés) are 'the whitest Indians I ever saw.' Gass' Jour., p. 189. The Shushwap 'complexion is darker, and of a more muddy, coppery hue than that of the true Red Indian.' Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 335. The Nez Perces darker than the Tushepaws. Dignified and pleasant features. Would have quite heavy beards if they shaved. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 356, 359, 527-8, 556-7, 321. The inland natives are an ugly race, with 'broad faces, low foreheads, and rough, coppery and tanned skins.' The Salish 'features are less regular, and their complexion darker' than the Sahaptins. Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., pp. 55-6. Teeth of the river tribes worn down by sanded salmon. Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 228; Kane's Wand., p. 273. Nez Perces and Cayuses 'are almost universally fine looking, robust men, with strong aquiline features, and a much more cheerful cast of countenance than is usual amongst the race. Some of the women might almost be called beautiful, and none that I have seen are homely.' Some very handsome young girls among the Walla Wallas. The Kliketat features are 'regular, though often devoid of expression.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 148, 158, 178. Flatheads 'comparatively very fair in complexion, ... with oval faces, and a mild, and playful expression of countenance.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Kayuls had long dark hair, and regular features. Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 304. Cut and description of a Clickitat skull, in Morton's Crania, p. 214, pl. 48. 'The Flatheads are the ugliest, and most of their women are far from being beauties.' Stuart's Montana, p. 82.

[384] 'The Sahaptin and Wallawallas compress the head, but not so much as the tribes near the coast. It merely serves with them to make the forehead more retreating, which, with the aquiline nose common to these natives, gives to them occasionally, a physiognomy similar to that represented in the hieroglyphical paintings of Central America.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 214, 205. All the Shushwaps flatten the head more or less. Mayne's B. C., p. 303. 'Il est à remarquer que les tribus établies au-dessus de la jonction de la branche sud de la Colombie, et désignées sous le nom de Têtes Plates, ont renoncé depuis longtemps à cet usage.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 349. 'A roundhead Klickatat woman would be a pariah.' Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 204. Nez Percés 'seldom known to flatten the head.' Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108. See Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 55-6, 64-5; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2, 249-51; Townsend's Nar., p. 175; Kane's Wand., p. 263; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 415, with cut. Walla Wallas, Skyuse, and Nez Percés flatten the head and perforate the nose. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 374, 359; Gass' Jour., p. 224.

[385] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 38-9; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 362, 382-3.

[386] The Salish 'profuse in the use of paint.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, and in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 309. Nez Percés painted in colored stripes. Hines' Voy., p. 173. 'Four Indians (Nez Percés) streaked all over with white mud.' Kane's Wand., p. 291. Walla Walla 'faces painted red.' The Okanagan 'young of both sexes always paint their faces with red and black bars.' Ross' Adven., pp. 127, 294-8. The inland tribes 'appear to have less of the propensity to adorn themselves with painting, than the Indians east of the mountains, but not unfrequently vermilion mixed with red clay, is used not only upon their faces but upon their hair.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 229. Red clay for face paint, obtained at Vermilion Forks of the Similkameen River, in B. C. Palmer, in B. C. Papers, vol. iii., p. 84. Pend d'Oreille women rub the face every morning with a mixture of red and brown powder, which is made to stick by a coating of fish-oil. De Smet, Voy., p. 198.

[387] The Oakinack 'women wear their hair neatly clubbed on each side of the head behind the ears, and ornamented with double rows of the snowy higua, which are among the Oakinackens called Shet-la-cane; but they keep it shed or divided in front. The men's hair is queued or rolled up into a knot behind the head, and ornamented like that of the women; but in front it falls or hangs down loosely before the face, covering the forehead and the eyes, which causes them every now and then to shake the head, or use the hands to uncover their eyes.' Ross' Adven., pp. 294-5. The head of the Nez Perces not ornamented. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 321, 351, 377, 528, 532-3; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Kane's Wand., p. 274.

[388] The Ootlashoot women wear 'a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist.' Few ornaments. The Nez Percés wear 'the buffalo or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair.' Leggins and moccasins are painted; a plait of twisted grass is worn round the neck. The women wear their long robe without a girdle, but to it 'are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles.' 'The dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure.' 'The Sokulk females have no other covering but a truss or piece of leather tied round the hips and then drawn tight between the legs.' Three fourths of the Pisquitpaws 'have scarcely any robes at all.' The Chilluckittequaws use skins of wolves, deer, elk, and wild cats. 'Round their neck is put a strip of some skin with the tail of the animal hanging down over the breast.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 321, 340-1, 351, 359, 361, 377, 526, 528, 532-3. Many of the Walla Walla, Nez Percé, and Cayuse females wore robes 'richly garnished with beads, higuas,' etc. The war chief wears as a head-dress the whole skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing erect. The Okanagans wear in winter long detachable sleeves or mittens of wolf or fox skin, also wolf or bear skin caps when hunting. Men and women dress nearly alike, and are profuse in the use of ornaments. Ross' Adven., p. 127, 294-8; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 306. The Flatheads often change their clothing and clean it with pipe-clay. They have no regular head-dress. From the Yakima to the Okanagan the men go naked, and the women wear only a belt with a slip passing between the legs. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 133, 148, 240-1, vol. ii., p. 144. Nez Percés better clad than any others, Cayuses well clothed, Walla Wallas naked and half starved. Palmer's Jour., pp. 54, 124, 127-8. At the Dalles, women 'go nearly naked, for they wear little else than what may be termed a breech-cloth, of buckskin, which is black and filthy with dirt.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 409-10, 426, 473. The Kliketat women wear a short pine-bark petticoat tied round the loins. Townsend's Nar., pp. 78, 178, 148. 'Their buffaloe robes and other skins they chiefly procure on the Missouri, when they go over to hunt, as there are no buffaloe in this part of the country and very little other game.' Gass' Jour., pp. 189, 205, 218-19, 295. Tusshepaw 'women wore caps of willow neatly worked and figured.' Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 317, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. The Flathead women wear straw hats, used also for drinking and cooking purposes. De Smet, Voy., pp. 45-7, 198. The Shushwaps wear in wet weather capes of bark trimmed with fur, and reaching to the elbows. Moccasins are more common than on the coast, but they often ride barefoot. Mayne's B. C., p. 301. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 229-30; Kane's Wand., p. 264, and cut; Fremont's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 186-7; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 222; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153; Franchère's Nar., p. 268; Dunn's Oregon, p. 311; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 304; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 78.

[389] The Sokulk houses 'generally of a square or oblong form, varying in length from fifteen to sixty feet, and supported in the inside by poles or forks about six feet high.' The roof is nearly flat. The Echeloot and Chilluckittequaw houses were of the Chinook style, partially sunk in the ground. The Nez Percés live in houses built 'of straw and mats, in the form of the roof of a house.' One of these 'was one hundred and fifty-six feet long, and about fifteen wide, closed at the ends, and having a number of doors on each side.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 340, 351, 369-70, 381-2, 540. Nez Percé dwellings twenty to seventy feet long and from ten to fifteen feet wide; free from vermin. Flathead houses conical but spacious, made of buffalo and moose skins over long poles. Spokane lodges oblong or conical, covered with skins or mats. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148, 192, 200. Nez Percé and Cayuse lodges 'composed of ten long poles, the lower ends of which are pointed and driven into the ground; the upper blunt and drawn together at the top by thongs' covered with skins. 'Universally used by the mountain Indians while travelling.' Umatillas live in 'shantys or wigwams of driftwood, covered with buffalo or deer skins.' Klicatats 'in miserable loose hovels.' Townsend's Nar., pp. 104-5, 156, 174. Okanagan winter lodges are long and narrow, 'chiefly of mats and poles, covered over with grass and earth;' dug one or two feet below the surface; look like the roof of a common house set on the ground. Ross' Adven., pp. 313-4. On the Yakima River 'a small canopy, hardly sufficient to shelter a sheep, was found to contain four generations of human beings.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 34, 37. On the Clearwater 'there are not more than four lodges in a place or village, and these small camps or villages are eight or ten miles apart.' 'Summer lodges are made of willows and flags, and their winter lodges of split pine.' Gass' Jour., pp. 212, 221, 223. 'At Kettle Falls, the lodges are of rush mats.' 'A flooring is made of sticks, raised three or four feet from the ground, leaving the space beneath it entirely open, and forming a cool, airy, and shady place, in which to hang their salmon.' Kane's Wand., pp. 309, 272-3. The Pend d'Oreilles roll their tent-mats into cylindrical bundles for convenience in traveling. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 215, 238, 282. Barnhart, in Id., 1862, p. 271. The Shushwap den is warm but 'necessarily unwholesome, and redolent ... of anything but roses.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 77. Yakimas, 'rude huts covered with mats.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 407. Shushwaps erect rude slants of bark or matting; have no tents or houses. Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. From the swamps south of Flatbow Lake, 'the Kootanie Indians obtain the klusquis or thick reed, which is the only article that serves them in the construction of their lodges,' and is traded with other tribes. Sullivan, in Palliser's Explor., p. 15. In winter the Salish cover their mats with earth. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. Flag huts of the Walla Wallas. Farnham's Trav., p. 85; Mullan's Rept., pp. 49-50; Palmer's Jour., p. 61; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 295; Irving's Astoria, pp. 315, 319; Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; De Smet, Voy., p. 185; Id., West. Missions, p. 284; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 105-6. Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 74-5, 79.

[390] Natives begin to assemble at Kettle Falls about three weeks before the salmon begin to run; feuds are laid by; horse-racing, gambling, love-making, etc., occupy the assembly; and the medicine-men are busy working charms for a successful season. The fish are cut open, dried on poles over a small fire, and packed in bales. On the Fraser each family or village fishes for itself; near the mouth large gaff-hooks are used, higher up a net managed between two canoes. All the principal Indian fishing-stations on the Fraser are below Fort Hope. For sturgeon a spear seventy to eighty feet long is used. Cut of sturgeon-fishing. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-6, 181, 184-6. The Pend d'Oreilles 'annually construct a fence which reaches across the stream, and guides the fish into a weir or rack,' on Clarke River, just above the lake. The Walla Walla 'fisheries at the Dalles and the falls, ten miles above, are the finest on the river.' The Yakima weirs constructed 'upon horizontal spars, and supported by tripods of strong poles erected at short distances apart; two of the logs fronting up stream, and one supporting them below;' some fifty or sixty yards long. The salmon of the Okanagan were 'of a small species, which had assumed a uniform red color.' 'The fishery at the Kettle Falls is one of the most important on the river, and the arrangements of the Indians in the shape of drying-scaffolds and store-houses are on a corresponding scale.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214, 223, 231, 233; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 407-8. The salmon chief at Kettle Falls distributes the fish among the people, every one, even the smallest child, getting an equal share. Kane's Wand., pp. 311-14. On Des Chutes River 'they spear the fish with barbed iron points, fitted loosely by sockets to the ends of poles about eight feet long,' to which they are fastened by a thong about twelve feet long. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 90. On the upper Columbia an Indian 'cut off a bit of his leathern shirt, about the size of a small bean; then pulling out two or three hairs from his horse's tail for a line, tied the bit of leather to one end of it, in place of a hook or fly.' Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3. At the mouth of Flatbow River 'a dike of round stones, which runs up obliquely against the main stream, on the west side, for more than one hundred yards in length, resembling the foundation of a wall.' Similar range on the east side, supposed to be for taking fish at low water. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 165-6. West of the Rocky Mountains they fish 'with great success by means of a kind of large basket suspended from a long cord.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 240-1. On Powder River they use the hook as a gaff. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 283. A Wasco spears three or four salmon of twenty to thirty pounds each in ten minutes. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 506. No salmon are taken above the upper falls of the Columbia. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 392. Walla Walla fish-weirs 'formed of two curtains of small willow switches matted together with withes of the same plant, and extending across the river in two parallel lines, six feet asunder. These are supported by several parcels of poles, ... and are either rolled up or let down at pleasure for a few feet.... A seine of fifteen or eighteen feet in length is then dragged down the river by two persons, and the bottom drawn up against the curtain of willows.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 532. Make fishing-nets of flax. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 90. 'The Inland, as well as the Coast, tribes, live to a great extent upon salmon.' Mayne's B. C., p. 242; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., pp. 152-3. Palouse 'live solely by fishing.' Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Salmon cannot ascend to Coeur d'Alêne Lake. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 209-10. Okanagan food 'consists principally of salmon and a small fish which they call carp.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 462. The Walla Wallas 'may well be termed the fishermen of the Skyuse camp.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82.

[391] The Shushwaps formerly crossed the mountains to the Assinniboine territory. The Okanagans when hunting wear wolf or bear skin caps; there is no bird or beast whose voice they cannot imitate. War and hunting were the Nez Percé occupation; cross the mountains for buffalo. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 148, 219, 297-8, 305. The chief game of the Nez Percés is the deer, 'and whenever the ground will permit, the favourite hunt is on horseback.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 555. The Salish live by the chase, on elk, moose, deer, big-horn and bears; make two trips annually, spring to fall, and fall to mid-winter, across the mountains, accompanied by other nations. The Pend d'Oreilles hunt deer in the snow with clubs; have distinct localities for hunting each kind of game. Nez Percés, Flatheads, Coeurs d'Alêne, Spokanes, Pend d'Oreilles, etc., hunt together. Yakimas formerly joined the Flatheads in eastern hunt. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-8, 212-15, 218, 225-6. 'Two hunts annually across the mountains—one in April, for the bulls, from which they return in June and July; and another, after about a month's recruit, to kill cows, which have by that time become fat.' Stevens, Gibbs, and Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 415, 408, 296-7, vol. xii., p. 134. Kootenais live by the chase principally. Hutchins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 455. Spokanes rather indolent in hunting; hunting deer by fire. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 197, vol. ii., pp. 46-7. The Kootenais 'seldom hunt;' there is not much to shoot except wild fowl in fall. Trap beaver and carriboeuf on a tributary of the Kootanie River. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 15, 73. Flatheads 'follow the buffalo upon the headwaters of Clarke and Salmon rivers.' Nez Percé women accompany the men to the buffalo-hunt. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 107, 311. Kootenais cross the mountains for buffalo. Mayne's B. C., p. 297. Coeurs d'Alêne ditto. Mullan's Rept., p. 49. Half of the Nez Percés 'usually make a trip to the buffalo country for three months.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 494. Shushwaps 'live by hunting the bighorns, mountain goats, and marmots.' Milton and Cheadle's N. W. Pass., p. 242. Buffalo never pass to west of the Rocky Mountains. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 179; Kane's Wand., p. 328; De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 45, 144-5; Ind. Life, pp. 23-4, 34-41; Franchère's Nar., pp. 268-9; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. x., 1821, pp. 77-82; Stuart, in Id., tom. xii., pp. 25, 35-6; Joset, in Id., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[392] The Kliketats gather and eat peahay, a bitter root boiled into a jelly; n'poolthla, ground into flour; mamum and seekywa, made into bitter white cakes; kamass; calz, a kind of wild sunflower. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 247. The Flatheads go every spring to Camass Prairie. De Smet, Voy., p. 183. The Kootenais eat kamash and an edible moss. Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. 'The Cayooses, Nez Percés, and other warlike tribes assemble (in Yakima Valley) every spring to lay in a stock of the favourite kamass and pelua, or sweet potatoes.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 19. Quamash, round, onion-shaped, and sweet, eaten by the Nez Percés. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 330. Couse root dug in April or May; camas in June and July. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. The Skyuses 'main subsistence is however upon roots.' The Nez Percés eat kamash, cowish or biscuit root, jackap, aisish, quako, etc. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301, 388. Okanagans live extensively on moss made into bread. The Nez Percés also eat moss. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 462, 494. Pend d'Oreilles at the last extremity live on pine-tree moss; also collect camash, bitter-roots, and sugar pears. Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211, 214-15. 'I never saw any berry in the course of my travels which the Indians scruple to eat, nor have I seen any ill effect from their doing so.' Kane's Wand., p. 327. The Kootenai food in September 'appears to be almost entirely berries; namely, the "sasketoom" of the Crees, a delicious fruit, and a small species of cherry, also a sweet root which they obtain to the southward.' Blakiston, in Palliser's Explor., p. 73. Flatheads dig konah, 'bitter root' in May. It is very nutritious and very bitter. Pahseego, camas, or 'water seego,' is a sweet, gummy, bulbous root. Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8. Colvilles cut down pines for their moss (alectoria?). Kamas also eaten. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34. The Shushwaps eat moss and lichens, chiefly the black lichen, or whyelkine. Mayne's B. C., p. 301; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 127. The Salish in March and April eat popkah, an onion-like bulb; in May, spatlam, a root like vermicelli; in June and July, itwha, like roasted chestnuts; in August, wild fruits; in September, marani, a grain. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 312.

[393] At the Dalles 'during the fishing season, the Indians live entirely on the heads, hearts and offal of the salmon, which they string on sticks, and roast over a small fire.' Besides pine-moss, the Okanagans use the seed of the balsam oriza pounded into meal, called mielito. 'To this is added the siffleurs.' Berries made into cakes by the Nez Percés. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 462, 494. Quamash, 'eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 330, 353, 365, 369. Women's head-dress serves the Flatheads for cooking, etc. De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 193-9; Id., Missions de l'Orégon, pp. 75-6. 'The dog's tongue is the only dish-cloth known' to the Okanagans. Pine-moss cooked, or squill-ape, will keep for years. 'At their meals they generally eat separately and in succession—man, woman and child.' Ross' Adven., pp. 132-3, 295, 317-18. 'Most of their food is roasted, and they excel in roasting fish.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 231, 107. 'Pine moss, which they boil till it is reduced to a sort of glue or black paste, of a sufficient consistence to take the form of biscuit.' Franchère's Nar., p. 279. Couse tastes like parsnips, is dried and pulverized, and sometimes boiled with meat. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 656. Root bread on the Clearwater tastes like that made of pumpkins. Gass' Jour., pp. 202-3. Kamas after coming from the kiln is 'made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together, and slightly baked in the sun.' White-root, pulverized with stones, moistened and sun-baked, tastes not unlike stale biscuits. Townsend's Nar., pp. 126-7. Camas and sun-flower seed mixed with salmon-heads caused in the eater great distension of the stomach. Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 509-11. Sowete, is the name of the mixture last named, among the Cayuses. Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 310; Ind. Life, p. 41; Stuart's Montana, pp. 57-8; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 34; Kane's Wand., pp. 272-3; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 214-15.

[394] Additional notes and references on procuring food. The Okanagans break up winter quarters in February; wander about in small bands till June. Assemble on the river and divide into two parties of men and two of women for fishing and dressing fish, hunting and digging roots, until October; hunt in small parties in the mountains or the interior for four or six weeks; and then go into winter quarters on the small rivers. Ross' Adven., pp. 314-16. Further south on the Columbia plains the natives collect and dry roots until May; fish on the north bank of the river till September, burying the fish; dig camas on the plains till snow falls; and retire to the foot of the mountains to hunt deer and elk through the winter. The Nez Percés catch salmon and dig roots in summer; hunt deer on snow-shoes in winter; and cross the mountains for buffalo in spring. Sokulks live on fish, roots, and antelope. Eneeshur, Echeloots, and Chilluckittequaw, on fish, berries, roots and nuts. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 444-5, 340-1, 352, 365, 370. Spokanes live on deer, wild fowl, salmon, trout, carp, pine-moss, roots and wild fruit. They have no repugnance to horse-flesh, but never kill horses for food. The Sinapoils live on salmon, camas, and an occasional small deer. The Chaudiere country well stocked with game, fish and fruit. Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 201, vol. ii., p. 145. The Kayuse live on fish, game, and camass bread. De Smet, Voy., pp. 30-1. 'Ils cultivent avec succès le blé, les patates, les pois et plusieurs autres légumes et fruits.' Id., Miss. de l'Orégon., p. 67. Pend d'Oreilles; fish, Kamash, and pine-tree moss. Id., West. Missions, p. 284. 'Whole time was occupied in providing for their bellies, which were rarely full.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211. Yakimas and Kliketats; Unis or fresh-water muscles, little game, sage-fowl and grouse, kamas, berries, salmon. The Okanagans raise some potatoes. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 408, 413. Kootenais; fish and wild fowl, berries and pounded meat, have cows and oxen. Palliser's Explor., pp. 10, 72. Palouse; fish, birds, and small animals. Umatillas; fish, sage-cocks, prairie-hares. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 97, 105-6. Tushepaws would not permit horses or dogs to be eaten. Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Nez Percés; beaver, elk, deer, white bear, and mountain sheep, also steamed roots. Id., Bonneville's Adven., p. 301. Sahaptin; gather cherries and berries on Clarke River. Gass' Jour., p. 193; Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 151; Hines' Voy., p. 167; Brownell's Ind. Races, pp. 533-5; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 63-71; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 108; Kane's Wand., pp. 263-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-31, 309; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 474; Hale's Ethnog., Ib., vol. vi., p. 206.

[395] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 383, 548; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 230, 312; Townsend's Nar., p. 148; De Smet, Voy., pp. 46-7, 198; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 197-9, 358, vol. ii., pp. 155, 373, 375; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 295; Palmer's Jour., pp. 54, 58, 59.

[396] The Okanagan weapon is called a Spampt. Ross' Adven., pp. 318-19; Id., Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 306-8. 'Ils ... faire leurs arcs d'un bois très-élastique, ou de la corne du cerf.' De Smet, Voy., p. 48; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 488; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405; Townsend's Nar., p. 98; Irving's Astoria, p. 317; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106-7, 233; Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 216.

[397] Torture of Blackfeet prisoners; burning with a red-hot gun-barrel, pulling out the nails, taking off fingers, scooping out the eyes, scalping, revolting cruelties to female captives. The disputed right of the Flatheads to hunt buffalo at the eastern foot of the mountains is the cause of the long-continued hostility. The wisest and bravest is annually elected war chief. The war chief carries a long whip and secures discipline by flagellation. Except a few feathers and pieces of red cloth, both the Flathead and Kootenai enter battle perfectly naked. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 232-45, vol. ii., p. 160. The Cayuse and Sahaptin are the most warlike of all the southern tribes. The Nez Percés good warriors, but do not follow war as a profession. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 185-6, 305, 308-12, vol. ii., pp. 93-6, 139. Among the Okanagans 'the hot bath, council, and ceremony of smoking the great pipe before war, is always religiously observed. Their laws, however, admit of no compulsion, nor is the chief's authority implicitly obeyed on these occasions; consequently, every one judges for himself, and either goes or stays as he thinks proper. With a view, however, to obviate this defect in their system, they have instituted the dance, which answers every purpose of a recruiting service.' 'Every man, therefore, who enters within this ring and joins in the dance ... is in honour bound to assist in carrying on the war.' Id., Adven. pp. 319-20. Mock battles and military display for the entertainment of white visitors. Hines' Voy., pp. 173-4. The Chilluckittequaws cut off the forefingers of a slain enemy as trophies. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 375-6. When scouting, 'Flathead chief would ride at full gallop so near the foe as to flap in their faces the eagle's tail streaming behind (from his cap), yet no one dared seize the tail or streamer, it being considered sacrilegious and fraught with misfortune to touch it.' Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., p. 238. A thousand Walla Wallas came to the Sacramento River in 1846, to avenge the death of a young chief killed by an American about a year before. Colton's Three Years in Cal., p. 52. One Flathead is said to be equal to four Blackfeet in battle. De Smet, Voy., pp. 31, 49; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 312-13; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 233-7; Stanley's Portraits, pp. 65-71; Ind. Life, pp. 23-5; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 495.

[398] White marl clay used to cleanse skin robes, by making it into a paste, rubbing it on the hide and leaving it to dry, after which it is rubbed off. Saddles usually sit uneasily on the horse's back. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 106, 232-4. 'Mallet of stone curiously carved' among the Sokulks. Near the Cascades was seen a ladder resembling those used by the whites. The Pishquitpaws used 'a saddle or pad of dressed skin, stuffed with goats' hair.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 353, 370, 375, 528. On the Fraser a rough kind of isinglass was at one time prepared and traded to the Hudson Bay Company. Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 177. 'The Sahaptins still make a kind of vase of lava, somewhat in the shape of a crucible, but very wide; they use it as a mortar for pounding the grain, of which they make cakes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 64, 243. (Undoubtedly an error.) Pend d'Oreilles; 'les femmes ... font des nattes de joncs, des paniers, et des chapeaux sans bords.' De Smet, Voy., p. 199. 'Nearly all (the Shushwaps) use the Spanish wooden saddle, which they make with much skill.' Mayne's B. C., pp. 301-2. 'The saddles for women differ in form, being furnished with the antlers of a deer, so as to resemble the high pommelled saddle of the Mexican ladies.' Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-70; Palmer's Jour., p. 129; Irving's Astoria, p. 317, 365; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[399] 'The white-pine bark is a very good substitute for birch, but has the disadvantage of being more brittle in cold weather.' Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 296. Yakima boats are 'simply logs hollowed out and sloped up at the ends, without form or finish.' Gibbs, in Id., p. 408. The Flatheads 'have no canoes, but in ferrying streams use their lodge skins, which are drawn up into an oval form by cords, and stretched on a few twigs. These they tow with horses, riding sometimes three abreast.' Stevens, in Id., p. 415. In the Kootenai canoe 'the upper part is covered, except a space in the middle.' The length is twenty-two feet, the bottom being a dead level from end to end. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 169-70. 'The length of the bottom of the one I measured was twelve feet, the width between the gunwales only seven and one half feet.' 'When an Indian paddles it, he sits at the extreme end, and thus sinks the conical point, which serves to steady the canoe like a fish's tail.' Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 178-9, 255-7. On the Arrow Lakes 'their form is also peculiar and very beautiful. These canoes run the rapids with more safety than those of any other shape.' Kane's Wand., p. 328. See De Smet, Voy., pp. 35, 187; Irving's Astoria, p. 319; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 375; Hector, in Palliser's Explor., p. 27; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 208, 214, 223, 238.

[400] 'The tradition is that horses were obtained from the southward,' not many generations back. Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 247, 177-8. Individuals of the Walla Wallas have over one thousand horses. Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. Bay, p. 83. Kootenais rich in horses and cattle. Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Kliketat and Yakima horses sometimes fine, but injured by early usage; deteriorated from a good stock; vicious and lazy. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'La richesse principale des sauvages de l'ouest consiste en chevaux.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 47, 56. At an assemblage of Walla Wallas, Shahaptains and Kyoots, 'the plains were literally covered with horses, of which there could not have been less than four thousand in sight of the camp.' Ross' Adven., p. 127. The Kootanies about Arrow Lake, or Sinatcheggs have no horses, as the country is not suitable for them. Id., Fur Hunters, vol. ii., pp. 171-2. Of the Spokanes the 'chief riches are their horses, which they generally obtain in barter from the Nez Percés.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 200. A Skyuse is poor who has but fifteen or twenty horses. The horses are a fine race, 'as large and of better form and more activity than most of the horses of the States.' Farnham's Trav., p. 82. The Flatheads 'are the most northern of the equestrian tribes.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Many Nez Percés 'have from five to fifteen hundred head of horses.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128-9. Indians of the Spokane and Flathead tribes 'own from one thousand to four thousand head of horses and cattle.' Stevens' Address, p. 12. The Nez Percé horses 'are principally of the pony breed; but remarkably stout and long-winded.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 301; Hastings' Em. Guide, p. 59; Hines' Voy., p. 344; Gass' Jour., p. 295; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 230.

[401] The Chilluckittequaw intercourse seems to be an intermediate trade with the nations near the mouth of the Columbia. The Chopunnish trade for, as well as hunt, buffalo-robes east of the mountains. Course of trade in the Sahaptin county: The plain Indians during their stay on the river from May to September, before they begin fishing, go down to the falls with skins, mats, silk-grass, rushes and chapelell bread. Here they meet the mountain tribes from the Kooskooskie (Clearwater) and Lewis rivers, who bring bear-grass, horses, quamash and a few skins obtained by hunting or by barter from the Tushepaws. At the falls are the Chilluckittequaws, Eneeshurs, Echeloots and Skilloots, the latter being intermediate traders between the upper and lower tribes. These tribes have pounded fish for sale; and the Chinooks bring wappato, sea-fish, berries, and trinkets obtained from the whites. Then the trade begins; the Chopunnish and mountain tribes buy wappato, pounded fish and beads; and the plain Indians buy wappato, horses, beads, etc. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 382, 444-5. Horse-fairs in which the natives display the qualities of their steeds with a view to sell. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 86-7. The Oakinacks make trips to the Pacific to trade wild hemp for hiaqua shells and trinkets. Ross' Adven., pp. 291, 323. Trade conducted in silence between a Flathead and Crow. De Smet, Voy., p. 56. Kliketats and Yakimas 'have become to the neighboring tribes what the Yankees were to the once Western States, the traveling retailers of notions.' Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 403, 406. Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés meet in Grande Ronde Valley to trade with the Snakes. Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 270; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 88-9, 156; Palmer's Jour., pp. 46, 54; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 160; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 294; Mayne's B. C., p. 299; Gass' Jour., p. 205.

[402] In calculating time the Okanagans use their fingers, each finger standing for ten; some will reckon to a thousand with tolerable accuracy, but most can scarcely count to twenty. Ross' Adven., p. 324. The Flatheads 'font néanmoins avec précision, sur des écorces d'arbres ou sur des peaux le plan, des pays qu'ils ont parcourus, marquant les distances par journées, demi-journées ou quarts de journées.' De Smet, Voy., p. 205. Count years by snows, months by moons, and days by sleeps. Have names for each number up to ten; then add ten to each; and then add a word to multiply by ten. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 242. Names of the months in the Pisquouse and Salish languages beginning with January;—'cold, a certain herb, snow-gone, bitter-root, going to root-ground, camass-root, hot, gathering berries, exhausted salmon, dry, house-building, snow.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 211. 'Menses computant lunis, ex spkani, sol vel luna et dies per ferias. Hebdomadam unicam per splcháskat, septem dies, plures vero hebdomadas per s'chaxèus, id est, vexillum quod a duce maximo qualibet die dominica suspendebatur. Dies antem in novem dividitur partes.' Mengarini, Grammatica Linguae Selicae, p. 120; Sproat's Scenes, p. 270; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 374.

[403] The twelve Oakinack tribes 'form, as it were, so many states belonging to the same union, and are governed by petty chiefs.' The chieftainship descends from father to son; and though merely nominal in authority, the chief is rarely disobeyed. Property pays for all crimes. Ross' Adven., pp. 289-94, 322-3, 327. The Chualpays are governed by the 'chief of the earth' and 'chief of the waters,' the latter having exclusive authority in the fishing-season. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-13. The Nez Percés offered a Flathead the position of head chief, through admiration of his qualities. De Smet, Voy., pp. 50, 171. Among the Kalispels the chief appoints his successor, or if he fails to do so, one is elected. De Smet, Western Miss., p. 297. The Flathead war chief carries a long whip, decorated with scalps and feathers to enforce strict discipline. The principal chief is hereditary. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 241-2, vol. ii., p. 88. The 'camp chief' of the Flatheads as well as the war chief was chosen for his merits. Ind. Life, pp. 28-9. Among the Nez Percés and Wascos 'the form of government is patriarchal. They acknowledge the hereditary principle—blood generally decides who shall be the chief.' Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-4. No regularly recognized chief among the Spokanes, but an intelligent and rich man often controls the tribe by his influence. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 475-6. 'The Salish can hardly be said to have any regular form of government.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 207-8. Every winter the Cayuses go down to the Dalles to hold a council over the Chinooks 'to ascertain their misdemeanors and punish them therefor by whipping'! Farnham's Trav., p. 81-2. Among the Salish 'criminals are sometimes punished by banishment from their tribe.' 'Fraternal union and the obedience to the chiefs are truly admirable.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 343-4; Hines' Voy., p. 157; Stanley's Portraits, p. 63; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311-12; White's Oregon, p. 189; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108; Joset, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., tom. cxxiii., 1849, pp. 334-40.

[404] 'Slavery is common with all the tribes.' Warre and Vavasour, in Martin's Hud. B., p. 83. Sahaptins always make slaves of prisoners of war. The Cayuses have many. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 654; Palmer's Jour., p. 56. Among the Okanagans 'there are but few slaves ... and these few are adopted as children, and treated in all respects as members of the family.' Ross' Adven., p. 320. The inland tribes formerly practiced slavery, but long since abolished it. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 247. 'Not practised in the interior.' Mayne's B. C., p. 243. Not practiced by the Shushwaps. Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., p. 78.

[405] Each Okanagan 'family is ruled by the joint will or authority of the husband and wife, but more particularly by the latter.' Wives live at different camps among their relatives; one or two being constantly with the husband. Brawls constantly occur when several wives meet. The women are chaste, and attached to husband and children. At the age of fourteen or fifteen the young man pays his addresses in person to the object of his love, aged eleven or twelve. After the old folks are in bed, he goes to her wigwam, builds a fire, and if welcome the mother permits the girl to come and sit with him for a short time. These visits are several times repeated, and he finally goes in the day-time with friends and his purchase money. Ross' Adven., pp. 295-302. The Spokane husband joins his wife's tribe; women are held in great respect; and much affection is shown for children. Among the Nez Percés both men and women have the power of dissolving the marriage tie at pleasure. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 410, 475-6, 486, 495. The Coeurs d'Alêne 'have abandoned polygamy.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 149, 309; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 406. Pend d'Oreille women less enslaved than in the mountains, but yet have much heavy work, paddle canoes, etc. Generally no marriage among savages. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-9, 210. The Nez Percés generally confine themselves to two wives, and rarely marry cousins. No wedding ceremony. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655. Polygamy not general on the Fraser; and unknown to Kootenais. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 155, 379, vol. i., pp. 256-9. Nez Percés have abandoned polygamy. Palmer's Jour., pp. 129, 56. Flathead women do everything but hunt and fight. Ind. Life, p. 41. Flathead women 'by no means treated as slaves, but, on the contrary, have much consideration and authority.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 207. 'Rarely marry out of their own nation,' and do not like their women to marry whites. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 313-14. The Sokulk men 'are said to content themselves with a single wife, with whom ... the husband shares the labours of procuring subsistence much more than is usual among savages.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 351; Dunniway's Capt. Gray's Comp., p. 161; Gray's Hist. Ogn., p. 171; Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-5; Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 208; De Smet's West. Miss., p. 289.

[406] The wife of a young Kootenai left him for another, whereupon he shot himself. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 169. Among the Flatheads 'conjugal infidelity is scarcely known.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 311. The Sahaptins 'do not exhibit those loose feelings of carnal desire, nor appear addicted to the common customs of prostitution.' Gass' Jour., p. 275. Inland tribes have a reputation for chastity, probably due to circumstances rather than to fixed principles. Mayne's B. C., p. 300. Spokanes 'free from the vice of incontinence'. Among the Walla Wallas prostitution is unknown, 'and I believe no inducement would tempt them to commit a breach of chastity.' Prostitution common on the Fraser. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 199-200. Nez Percé women remarkable for their chastity. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[407] In the Salish family on the birth of a child wealthy relatives make presents of food and clothing. The Nez Percé mother gives presents but receives none on such an occasion. The Flatheads and Pend d'Oreilles bandage the waist and legs of infants with a view to producing broad-shouldered, small-waisted and straight-limbed adults. Tolmie and Anderson, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 231-2. Among the Walla Wallas 'when traveling a hoop, bent over the head of the child, protects it from injury.' The confinement after child-birth continues forty days. At the first menstruation the Spokane woman must conceal herself two days in the forest; for a man to see her would be fatal; she must then be confined for twenty days longer in a separate lodge. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-8, 485. The Okanagan mother is not allowed to prepare her unborn infant's swaddling clothes, which consist of a piece of board, a bit of skin, a bunch of moss, and a string. Ross' Adven., pp. 324-30. 'Small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone and generally upon colts.' Younger ones are carried on the mother's back 'or suspended from a high knob upon the forepart of their saddles.' Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 98. Houses among the Chopunnish 'appropriated for women who are undergoing the operation of the menses.' 'When anything is to be conveyed to these deserted females, the person throws it to them forty or fifty paces off, and then retires.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 539; Townsend's Nar., p. 78; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655.

[408] With the Pend d'Oreilles 'it was not uncommon for them to bury the very old and the very young alive, because, they said, "these cannot take care of themselves, and we cannot take care of them, and they had better die."' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 211; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 328; White's Ogn., p. 96; Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 148-9.

[409] In the Yakima Valley 'we visited every street, alley, hole and corner of the camp.... Here was gambling, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. Crowds were passing to and fro, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were huddled together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all pell-mell among the tents.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 28. At Kettle Falls 'whilst awaiting the coming salmon, the scene is one great revel: horse-racing, gambling, love-making, dancing, and diversions of all sorts, occupy the singular assembly; for at these annual gatherings ... feuds and dislikes are for the time laid by.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 72-3.

[410] The principal amusement of the Okanagans is gambling, 'at which they are not so quarrelsome as the Spokans and other tribes,' disputes being settled by arbitration. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 88. A young man at Kettle Falls committed suicide, having lost everything at gambling. Kane's Wand., pp. 309-10. 'Les Indiens de la Colombie ont porté les jeux de hasard au dernier excès. Après avoir perdu tout ce qu'ils ont, ils se mettent eux-mêmes sur le tapis, d'abord une main, ensuite l'autre; s'ils les perdent, les bras, et ainsi de suite tous les membres du corps; la tête suit, et s'ils la perdent, ils deviennent esclaves pour la vie avec leurs femmes et leurs enfants.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 49-50. Many Kooteneais have abandoned gambling. De Smet, West. Miss., p. 300. 'Whatever the poor Indian can call his own, is ruthlessly sacrificed to this Moloch of human weakness.' Ind. Life, p. 42; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 102-3.

[411] Spokanes; 'one of their great amusements is horse-racing.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 487. Kliketats and Yakimas; 'the racing season is the grand annual occasion of these tribes. A horse of proved reputation is a source of wealth or ruin to his owner. On his speed he stakes his whole stud, his household goods, clothes, and finally his wives; and a single heat doubles his fortune, or sends him forth an impoverished adventurer. The interest, however is not confined to the individual directly concerned; the tribe share it with him, and a common pile of goods, of motley description, apportioned according to their ideas of value, is put up by either party, to be divided among the backers of the winner.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404, 412. 'Running horses and foot-races by men, women and children, and they have games of chance played with sticks or bones;' do not drink to excess. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 237, 406. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 557; Franchère's Nar., p. 269.

[412] Kane's Wand., pp. 310-11.

[413] The principal Okanagan amusement is a game called by the voyageurs 'jeu de main,' like our odd and even. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., p. 463. It sometimes takes a week to decide the game. The loser never repines. Ross' Adven., pp. 308-11; Stuart's Montana, p. 71.

[414] Among the Wahowpums 'the spectators formed a circle round the dancers, who, with their robes drawn tightly round the shoulders, and divided into parties of five or six men, perform by crossing in a line from one side of the circle to the other. All the parties, performers as well as spectators, sing, and after proceeding in this way for some time, the spectators join, and the whole concludes by a promiscuous dance and song.' The Walla Wallas 'were formed into a solid column, round a kind of hollow square, stood on the same place, and merely jumped up at intervals, to keep time to the music.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 526, 531. Nez Percés dance round a pole on Sundays, and the chiefs exhort during the pauses. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101-2, 245. In singing 'they use hi, ah, in constant repetition, ... and instead of several parts harmonizing, they only take eighths one above another, never exceeding three.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 242-3. 'The song was a simple expression of a few sounds, no intelligible words being uttered. It resembled the words ho-ha-ho-ha-ho-ha-ha-ha, commencing in a low tone, and gradually swelling to a full, round, and beautifully modulated chorus.' Townsend's Nar., p. 106. Chualpay scalp-dance. Kane's Wand., p. 315. Religious songs. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 338-40; Palmer's Jour., p. 124.

[415] De Smet thinks inhaling tobacco smoke may prevent its injurious effects. Voy., p. 207. In all religious ceremonies the pipe of peace is smoked. Ross' Adven., pp. 288-9. Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 286; Hines' Voy., p. 184. 'The medicine-pipe is a sacred pledge of friendship among all the north-western tribes.' Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 220.

[416] In moving, the girls and small boys ride three or four on a horse with their mothers, while the men drive the herds of horses that run loose ahead. Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3, 306. Horses left for months without a guard, and rarely stray far. They call this 'caging' them. De Smet, Voy., pp. 187, 47, 56. 'Babies of fifteen months old, packed in a sitting posture, rode along without fear, grasping the reins with their tiny hands.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. xii., pt. ii., p. 130, with plate; Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 404-5; Palliser's Rept., p. 73; Farnham's Trav., pp. 81-; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64; Irving's Astoria, p. 365; Franchère's Nar., pp. 269-71; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 110-11.

[417] 'L'aigle ... est le grand oiseau de médecine.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 46, 205; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 494-5; Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212, and in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 285-6; Suckley, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 297; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 208-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 64, vol. ii., p. 19; Kane's Wand., pp. 267, 280-1, 318.

[418] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 343-4; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 241-2; Ross' Adven., pp. 311-12.

[419] The Walla Wallas receive bad news with a howl. The Spokanes 'cache' their salmon. They are willing to change names with any one they esteem. 'Suicide prevails more among the Indians of the Columbia River than in any other portion of the continent which I have visited.' Kane's Wand., pp. 282-3, 307-10. 'Preserve particular order in their movements. The first chief leads the way, the next chiefs follow, then the common men, and after these the women and children.' They arrange themselves in similar order in coming forward to receive visitors. Do not usually know their own age. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 87, 133-4, 242. Distance is calculated by time; a day's ride is seventy miles on horseback, thirty-five miles on foot. Ross' Adven., p. 329. Natives can tell by examining arrows to what tribe they belong. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 167. Kliketats and Yakimas often unwilling to tell their name. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 405. 'D'après toutes les observations que j'ai faites, leur journée équivaut à peu près à cinquante ou soixante milles anglais lorsqu'ils voyagent seuls, et à quinze ou vingt milles seulement lorsqu'ils lèvent leur camps.' De Smet, Voy., p. 205. Among the Nez Percés everything was promulgated by criers. 'The office of crier is generally filled by some old man, who is good for little else. A village has generally several.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 286. Habits of worship of the Flatheads in the missions. Dunn's Oregon, pp. 315-6. 'A pack of prick-eared curs, simply tamed prairie wolves, always in attendance.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., pp. 71-3.

[420] The Nez Percés 'are generally healthy, the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of scrophulous kind.' With the Sokulks 'a bad soreness of the eyes is a very common disorder.' 'Bad teeth are very general.' The Chilluckittequaws' diseases are sore eyes, decayed teeth, and tumors. The Walla Wallas have ulcers and eruptions of the skin, and occasionally rheumatism. The Chopunnish had 'scrofula, rheumatism, and sore eyes,' and a few have entirely lost the use of their limbs. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 341, 352, 382, 531, 549. The medicine-man uses a medicine-bag of relics in his incantations. Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 240-1. The Okanagan medicine-men are called tlaquillaughs, and 'are men generally past the meridian of life; in their habits grave and sedate.' 'They possess a good knowledge of herbs and roots, and their virtues.' I have often 'seen him throw out whole mouthfuls of blood, and yet not the least mark would appear on the skin.' 'I once saw an Indian who had been nearly devoured by a grizzly bear, and had his skull split open in several places, and several pieces of bone taken out just above the brain, and measuring three-fourths of an inch in length, cured so effectually by one of these jugglers, that in less than two months after he was riding on his horse again at the chase. I have also seen them cut open the belly with a knife, extract a large quantity of fat from the inside, sew up the part again, and the patient soon after perfectly recovered.' The most frequent diseases are 'indigestion, fluxes, asthmas, and consumptions.' Instances of longevity rare. Ross' Adven., pp. 302-8. A desperate case of consumption cured by killing a dog each day for thirty-two days, ripping it open and placing the patient's legs in the warm intestines, administering some barks meanwhile. The Flatheads subject to few diseases; splints used for fractures, bleeding with sharp flints for contusions, ice-cold baths for ordinary rheumatism, and vapor bath with cold plunge for chronic rheumatism. Cox's Adven., vol. ii., pp. 90-3, vol. i., pp. 248-51. Among the Walla Wallas convalescents are directed to sing some hours each day. The Spokanes require all garments, etc., about the death-bed to be buried with the body, hence few comforts for the sick. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 426-7, 485. The Flatheads say their wounds cure themselves. De Smet, Voy., pp. 198-200. The Wascos cure rattlesnake bites by salt applied to the wound or by whisky taken internally. Kane's Wand., pp. 265, 273, 317-18. A female doctor's throat cut by the father of a patient she had failed to cure. Hines' Voy., p. 190. The office of medicine-men among the Sahaptins is generally hereditary. Men often die from fear of a medicine-man's evil glance. Rival doctors work on the fears of patients to get each other killed. Murders of doctors somewhat rare among the Nez Percés. Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 652-3, 655. Small-pox seems to have come among the Yakimas and Kliketats before direct intercourse with whites. Gibbs, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 408. A Nez Percé doctor killed by a brother of a man who had shot himself in mourning for his dead relative; the brother in turn killed, and several other lives lost. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 239.

[421] The Sokulks wrap the dead in skins, bury them in graves, cover with earth, and mark the grave by little pickets of wood struck over and about it. On the Columbia below the Snake was a shed-tomb sixty by twelve feet, open at the ends, standing east and west. Recently dead bodies wrapped in leather and arranged on boards at the west end. About the centre a promiscuous heap of partially decayed corpses; and at eastern end a mat with twenty-one skulls arranged in a circle. Articles of property suspended on the inside and skeletons of horses scattered outside. About the Dalles eight vaults of boards eight feet square, and six feet high, and all the walls decorated with pictures and carvings. The bodies were laid east and west. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 344-5, 359-60, 379-80, 557-8. Okanagans observe silence about the death-bed, but the moment the person dies the house is abandoned, and clamorous mourning is joined in by all the camp for some hours; then dead silence while the body is wrapped in a new garment, brought out, and the lodge torn down. Then alternate mourning and silence, and the deceased is buried in a sitting posture in a round hole. Widows must mourn two years, incessantly for some months, then only morning and evening. Ross' Adven., pp. 321-2. Frantic mourning, cutting the flesh, etc., by Nez Percés. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 234-5, 238-9, vol. ii., p. 139. Destruction of horses and other property by Spokanes. Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 200-1. A Shushwap widow instigates the murder of a victim as a sacrifice to her husband. The horses of a Walla Walla chief not used after his death. Kane's Wand., pp. 178-9, 264-5, 277, 289. Hundreds of Wasco bodies piled in a small house on an island, just below the Dalles. A Walla Walla chief caused himself to be buried alive in the grave of his last son. Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 184-8. Among the Yakimas and Kliketats the women do the mourning, living apart for a few days, and then bathing. Okanagan bodies strapped to a tree. Stone mounds over Spokane graves. Gibbs and Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 413, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 150. Pend d'Oreilles buried old and young alive when unable to take care of them. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 211, 238. 'High conical stacks of drift-wood' over Walla Walla graves. Townsend's Nar., p. 157. Shushwaps often deposit dead in trees. If in the ground, always cover grave with stones. Mayne's B. C., p. 304. Killing a slave by Wascos. White's Ogn., pp. 260-3. Dances and prayers for three days at Nez Percé chief's burial. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 283. Burying infant with parents by Flatheads. De Smet, Voy., p. 173. Light wooden pilings about Shushwap graves. Milton and Cheadle's Northw. Pass., p. 242; Alvord, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 655; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 104; Palmer, in B. C. Papers, pt. iii., p. 85; Gass' Jour., p. 219; Ind. Life, p. 55; Tolmie, in Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 237-8, 260-1.

[422] Sokulks 'of a mild and peaceable disposition,' respectful to old age. Chilluckittequaws 'unusually hospitable and good humoured.' Chopunnish 'the most amiable we have seen. Their character is placid and gentle, rarely moved into passion.' 'They are indeed selfish and avaricious.' Will pilfer small articles. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 338, 341, 351, 376, 556-8, 564. The Flatheads 'se distinguent par la civilité, l'honnétété, et la bonté.' De Smet, Voy., pp. 31-2, 38-40, 47-50, 166-74, 202-4. Flatheads 'the best Indians of the mountains and the plains,—honest, brave, and docile.' Kootenais 'men of great docility and artlessness of character.' Stevens and Hoecken, in De Smet's West. Miss., pp. 281, 284, 290, 300. Coeurs d'Alène selfish and poor-spirited. De Smet, Miss. de l'Orégon, p. 329. In the Walla Wallas 'an air of open unsuspecting confidence,' 'natural politeness,' no obtrusive familiarity. Flatheads 'frank and hospitable.' Except cruelty to captives have 'fewer failings than any of the tribes I ever met.' Brave, quiet, and amenable to their chiefs. Spokanes 'quiet, honest, inoffensive,' but rather indolent. 'Thoughtless and improvident.' Okanagans 'Indolent rascals;' 'an honest and quiet tribe.' Sanspoils dirty, slothful, dishonest, quarrelsome, etc. Coeurs d'Alène 'uniformly honest;' 'more savage than their neighbours.' Kootenais honest, brave, jealous, truthful. Kamloops 'thieving and quarrelling.' Cox's Adven., vol. i., pp. 145, 148, 192, 199, 239-40, 262-3, 344, vol. ii., pp. 44, 87-8, 109, 145-60. Okanagans active and industrious, revengeful, generous and brave. Ross' Adven., pp. 142, 290-5, 327-9. Skeen 'a hardy, brave people.' Cayuses far more vicious and ungovernable than the Walla Wallas. Nez Percés treacherous and villainous. Kane's Wand., pp. 263, 280, 290, 307-8, 315. Nez Percés 'a quiet, civil, people, but proud and haughty.' Palmer's Jour., pp. 128, 48, 53, 59, 61, 124-7. 'Kind to each other.' 'Cheerful and often gay, sociable, kind and affectionate, and anxious to receive instruction.' 'Lying scarcely known.' Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 97, 105, 232, 239, 303-4, 311-12. Of the Nicutemuchs 'the habitual vindictiveness of their character is fostered by the ceaseless feuds.' 'Nearly every family has a minor vendetta of its own.' 'The races that depend entirely or chiefly on fishing, are immeasurably inferior to those tribes who, with nerves and sinews braced by exercise, and minds comparatively ennobled by frequent excitement, live constantly amid war and the chase.' Anderson, in Hist. Mag., vol. vii., pp. 77-80. Inland tribes of British Columbia less industrious and less provident than the more sedentary coast Indians. Mayne's B. C., pp. 301, 297. Sahaptins 'cold, taciturn, high-tempered, warlike, fond of hunting.' Palouse, Yakimas, Kliketats, etc., of a 'less hardy and active temperament' than the Nez Percés. Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., pp. 199, 210-13. Cayuses 'dreaded by their neighbors on account of their courage and warlike spirit.' Walla Wallas 'notorious as thieves since their first intercourse with whites.' 'Indolent, superstitious, drunken and debauched.' Character of Flatheads, Pend d'Oreilles, Umatillas. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 207-9, 211, 218, 223, 282, 1861, pp. 164-5. Yakimas and Kliketats 'much superior to the river Indians.' Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., pp. 405, 298, 403, 416, vol. xii., pt. i., p. 139. Wascos 'exceedingly vicious.' Hines' Voy., pp. 159, 169. The Nez Percés 'are, certainly, more like a nation of saints than a horde of savages.' Skyuses, Walla Wallas. Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 101, 287, 289-90, 300. Tushepaws; Irving's Astoria, p. 316. Thompson River Indians rather a superior and clever race. Victoria Colonist, Oct., 1860. 'Indians from the Rocky mountains to the falls of Columbia, are an honest, ingenuous, and well disposed people,' but rascals below the falls. Gass' Jour., p. 304. Flathead 'fierceness and barbarity in war could not be exceeded.' Nicolay's Ogn. Ter., p. 153. Flatheads, Walla Wallas and Nez Percés; Gray's Hist. Ogn., pp. 171, 219. Kootenais; Palliser's Explor., pp. 44, 73. Salish, Walla Wallas; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88, vol. ii., p. 64. Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and Nez Percés; White's Oregon, p. 174. Walla Wallas, Kootenais; Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 85, 178. Flatheads, Nez Percés; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 311, 315, 326-8. Nez Percés; Catlin's N. Am. Ind., vol. ii., p. 109; Franchère's Nar., p. 268. Kayuses, Walla Wallas; Townsend's Nar., p. 156. Sahaptins; Wilkes' Hist. Ogn., p. 106. Nez Percés; Hastings' Emigrants' Guide, p. 59. Flatheads; Ind. Life, pp. ix., x., 25. At Dalles; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 412. Shushwaps; Grant's Ocean to Ocean, pp. 288-304, 313. At Dalles; Hunt, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. x., p. 82; Stuart, in Id., 1821, tom. xii., p. 43. Pend d'Oreilles; Joset, in Id., 1849, tom. cxxiii., pp. 334-40.

[423] 'Sometimes there is a tribal name for all who speak the same language; sometimes none, and only names for separate villages; sometimes a name for a whole tribe or family, to which is prefixed a separate word for each dialect, which is generally co-extensive with some valley. Of the first, an instance is found in the Cahrocs, on the Klamath, who are a compact tribe, with no dialects; of the second, in the large tribe on the lower Klamath, who have also no dialects, and yet have no name, except for each village; of the third, in the great family of the Pomos on Russian river, who have many dialects, and a name for each,—as Ballo Ki Pomos, Cahto Pomos, etc.... Some remnants of tribes have three or four names, all in use within a radius of that number of miles; some, again, are merged, or dovetailed, into others; and some never had a name taken from their own language, but have adopted that given them by a neighbor tribe, altogether different in speech.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328.

[424] The natives 'when asked to what tribe they belong, give the name of their chief, which is misunderstood by the inquirer to be that of the tribe itself.' Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 30.

[425] 'Every fifteen or twenty miles of country seems to have been occupied by a number of small lodges or septs, speaking a different language or very divergent dialect.' Taylor, in Bancroft's Hand-book Almanac, 1864, p. 29. Beechey counted eleven different dialects in the mission of San Carlos. Voyage, vol. ii., p. 73. 'Almost every 15 or 20 leagues, you find a distinct dialect; so different, that in no way does one resemble the other.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240. 'From the San Joaquin northward to the Klamath there are some hundreds of small tribes.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304.

[426] Hale calls them the Lutuami, or Tlamatl, and adds, 'the first of these names is the proper designation of the people in their own language. The second is that by which they are known to the Chinooks, and through them, to the whites.' Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218.

[427] 'There true name is Moüdoc—a word which originated with the Shasteecas, who applied it indefinitely to all wild Indians or enemies.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, 1873, vol. x., p. 535. 'Also called Moahtockna.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 22, 1860. 'The word Modoc is a Shasta Indian word, and means all distant, stranger, or hostile Indians, and became applied to these Indians by white men in early days, by hearing the Shastas speak of them.' Steele, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 121.

[428] Speaking of Indians at the junction of the Salmon and Klamath rivers: 'They do not seem to have any generic appellation for themselves, but apply the terms "Kahruk," up, and "Youruk," down, to all who live above or below themselves, without discrimination, in the same manner that the others (at the junction of the Trinity) do "Peh-tsik," and "Poh-lik."' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 151.

[429] 'The Bay (Humboldt) Indians call themselves, as we were informed, Wish-osk; and those of the hills Te-ok-a-wilk; but the tribes to the northward denominate both those of the Bay and Eel river, We-yot, or Walla-walloo.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 133.

[430] They are also called Lototen or Tututamy, Totutime, Toutouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tototutna, etc.

[431] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[432] Mr. Gibbs, speaking of the tribes seen on the Klamath and Trinity rivers, says: 'In person these people are far superior to any we had met below; the men being larger, more muscular, and with countenances denoting greater force and energy of character, as well as intelligence. Indeed, they approach rather to the races of the plains, than to the wretched "diggers" of the greater part of California.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The Indians in the northern portion of California and in Oregon, are vastly superior in stature and intellect to those found in the southern part of California.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, 1856. The Indians on the Trinity 'are of another tribe and nature from those along the Sacramento.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166. Speaking of the Wallies, they, 'in many respects differ from their brethren in the middle and lower counties of the State. They are lighter colored and more intelligent.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, 1869, vol. ii., p. 536.

[433] 'The males are tall, averaging in height about five feet eight inches, are well proportioned, athletic, and possess the power of endurance to a great degree.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. 'The people here (Rogue River) were larger and stronger than those in South California, but not handsomer.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. Speaking of Indians on the Klamath River, 'their stature is a trifle under the American; they have well-sized bodies, erect and strong-knit.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 328. On the upper Trinity they are 'large and powerful men, of a swarthier complexion, fierce and intractable.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 129. Near Mount Shasta, 'a fine-looking race, being much better proportioned than those more to the northward, and their features more regular.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 254. At Klamath Lake, 'well-grown and muscular.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. On the Trinity, 'majestic in person, chivalrous in bearing.' Kelly's Excursion, vol. ii., p. 166.

[434] In the vicinity of Klamath lake 'the squaws are short in comparison with the men, and, for Indians have tolerably regular features.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. In the Rogue River region 'some of them are quite pretty, usually well-formed, handsomely developed, small features, and very delicate and well-turned hands and feet.... They are graceful in their movements and gestures, ... always timid and modest.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. On the Klamath River, 'with their smooth, hazel skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens,—barring the tattooed chins,—have a piquant and splendid beauty.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. On the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, many of the women 'were exceedingly pretty; having large almond-shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. Their figures were full, their chests ample; and the younger ones had well-shaped busts, and rounded limbs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. But as to the beauty of women tastes never agree; Mr Kelly in his Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 167, speaking of a band of 'noble-looking Indians' which he met near Trinity River, says that they were 'accompanied by a few squaws, who, strange to say, in this latitude are ugly, ill-favoured, stunted in stature, lumpy in figure, and awkward in gait,' and concerning the Rogue River Indians a lady states that 'among the women ... there were some extremely clumsy figures.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. The Pit-River Indian girls 'have the smallest and prettiest feet and hands I have ever seen.' Miller's Life amongst the Modocs, p. 374.

[435] At Crescent City, Mr Powers saw some 'broad-faced squaws of an almost African blackness;' the Patawats in the vicinity of Mad River and Humboldt Bay are 'blackskinned, pudgy in stature; well cushioned with adipose tissue;' at Redwood Creek 'like most of the coast tribes they are very dark colored, squat in stature, rather fuller-faced than the interior Indians.' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay 'their persons were in general indifferently, but stoutly made, of a lower stature than any tribe of Indians we had before seen.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 246. At the mouth of Eel River the Weeyots 'are generally repulsive in countenance as well as filthy in person.... Their heads are disproportionately large; their figures, though short, strong and well developed.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Carl Meyer names the Indians he saw at Trinidad Bay, Allequas, or Wood-Indians (Holzindianer). I do not find the name anywhere else, and judging by his description, they appear to differ considerably from the natives seen in the same vicinity by Vancouver or Mr Powers; he, Meyer, says; 'Sie sind von unserm Wuchse, starke und beleibte, kräftige Gestalten. Ihre Haut ist wenig zimmet oder lohfarbig, eher weisslich, wie die der antisischen Inkas gewesen sein soll; bei der Jugend und besonders beim weiblichen Geschlechte schimmert oft ein sanftes Roth auf den Wangen hervor. Ihr Kopf ist wenig gedrückt, die Stirn hoch, der Gesichtswinkel gegen 80 Grad, die Nase römisch gekrümmt, das Auge gross in wenig quadratisch erweiterten Augenhöhlen und intelligent, die Lippen nicht aufgetrieben, das Kinn oval, und Hände und Füsse klein.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215.

[436] At Pitt River they 'have no dress except a buckskin thrown around them.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Near Mount Shasta 'they can scarcely be said to wear any dress, except a mantle of deer or wolf skin. A few of them had deer-skins belted around their waists, with a highly ornamented girdle.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. Near Pitt River, the Indians were nearly naked. Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. At Trinidad Bay 'their clothing was chiefly made of the skins of land animals, with a few indifferent small skins of the sea-otter.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. 'The men, however, do not wear any covering, except the cold is intense, when indeed they put upon their shoulders the skins of sea-wolves, otters, deer, or other animals.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 16. 'They were clothed, for the most part, in skins.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 118. On Smith River they were 'in a complete state of nature, excepting only a kind of apology for an apron, worn by the women, sometimes made of elk's skin, and sometimes of grass.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 313. Among the Weeyots at Eel River the men 'wore a deer-skin robe over the shoulder, and the women a short petticoat of fringe.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. On Klamath River their only dress was the fringed petticoat, or at most, a deerskin robe thrown back over the shoulders, in addition. Id., p. 141. 'The primitive dress of the men is simply a buckskin girdle about the loins; of the women, a chemise of the same material, or of braided grass, reaching from the breast to the knees.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. 'Were quite naked excepting the maro.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253. The Klamath Lake Indians 'wear little more than the breech-cloth.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. 'They were all well dressed in blankets and buckskin.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 70. Carl Meyer, speaking of a tribe he names Allequas, at Trinidad Bay, says: 'der Mann geht im Sommer ganz nackt, im Winter trägt er eine selbst gegerbte Hirsch- oder Rehdecke über die Schultern.' 'Die Allequas-Weiber tragen im Sommer von Bast-Schnüren oder von Rehfellstreifen, im Winter von Pelzwerk oder Gänseflaum verfertigte Schürzen, die bis auf die Knie reichen.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217, 219. 'The Klamaths, during the summer go naked, in winter they use the skins of rabbits and wild fowl for a covering.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283.

[437] 'An Indian will trap and slaughter seventy-five rabbits for one of these robes, making it double, with fur inside and out.' Powers' Pomo, MS.

[438] Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 107, 127; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., 282.

[439] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 282; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204.

[440] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142.

[441] Maurelle's Jour., p. 17; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. 'Die Allequas (Trinidad Bay) haben starkes, ziemlich geschmeidiges Haar, das der Männer und der Kinder wird bis auf einen Zoll Länge regelmässig abgebrannt, so dass sie das Aussehen von Titusköpfen erhalten. Zuweilen sieht man die Männer auch mit einem ziemlich langen, durch eine harzige Flüssigkeit gesteiften, aufgerichteten Zopf, der als Schmuck betrachtet, bei festlichen Anlässen, oder im Kriege mit rothen oder weissen Federn geziert wird, und alsdann dem Schopf eines Wiedehopfs gleicht.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 215. 'Both men and women part their hair in the middle, the men cut it square on the neck and wear it rather long, the women wear theirs long, plaited in two braids, hanging down the back.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[442] Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. 'Barthaare haben sie, wie alle Indianer Nord-Amerikas, nur wenig; sie werden ausgerupft, und nur in der Trauer stehen gelassen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 215-16.

[443] The men tattoo so that they may 'be recognized if stolen by Modocs.' 'With the women it is entirely for ornament.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Rogue River the women 'were tattooed on the hands and arms as well as the chin.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Trinidad Bay 'they ornamented their lower lip with three perpendicular columns of punctuation, one from each corner of the mouth and one in the middle, occupying three fifths of the chin.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247. Maurelle says the same, and adds that a space is left between each line, 'which is much larger in the young than in the older women, whose faces are generally covered with punctures.' Jour., p. 17. At Mad River and Humboldt Bay, the same, 'and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands.' Powers' Pomo, MS. At mouth of Eel River 'both sexes tattoo; the men on their arms and breasts; the women from inside the under lip down to and beneath the chin. The extent of this disfigurement indicates to a certain extent, the age and condition of the person.' 'In the married women the lines are extended up above the corners of the mouth.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 127, 142. 'I have never observed any particular figures or designs upon their persons; but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm. Tattooing has mostly been on the persons of females, and seems to be esteemed as an ornament, not apparently indicating rank or condition.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The squaws among the Cahrocs on the Klamath 'tattoo, in blue, three narrow fern-leaves, perpendicularly on the chin.' 'For this purpose they are said to employ soot, gathered from a stove, mingled with the juice of a certain plant.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. Among the Shastys the women 'are tattooed in lines from the mouth to the chin.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 218. Among the Allequas at Trinidad bay: 'Die Mädchen werden im fünften Jahre mit einem schwarzen Streifen von beiden Mundwinkeln bis unter das Kinn tättowirt, welchem Striche dann alle fünf Jahre ein parallellaufender beigefügt wird, so dass man an diesen Zeichnungen leicht das Alter jeder Indianerin übersehen kann.... Die Männer bemalen sich bei besondern Anlässen mit einem Tannenfirniss, den sie selbst bereiten, das Gesicht, und zeichnen allerlei geheimnissvolle Figuren und Verzierungen auf Wange, Nase und Stirn, indem sie mit einem hölzernen Stäbchen den noch weichen Firniss auf den einzelnen Stellen von der Haut wegheben.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216.

[444] 'I never saw two alike.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. At Klamath lake they are 'painted from their heads to their waists all colours and patterns.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 277. The Modocs 'paint themselves with various pigments formed from rotten wood, different kinds of earth, &c.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536. Kane 'took a sketch of a Chastay (Shasta) female slave (among the Chinooks) the lower part of whose face, from the corners of the mouth to the ears and downwards, was tattooed of a bluish colour. The men of this tribe do not tattoo, but paint their faces like other Indians.' Wand., p. 182. Ida Pfeiffer, Second Journ., p. 315, saw Indians on Smith river, who painted their faces 'in a most detestable manner. They first smeared them with fish fat and then they rubbed in the paint, sometimes passing a finger over it in certain lines, so as to produce a pattern.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 361.

[445] 'No taste in bead work.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'In den Ohren tragen die Allequas (at Trinidad bay) Schmucksachen, welche sie theils von den Weissen erhalten, theils aus Holz nachahmen; auch sind diese Gegenstände zuweilen durch Steinchen ersetzt, die talismanische Kräfte besitzen sollen. Nur die in den fernen Bergen wohnenden tragen hölzerne oder auch eiserne Ringe in den Nasenwandungen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 216; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., plate xiv.

[446] Maurelle's Jour., p. 18.

[447] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 247.

[448] 'The lodges are dome-shaped; like beaver-houses, an arched roof covers a deep pit sunk in the ground, the entrance to which is a round hole.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 278. 'Large round huts, perhaps 20 feet in diameter, with rounded tops, on which was the door by which they descended into the interior.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204. 'The Modoc excavates a circular space from two to four feet deep, then makes over it a conical structure of puncheons, which is strongly braced up with timbers, frequently hewn and a foot square.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 536; Id., vol. ix., p. 156. 'The style was very substantial, the large poles requiring five or six men to lift.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'Have only an opening at the summit.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 261. On the inside of the door they frequently place a sliding panel. 'The Kailtas build wigwams in a conical shape—as all tribes on the Trinity do—but they excavate no cellars.' Powers' Pomo, MS. See full description of dwellings, by Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. The entrance is a 'round hole just large enough to crawl into, which is on a level with the surface of the ground, or is cut through the roof.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 377.

[449] 'Built of plank, rudely wrought.' The roofs are not 'horizontal like those at Nootka, but rise with a small degree of elevation to a ridge in the middle.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 241-2. Well built, of boards; often twenty feet square; roof pitched over a ridge-pole; ground usually excavated 3 or 4 feet; some cellars floored and walled with stone. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140. 'The dwellings of the Hoopas were built of large planks, about 1½ inches thick, from two to four feet wide, and from six to twelve feet in length.' Trinity Journal, April, 1857. 'The floors of these huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the centre, in which they make their fire.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 17. 'The huts have never but one apartment. The fire is kindled in the centre, the smoke escaping through the crevices in the roof.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The houses of the Eurocs and Cahrocs 'are sometimes constructed on the level earth, but oftener they excavate a round cellar, four or five feet deep, and twelve or fifteen feet in diameter.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 530; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 220; The Shastas and their neighbors, MS.

[450] Kit Carson says of lodges seen near Klamath lake: 'They were made of the broad leaves of the swamp flag, which were beautifully and intricately woven together.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 263. 'The wild sage furnishes them shelter in the heat of summer, and, like the Cayote, they burrow in the earth for protection from the inclemencies of winter.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283. 'Their lodges are generally mere temporary structures, scarcely sheltering them from the pelting storm.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262.

[451] 'Slightly constructed, generally of poles.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. 'The earth in the centre scooped out, and thrown up in a low, circular embankment.' Turner, in Overland Monthly, p. xi., p. 21.

[452] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[453] 'The rocks supply edible shell-fish.' Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS. 'The deer and elk are mostly captured by driving them into traps and pits.' 'Small game is killed with arrows, and sometimes elk and deer are dispatched in the same way.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856. 'The elk they usually take in snares.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. 'The mountain Indians subsisted largely on game, which of every variety was very abundant, and was killed with their bows and arrows, in the use of which they were very expert.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'Die Indianer am Pittflusse machen Graben oder Löcher von circa 5 Kubikfuss, bedecken diese mit Zweigen und Gras ganz leicht, sodass die Thiere, wenn sie darüber gejagt werden, hinein fallen und nicht wieder herauskönnen. Wilde Gänse fangen sie mit Netzen ... Nur selten mögen Indianer den grauen Bär jagen.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 181; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[454] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., classifies their ancient arrow and spear points thus: Long barbs with projections, short barbs with projections, and long and short barbs without projections. 'The point of the spear is composed of a small bone needle, which sits in a socket, and pulls out as soon as the fish starts. A string connecting the spear handle and the center of the bone serves, when pulled, to turn the needle cross wise in the wound.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 8, 1861; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[455] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Hubbard, in Golden Era, April, 1856; Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 497. 'In spawning-time the fish school up from Clear Lake in extraordinary numbers, so that the Indians have only to put a slight obstruction in the river, when they can literally shovel them out.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[456] 'The camas is a bulbus root, shaped much like an onion.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 22.

[457] 'A root about an inch long, and as large as one's little finger, of a bitter-sweetish and pungent taste, something like ginseng.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 537.

[458] 'An aquatic plant, with a floating leaf, very much like that of a pond-lily, in the centre of which is a pod resembling a poppy-head, full of farinaceous seeds.' Ib. See also Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 222. 'Their principal food is the kamas root, and the seed obtained from a plant growing in the marshes of the lake, resembling, before hulled, a broom-corn seed.' Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 263.

[459] The Klamaths 'subsist upon roots and almost every living thing within their reach, not excepting reptiles, crickets, ants, etc.' Thompson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 283; Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 391; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[460] Turner, in Overland Monthly, vol. xi., p. 24.

[461] At Rogue River, 'the men go in the morning into the river, but, like the Malays, bring all the dirt out on their skins that they took in.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317. At Pitt River they are 'disgusting in their habits.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'Of the many hundreds I have seen, there was not one who still observed the aboriginal mode of life, that had not a sweet breath. This is doubtless due to the fact that, before they became civilized, they ate their food cold.' Powers' Pomo, MS. 'They always rise at the first dawn of day, and plunge into the river.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. 'Their persons are unusually clean, as they use both the sweat-house and the cold-bath constantly.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. 'Mit Tagesanbruch begibt sich der Allequa (Trinidad Bay) in jeder Jahreszeit zur nahen Quelle, wo er sich am ganzen Leibe wäscht und in den Strahlen der aufsteigenden Sonne trocknen lässt.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 221; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[462] Carl Meyer, after describing the bow, adds: 'Fernere Waffen der Allequas sind; das Obsidian-Beil oder Tomahawk, die Keule, die Lanze und der Wurfspiess.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. This statement, I think, may be taken with some allowance, as nowhere else do I find mention of a tomahawk being used by the Californians.

[463] Schumacher, Oregon Antiquities, MS., speaking of an ancient spear-point, says, 'the pointed teeth show it to have been a very dangerous weapon.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. On the Klamath River, 'among the skins used for quivers, I noticed the otter, wild-cat, fisher, fawn, grey fox and others.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 141. Near Mt Shasta, 'bows and arrows are very beautifully made: the former are of yew, and about three feet long ... backed very neatly with sinew, and painted.... The arrows are upwards of thirty inches long.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255. At Port Trinidad, 'arrows are carried in quivers of wood or bone, and hang from their wrist or neck.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 20. On Pigeon River 'their arrows were in general tipped with copper or iron.' Greenhow's Hist. Ogn., p. 110. The Pit River 'arrows are made in three parts.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. The Allequas at Trinidad Bay, described by Carl Meyer, carried their arrows either 'schussfertig in der Hand oder in einem über die Schultern geworfenen Köcher aus Fuchs- oder Biberpelz. Der Bogen ist aus einer starken, elastischen Rothtannenwurzel verfertigt, etwa 3½ Fuss lang und auf der Rückseite mit einer Bärensehne überklebt.' Nach dem Sacramento, p. 217. See Mofras, Explor., Atlas, plate xxv. Speaking of the quiver, Mr Powers says: 'in the animal's head they stuff a quantity of grass or moss, as a cushion for the arrow-heads to rest in, which prevents them from being broken.' Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532. 'Their arrows can only be extracted from the flesh with the knife.' Cutts' Conquest of Cal., p. 170. 'Am oberen Theile (California) ist der Bogen von einer Lage von Hirsch-Sehnen verstärkt und elastisch gemacht. Die Pfeile bestehen aus einem rohrartigen Gewächse von mässiger Länge, an der Spitze mit Obsidian ... versehen, ihre Länge ist 2 Zoll, ihre Breite 1 Zoll und die Dicke ¹/₃ Zoll, scharfkantig und spitz zulaufend.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180.

[464] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[465] Hist. Mag., vol. iii., p. 214.

[466] Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. At Trinidad Bay 'zuweilen werden die Pfeile mit dem Safte des Sumachbaumes vergiftet, und alsdann nur zum Erlegen wilder Raubthiere gebraucht.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 218. 'Einige Stämme vergiften die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile auf folgende Weise: Sie reizen nämlich eine Klapperschlange mit einer vorgehaltenen Hirschleber, worin sie beisst, und nachdem nun die Leber mit dem Gifte vollständig imprägnirt ist, wird sie vergraben und muss verfaulen; hierin wird nun die Spitze eingetaucht und dann getrocknet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. The Pitt River Indians 'use the poison of the rattle-snake, by grinding the head of that reptile into an impalpable powder, which is then applied by means of the putrid blood and flesh of the dog to the point of the weapon.' Gross' System of Surgery, vol. i., p. 321. 'The Pitt River Indians poisoned their arrows in a putrid deer's liver. This is a slow poison, however, and sometimes will not poison at all.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Schumacher's Oregon Antiquities, MS.

[467] Among other things seen by Meyer were, 'noch grössere Bogen, die ihnen als bedeutende Ferngeschosse dienen. Ein solcher ist 6 Fuss lang, und der Indianer legt sich auf die Erde, um denselben zu spannen, indem er das rechte Knie in den Bogen einstemmt und mit beiden Armen nachhilft.' The bow and arrow, knife, and war-club, constitute their weapons. In one of their lodges I noticed an elk-skin shield, so constructed as to be impervious to the sharpest arrows. Palmer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 262. Miller mentions a Modoc who was 'painted red, half-naked, and held a tomahawk in his hand.' Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 20.

[468] Salem Statesman, April, 1857.

[469] Hence, if we may credit Miller, Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 373, the name Pitt River.

[470] The Hoopas exacted tribute from all the surrounding tribes. At the time the whites arrived the Chimalaquays were paying them tribute in deer-skins at the rate of twenty-five cents per head. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Hoopahs have a law requiring those situated on the Trinity, above them to pay tribute. Humboldt Times, Nov. 1857; S. F. Evening Bulletin, Nov. 23, 1857.

[471] The Sassics, Cahrocs, Hoopahs, Klamaths and Rogue River Indians, take no scalps, but decapitate the slain, or cut off their hands and feet. Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317.

[472] The Veeards on Lower Humboldt Bay 'took elk-horns and rubbed them on stones for days together, to sharpen them into axes and wedges.' Powers' Pomo, MS. On the Klamath river they had 'spoons neatly made of bone and horn.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 146.

[473] 'For basket making, they use the roots of pine-trees, the stem of the spice-bush, and ornament with a kind of grass which looks like a palm leaf, and will bleach white. They also stain it purple with elder berries, and green with soapstone.' ... 'The Pitt River Indians excel all others in basket-making, but are not particularly good at bead work.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 204; Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 134; Powers' Pomo, MS.

[474] Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 253; Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218.

[475] The boats formerly used by the Modocs were 'quite rude and unshapely concerns, compared with those of the lower Klamath, but substantial and sometimes large enough to carry 1800 pounds of merchandise.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 532, vol. x., p. 536. 'Blunt at both ends, with a small projection in the stern for a seat.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 142. 'Those on Rogue river were roughly built—some of them scow fashion, with flat bottom.' Emmons, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 218. The Pitt River Indians 'used boats made from pine; they burn them out ... about twenty feet long, some very good ones.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[476] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433. 'A kind of bead made from a shell procured on the coast. These they string and wear about the neck.... Another kind is a shell about an inch long, which looks like a porcupine quill. They are more valuable than the other. They also use them as nose-ornaments.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The unit of currency is a string of the length of a man's arm, with a certain number of the longer shells below the elbow, and a certain number of the shorter ones above.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 329. 'A rare shell, spiral in shape, varying from one to two inches in length, and about the size of a crowquill, called by the natives, Siwash, is used as money.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[477] 'The ownership of a (white) deer-skin, constitutes a claim to chieftainship, readily acknowledged by all the dusky race on this coast.' Humboldt Times, Dec., 1860.

[478] 'Property consists in women, ornaments made of rare feathers and shells, also furs and skins.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Their wealth 'consisted chiefly of white deerskins, canoes, the scalp of the red-headed woodpecker, and aliquachiek.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497.

[479] 'Have no tribal organization, no such thing as public offence.' Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. A Pitt River chief tried the white man's code, but so unpopular was it, that he was obliged to abandon it. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Among the Klamath and Trinity tribes the power of the chief 'is insufficient to control the relations of the several villages, or keep down the turbulence of individuals.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 139-140. The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopas, and Kailtas, have a nominal chief for each village, but his power is extremely limited and each individual does as he likes. Among the Tolewas in Del Norte County, money makes the chief. The Modocs and Patawats have an hereditary chieftainship. Powers' Pomo, MS. At Trinidad Bay they were 'governed by a ruler, who directs where they shall go both to hunt and fish.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 18. 'Der Häuptling ist sehr geachtet; er hat über Handel und Wandel, Leben und Tod seiner Unterthanen zu verfügen, und seine Macht vererbt sich auf seinen Erstgebornen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The chief 'obtains his position from his wealth, and usually manages to transmit his effects and with them his honors, to his posterity.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Formerly 'the different rancherias had chiefs, or heads, known as Mow-wee-mas, their influence being principally derived from their age, number of relatives, and wealth.' Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., p. 497.

[480] The Cahrocs compound for murder by payment of one string. Among the Patawats the average fine for murdering a man is ten strings, for killing a woman five strings, worth about $100 and $50 respectively. 'An average Patawut's life is considered worth about six ordinary canoes, each of which occupies two Indians probably three months in making, or, in all, tantamount to the labor of one man for a period of three years.' 'The Hoopas and Kailtas also paid for murder, or their life was taken by the relatives of the deceased.' Powers' Pomo, MS. 'They seem to do as they please, and to be only governed by private revenge. If one man kills another the tribe or family of the latter kill the murderer, unless he buy himself off.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[481] Drew's Owyhee Reconnaissance, p. 17.

[482] The Cahrocs, Eurocs, Hoopahs, and Patawats, all acquire their wives by purchase. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers' Pomo, MS. 'Wenn ein Allequa seine künftige Lebensgefährtin unter den Schönen seines Stammes erwählt hat und sich verheirathen will, muss er dem Mauhemi (chief) eine armslange Muschelschnur vorzeigen.' Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, p. 223. The mountain Indians seldom, if ever, intermarry with those on the coast. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. Buy wives with shell-money. Pfeiffer's Second Journ. Among the Modocs 'the women are offered for sale to the highest buyer.' Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1861; Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs.

[483] Polygamy is common among the Modocs. Meacham's Lecture, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873. On Pitt River a chief sometimes has five wives. 'The most jealous people in the world.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS. 'Among the tribes in the north of the State adultery is punished by the death of the child.' Taylor, in California Farmer, March 8, 1861. 'The males have as many wives as they are able to purchase;' adultery committed by a woman is punished with death. Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. Among the Cahrocs polygamy is not tolerated; among the Modocs polygamy prevails, and the women have considerable privilege. The Hoopa adulterer loses one eye, the adulteress is exempt from punishment. Powers' Pomo, MS. The Weeyots at Eel river 'have as many wives as they please.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 127. At Trinidad Bay 'we found out that they had a plurality of wives.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[484] All the young unmarried women are a common possession. Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 330. The women bewail their virginity for three nights before their marriage. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 173. If we believe Powers, they cannot usually have much to bewail.

[485] Boys are disgraced by work. The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. Women work, while men gamble or sleep. Wiley, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Joint Spec. Com., 1867, p. 497; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 242; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[486] Kane's Wand., p. 182.

[487] For the god Chareya, see Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 90, 161.

[488] Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 318. The Pitt River Indians 'sing as they gamble and play until they are so hoarse they cannot speak.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[489] Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 433.

[490] 'They used tobacco, which they smoaked in small wooden pipes, in form of a trumpet, and procured from little gardens, where they had planted it.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 21.

[491] The Pitt River Indians 'give no medicines.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The prevailing diseases are venereal, scrofula and rheumatism.' Many die of consumption. Force, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 157. At the mouth of Eel river 'the principal diseases noticed, were sore eyes and blindness, consumption, and a species of leprosy.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 128. They suffer from a species of lung fever. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289. 'A disease was observed among them (the Shastas) which had the appearance of the leprosy.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 255.

[492] 'The only medicine I know of is a root used for poultices, and another root or plant for an emetic.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. 'The root of a parasite fern, found growing on the tops of the fir trees (collque nashul), is the principal remedy. The plant in small doses is expectorant and diurtetic; hence it is used to relieve difficulties of the lungs and kidneys; and, in large doses, it becomes sedative and is an emmenagogue; hence, it relieves fevers, and is useful in uterine diseases, and produces abortions. The squaws use the root extensively for this last mentioned purpose.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856.

[493] A Pitt River doctor told his patient that for his fee 'he must have his horse or he would not let him get well.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., p. 428; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175.

[494] The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Rector, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 261; Ostrander, in Id., 1857, p. 369; Miller, in Id., p. 361.

[495] Temescal is an Aztec word defined by Molina, Vocabulario, 'Temazcalli, casilla como estufa, adonde se bañan y sudan.' The word was brought to this region and applied to the native sweat-houses by the Franciscan Fathers. Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 72, gives 'sweat-house' in the Chemehuevi language, as pahcaba.

[496] Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 317; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 432.

[497] Meacham's Lecture on the Modocs, in S. F. Alta California, Oct. 6, 1873; The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[498] On Pitt River they burn their dead and heap stones over the ashes for a monument. 'No funeral ceremonies.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. On the ocean frontier of south Oregon and north California 'the dead are buried with their faces looking to the west.' Hubbard, in Golden Era, March, 1856. The Patawats and Chillulas bury their dead. The Tolewahs are not allowed to name the dead. Powers' Pomo, MS. 'It is one of the most strenuous Indian laws that whoever mentions the name of a deceased person is liable to a heavy fine, the money being paid to the relatives.' Chase, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 431. 'The bodies had been doubled up, and placed in a sitting posture in holes. The earth, when replaced, formed conical mounds over the heads.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 69. 'They bury their dead under the noses of the living, and with them all their worldly goods. If a man of importance, his house is burned and he is buried on its site.' Johnson, in Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 536. 'The chick or ready money, is placed in the owner's grave, but the bow and quiver become the property of the nearest male relative. Chiefs only receive the honors of a fence, surmounted with feathers, round the grave.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 175. 'Upon the death of one of these Indians they raised a sort of funeral cry, and afterward burned the body within the house of their ruler.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 19.

[499] Muck-a-muck, food. In the Chinook Jargon 'to eat; to bite; food. Muckamuck chuck, to drink water.' Dict. Chinook Jargon, or Indian Trade Language, p. 12.

[500] In the vicinity of Nootka Sound and the Columbia River, the first United States traders with the natives were from Boston; the first English vessels appeared about the same time, which was during the reign of George III. Hence in the Chinook Jargon we find 'Boston, an American; Boston illahie, the United States;' and 'King George, English—King George man, an Englishman.'

[501] 'They will often go three or four miles out of their way, to avoid passing a place which they think to be haunted.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS.

[502] The Pitt River Indians 'are very shrewd in the way of stealing, and will beat a coyote. They are full of cunning.' The Shastas and their Neighbors, MS. They 'are very treacherous and bloody in their dispositions.' Abbott, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. vi., p. 61. 'The Indians of the North of California stand at the very lowest point of culture.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 316. 'Incapable of treachery, but ready to fight to the death in avenging an insult or injury. They are active and energetic in the extreme.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 166. At Klamath Lake they are noted for treachery. Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 205. 'The Tolowas resemble the Hoopas in character, being a bold and masterly race, formidable in battle, aggressive and haughty.' The Patawats are 'extremely timid and inoffensive.' The Chihulas, like most of the coast tribes 'are characterized by hideous and incredible superstitions.' The Modocs 'are rather a cloddish, indolent, ordinarily good-natured race, but treacherous at bottom, sullen when angered, and notorious for keeping punic faith. Their bravery nobody can dispute.' The Yukas are a 'tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' Powers' Pomo, MS. On Trinity River 'they have acquired the vices of the whites without any of their virtues.' Heintzelman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 391. Above the forks of the main Trinity they are 'fierce and intractable.' On the Klamath they 'have a reputation for treachery, as well as revengefulness; are thievish, and much disposed to sulk if their whims are not in every way indulged.' They 'blubber like a schoolboy at the application of a switch.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 139, 141, 176. The Rogue River Indians and Shastas 'are a warlike race, proud and haughty, but treacherous and very degraded in their moral nature.' Miller, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 361. At Rogue River they are 'brave, haughty, indolent, and superstitious.' Ostrander, in Id., 1857, p. 363; Roseborough's letter to the author, MS.

[503] These are not to be confounded with the Yukas in Round Valley, Tehama County.

[504] Spelled Walhalla on some maps.

[505] In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'Die Indianer sind von mittlerem Wuchse, doch trifft man auch hohe Gestalten unter ihnen an; sie sind ziemlich wohl proportionirt, die Farbe der Haut ist bräunlich, doch ist diese Farbe mehr eine Wirkung der Sonne als angeboren; die Augen und Haare sind schwarz, die letzteren stehen straff.... Beide Geschlechter sind von kräftigem Körperbau.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethn., p. 81. 'Quoique surpris dans un très-grand négligé, ces hommes me parurent beaux, de haute taille, robustes et parfaitement découplés ... traits réguliers ... yeux noirs ... nez aquilin surmonté d'un front élevé, les pommettes des joues arrondies, ... fortes lèvres ... dents blanches et bien rangées ... peau jaune cuivré, un cou annonçant la vigueur et soutenu par de larges épaules ... un air intelligent et fier à la fois.... Je trouvai toutes les femmes horriblement laides.' Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., 145-6. At the head of the Eel River 'the average height of these men was not over five feet four or five inches. They were lightly built, with no superfluous flesh, but with very deep chests and sinewy legs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 119. 'The Clear Lake Indians are of a very degraded caste; their foreheads naturally being often as low as the compressed skulls of the Chinooks, and their forms commonly small and ungainly.' Id., p. 108. At Bodega Bay 'they are an ugly and brutish race, many with negro profiles.' Id., p. 103. 'They are physically an inferior race, and have flat, unmeaning features, long, coarse, straight black hair, big mouths, and very dark skins.' Revere's Tour, p. 120. 'Large and strong, their colour being the same as that of the whole territory.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. It is said of the natives of the Sacramento valley, that 'their growth is short and stunted; they have short thick necks, and clumsy heads; the forehead is low, the nose flat with broad nostrils, the eyes very narrow and showing no intelligence, the cheek-bones prominent, and the mouth large. The teeth are white, but they do not stand in even rows: and their heads are covered by short, thick, rough hair.... Their color is a dirty yellowish-brown.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. 'This race of Indians is probably inferior to all others on the continent. Many of them are diminutive in stature, but they do not lack muscular strength, and we saw some who were tall and well-formed.... Their complexion is a dark mahogany, or often nearly black, their faces round or square, with features approximating nearer to the African than the Indian. Wide, enormous mouth, noses nearly flat, and hair straight, black, and coarse.... Small, gleaming eyes.' Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., pp. 142-3. Of good stature, strong and muscular. Bryant's Cal., p. 266. 'Rather below the middle stature, but strong, well-knit fellows.... Good-looking, and well limbed.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 81, 111. 'They were in general fine stout men.' A great diversity of physiognomy was noticeable. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 105, 107. On the Sacramento 'were fine robust men, of low stature, and badly formed.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. 'The mouth is very large, and the nose broad and depressed.' 'Chiefly distinguished by their dark color ... broad faces, a low forehead.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Their features are coarse, broad, and of a dark chocolate color.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 2, 1860. At Drake's Bay, just above San Francisco, the men are 'commonly so strong of body, that that which two or three of our men could hardly beare, one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. 'Los Naturales de este sitio y Puerto son algo trigueños, por lo quemados del Sol, aunque los venidos de la otra banda del Puerto y del Estero ... son mas blancos y corpulentos.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. 'Ugly, stupid, and savage; otherwise they are well formed, tolerably tall, and of a dark brown complexion. The women are short, and very ugly; they have much of the negro in their countenance.... Very long, smooth, and coal-black hair.' Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., pp. 282-3. 'They all have a very savage look, and are of a very dark color.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 47. 'Ill made; their faces ugly, presenting a dull, heavy, and stupid countenance.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. The Tcholovoni tribe 'differe beaucoup de toutes les autres par les traits du visage par sa physionomie, par un extèrieur assez agréable.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6., plate vi., vii., xii. 'The Alchones are of good height, and the Tuluraios were thought to be, generally, above the standard of Englishmen. Their complexion is much darker than that of the South-sea Islanders, and their features far inferior in beauty.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 76. At Santa Clara they are 'of a blackish colour, they have flat faces, thick lips, and black, coarse, straight hair.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 98. 'Their features are handsome, and well-proportioned; their countenances are cheerful and interesting.' Morrell's Voy., p. 212. At Placerville they are 'most repulsive-looking wretches.... They are nearly black, and are exceedingly ugly.' Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 128. In the Yosemite Valley 'they are very dark colored,' and 'the women are perfectly hideous.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. The Monos on the east side of the Sierra are 'a fine looking race, straight, and of good height, and appear to be active.' Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 2-3. At Monterey 'ils sont en général bien faits, mais faibles d'esprit et de corps.' In the vicinity of San Miguel, they are 'généralement d'une couleur foncée, sales et mal faits ... à l'exception tout fois des Indiens qui habitent sur les bords de la rivière des tremblements de terre, et sur la côte voisine. Ceux-ci sont blancs, d'une joli figure, et leurs cheveux tirent sur le roux.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 332, 163; also quoted in Marmier, Notice sur les Indiens, p. 236. 'Sont généralement petits, faibles ... leur couleur est très-approchante de celle des nègres dont les cheveux ne sont point laineux: ceux de ces peuples sont longs et très-forts.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 281. 'La taille des hommes est plus haute (than that of the Chilians), et leurs muscles mieux prononcés.' The figure of the women 'est plus élevée (than that of the Chilian women), et la forme de leurs membres est plus régulière; elles sont en général d'une stature mieux développée et d'une physionomie moins repoussante.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 52. At San José 'the men are almost all rather above the middling stature, and well built; very few indeed are what may be called undersized. Their complexions are dark but not negro like ... some seemed to possess great muscular strength; they have very coarse black hair.' Some of the women were more than five feet six inches in height. And speaking of the Californian Indians, in general, 'they are of a middling, or rather of a low stature, and of a dark brown colour, approaching to black ... large projecting lips, and broad, flat, negro-like noses; ... bear a strong resemblance to the negroes.... None of the men we saw were above five feet high ... ill-proportioned ... we had never seen a less pleasing specimen of the human race.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 194-5, 164, see plate. And speaking generally of the Californian Indians: 'Die Männer sind im Allgemeinen gut gebaut und von starker Körperbildung,' height 'zwischen fünf Fuss vier Zoll und fünf Fuss zehn oder eilf Zoll.' Complexion 'die um ein klein wenig heller als bei den Mulatten, also weit dunkler ist, als bei den übrigen Indianerstämmen.' Osswald, Californien, p. 62. The coast Indians 'are about five feet and a half in height, and rather slender and feeble,' in the interior they 'are taller and more robust.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. 'Cubische Schädelform, niedrige Stirn, breites Gesicht, mit hervorragendem Jochbogen, breite Lippen und grosser Mund, mehr platte Nase und am Innenwinkel herabgezogene Augen.' Wimmel, Californien, pp. v, 177. 'Les Californiens sont presque noirs; la disposition de leur yeux et l'ensemble de leur visage leur donnent avec les européens une ressemblance assez marquée.' Rossi, Souvenirs, pp. 279-80. 'They are small in stature; thin, squalid, dirty, and degraded in appearance. In their habits little better than an ourang-outang, they are certainly the worst type of savage I have ever seen.' Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249. 'More swarthy in complexion, and of less stature than those east of the Rocky Mountains ... more of the Asiatic cast of countenance than the eastern tribe.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 304. 'Dépasse rarement la hauteur de cinq pieds deux ou trois pouces; leur membres sont grêles et médiocrement musclés. Ils ont de grosses lévres qui se projettent en avant, le nez large et aplati comme les Ethiopiens; leurs cheveux sont noirs, rude et droits.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165. 'Generally of small stature, robust appearance, and not well formed.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Schön gewachsen und von schwärtzlich-brauner Farbe.' Mühlenpfordt Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'Low foreheads and skins as black as Guinea negroes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 85. 'En naissant les enfants sont presque blancs ... mais ils noircissent en grandissant.' 'Depuis le nord du Rio Sacramento jusqu'au cap San Lucas ... leurs caractères physique, leurs moeurs et leurs usages sont les mêmes.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 263, 367. 'Skin of such a deep reddish-brown that it seems almost black.' Figuier's Human Race, p. 493; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Sprache, p. 528; Forbes' Cal., pp. 180-3; Harper's Monthly, vol. xiii., p. 583. 'A fine set of men, who, though belonging to different nationalities, had very much the same outward appearance; so that when you have seen one you seem to have seen them all.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 15.

[506] On the Sacramento River 'the men universally had some show of a beard, an inch or so in length, but very soft and fine.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. 'They had beards and whiskers an inch or two long, very soft and fine.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. On Russian River 'they have quite heavy moustaches and beards on the chin, but not much on the cheeks, and they almost all suffer it to grow.' The Clear Lake Indians 'have also considerable beards, and hair on the person.' At the head of South Fork of Eel River, 'they pluck their beards.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 108-119. At Monterey 'plusieurs ont de la barbe; d'autres, suivant les pères missionaires, n'en ont jamais eu, et c'est un question qui n'est pas même décidée dans le pays.' La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., p. 282. 'Les Californiens ont la barbe plus fournie que les Chiliens, et les parties génitales mieux garnies: cependant j'ai remarqué, parmi les hommes, un grand nombre d'individus totalement dépourvus de barbe; les femmes ont aussi peu de poil au pénil et aux aisselles.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., vol. iv., p. 53. 'They have the habit common to all American Indians of extracting the beard and the hair of other parts of their body.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364. Beards 'short, thin, and stiff.' Bartlett's Nar., vol. ii., p. 34. 'In general very scanty, although occasionally a full flowing beard is observed.' Forbes' Cal., pp. 181-2. 'Beards thin; many shave them close with mussel-shells.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 164. 'Ihr Bart ist schwach.' Wimmel, Californien, vol. v. At San Antonio, 'in the olden times, before becoming christians, they pulled out their beards.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. Choris in his Voy. Pitt., plates vi., vii., xii., of part iii., draws the Indians with a very slight and scattered beard. 'Pluck out their beard.' Auger, Voy. in Cal., p. 165. 'Wear whiskers.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Les Indiens qui habitent dans la direction du cap de Nouvel-An (del Año Nuevo) ... ont des moustaches.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 335. Mühlenpfordt mentions that at the death of a relation, 'die Männer raufen Haupthaar und Bart sich aus.' Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 456.

[507] At Fort Ross 'Die Männer gehen ganz nackt, die Frauen hingegen bedecken nur den mittleren Theil des Körpers von vorne und von hinten mit den Fellen wilder Ziegen; das Haar binden die Männer auf dem Schopfe, die Frauen am Nacken in Büschel zusammen; bisweilen lassen sie es frei herunter wallen; die Männer heften die Büschel mit ziemlich künstlich, aus einer rothen Palme geschnitzten Hölzchen fest.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 82. At Clear Lake 'the women generally wear a small round, bowl-shaped basket on their heads; and this is frequently interwoven with the red feathers of the woodpecker, and edged with the plume tufts of the blue quail.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. See also p. 68, plate xiv., for plate of ornaments. At Kelsey River, dress 'consists of a deer-skin robe thrown over the shoulders.' Id., p. 122. In the Sacramento Valley 'they were perfectly naked.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. 'Both sexes have the ears pierced with large holes, through which they pass a piece of wood as thick as a man's finger, decorated with paintings or glass beads.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. 'The men go entirely naked; but the women, with intuitive modesty, wear a small, narrow, grass apron, which extends from the waist to the knees, leaving their bodies and limbs partially exposed.' Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 305, 307. 'They wear fillets around their heads of leaves.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'The dress of the women is a cincture, composed of narrow slips of fibrous bark, or of strings of 'Californian flax,' or sometimes of rushes.' Men naked. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Bodega they 'most liberally presented us with plumes of feathers, rosaries of bone, garments of feathers, as also garlands of the same materials, which they wore round their head.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. 'The women wore skins of animals about their shoulders and waists;' hair 'clubbed behind.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. Around San Francisco Bay: 'in summer many go entirely naked. The women, however, wear a deer-skin, or some other covering about their loins; but skin dresses are not common.' To their ears the women 'attach long wooden cylinders, variously carved, which serve the double purpose of ear-rings and needle-cases.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'All go naked.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'The men either go naked or wear a simple breech-cloth. The women wear a cloth or strips of leather around their loins.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 33. Three hundred years ago we are told that the men in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'for the most part goe naked; the women take a kinde of bulrushes, and kembing it after the manner of hemp, make themselues thereof a loose garment, which being knitte about their middles, hanges downe about their hippes, and so affordes to them a couering of that which nature teaches should be hidden; about their shoulders they weare also the skin of a deere, with the haire vpon it.' The king had upon his shoulders 'a coate of the skins of conies, reaching to his wast; his guard also had each coats of the same shape, but of other skin.... After these in their order, did follow the naked sort of common people, whose haire being long, was gathered into a bunch behind, in which stucke plumes of feathers; but in the forepart onely single feathers like hornes, every one pleasing himselfe in his owne device.' Drake's World Encomp., pp. 121, 126. 'Asi como Adamitas se presentan sin el menor rubor ni vergüenza (esto es, los hombres) y para librarse del frio que todo el año hace en esta Mision (San Francisco), principalmente las mañanas, se embarran con lodo, diciendo que les preserva de él, y en quanto empieza á calentar el Sol se lavan: las mugeres andan algo honestas, hasta las muchachas chiquitas: usan para la honestidad de un delantar que hacen de hilos de tule, ó juncia, que no pasa de la rodilla, y otro atrás amarrados á la cintura que ambos forman como unas enaguas, con que se presentan con alguna honestidad, y en las espaldas se ponen otros semejantes para librarse en alguna manera del frio.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. At Monterey, and on the coast between Monterey and Santa Barbara the dress 'du plus riche consiste en un manteau da peau de loutre qui couvre ses reins et descend au dessous des sines.... L'habillement des femmes est un manteau de peau de cerf mal tannée.... Les jeunes filles au-dessous de neuf ans n'ont qu'une simple ceinture et les enfans de l'autre sexe sont tout nus.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 304-5. 'Ils se percent aussi les oreilles, et y portent des ornemens d'un genre et d'un gout trés-variés.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 53. 'Those between Monterey and the extreme northern boundary of the Mexican domain, shave their heads close.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco 'presque tous ... vont entierement nus; ceux qui ont quelques vêtements, n'ont autre chose qu'une casaque faite de courroies de peau de lapins, de lièvres ou de loutres tressés ensemble, et qui ont conservé le poil. Les femmes ont une espèce de tablier de roseaux tressés qui s'attache autour de la taille par un cordon, et pend jusqu'aux genoux; une peau de cerf mal tannée et mal préparée, jetée sur leurs épaules en guise de manteau, compléte leur toilette.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 155; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227. 'Sont tres peu couverts, et en été, la plupart vont tout nus. Les femmes font usage de peaux de daim pour se couvrir.... Ces femmes portent encore comme vêtement des espèces de couvertures sans envers, faites en plumes tissues ensemble ... il a l'avantage d'être très-chaud.... Elles portent généralement, au lieu de boucles d'oreilles, des morceaux d'os ou de bois en forme de cylindre et sculptés de différentes manières. Ces ornements sont creux et servent également d'étuis pour renfermer leurs aiguilles.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 135. Speaking generally of the Californian Indians, 'both sexes go nearly naked, excepting a sort of wrapper round the waist, only in the coldest part of the winter they throw over their bodies a covering of deer-skin, or the skin of the sea-otter. They also make themselves garments of the feathers of many different kinds of water fowl, particularly ducks and geese, bound together fast in a sort of ropes, which ropes are then united quite close so as to make something like a feather skin.' It is very warm. 'In the same manner they cut the sea-otter skins into small strips, which they twist together, and then join them as they do the feathers, so that both sides have the fur alike.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 163-4. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 364, and Forbes' Cal., p. 183. 'Im Winter selbst tragen sie wenig Bekleidung, vielleicht nur eine Hirschhaut, welche sie über die Schulter werfen; Männer, Frauen und Kinder gehen selbst im Winter im Schnee barfuss.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Patrick, Gilbert, Heald, and Von Schmidt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 240-4; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4, and plate xii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., part ii., p. 455; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 98; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Augur, Voy. en Cal., p. 100. After having collated the above notes I was rather taken aback by meeting the following: 'The general costume of nearly all the Californian Indians gives them rather an interesting appearance; when fully dressed, their hair, which has been loose, is tied up, either with a coronet of silver, or the thongs of skin, ornamented with feathers of the brightest colours; bracelets made in a similar manner are wore; breeches and leggings of doe-skin, sewed, not unfrequently with human hair; a kind of kilt of varied coloured cloth or silk (!), fastened by a scarf, round their waist; ... The women wear a cloth petticoat, dyed either blue or red, doe-skin shirt, and leggings, with feathered bracelets round their waist.' Coulter's Adventures, vol. i., pp. 172-3. Surely Mr Coulter should know an Indian dress from one composed of Mexican cloth and trinkets.

[508] At Bodega the women 'were as much tatooed or punctured as any of the females of the Sandwich islands.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 436. In the Sacramento Valley 'most of the men had some slight marks of tattooing on the breast, disposed like a necklace.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 105. Dana, in a note to Hale, says: 'The faces of the men were colored with black and red paint, fancifully laid on in triangles and zigzag lines. The women were tattooed below the mouth.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Most of them had some slight marks of tattooing on their breast; somewhat similar to that of the Chinooks.... The face was usually painted, the upper part of the cheek in the form of a triangle, with a blue-black substance, mixed with some shiny particles that looked like pulverized mica.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 198, 259. 'Their faces daubed with a thick dark glossy substance like tar, in a line from the outside corners of the eyes to the ends of the mouth, and back from them to the hinge of the jawbone ... some also had their entire foreheads coated over.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 111. 'The women are a little tattooed on the chin.' Pfeiffer's Second Journ., p. 307. At Monterey and vicinity, 'se peignent le corps en rouge, et en noir lorsqu'ils sont en deuil.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'Se peignent la peau pour se parer.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 53. 'This one thing was obserued to bee generall amongst them all, that euery one had his face painted, some with white, some blacke, and some with other colours.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. 'Tattooing is practised in these tribes by both sexes, both to ornament the person and to distinguish one clan from another. It is remarkable that the women mark their chins precisely in the same way as the Esquimaux.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'Les indigènes indepéndents de la Haute-Californie sont tatoués ... ces signes servent d'ornement et de distinction, non seulement d'une tribu à une autre tribu, mais encore, d'une famille à une autre famille.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 134-5. 'Tattooing is also used, but principally among the women. Some have only a double or triple line from each corner of the mouth down to the chin; others have besides a cross stripe extending from one of these stripes to the other; and most have simple long and cross stripes from the chin over the neck down to the breast and upon the shoulders.' Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 167; see plate, p. 169. When dancing, 'ils se peignent sur le corps des lignes régulières, noires, rouges et blanches. Quelques-uns ont la moitié du corps, depuis la tête jusqu'en bas, barbouillée de noir, et l'autre de rouge; le tout croisé par des raies blanches, d'autres se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4; see also plate xii. 'I have never observed any particular figured designs upon their persons, but the tattooing is generally on the chin, though sometimes on the wrist and arm.' Mostly on the persons of the females. Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Les femmes seules emploient le tatouage.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 165.

[509] 'Il est bien rare qu'un Indien passe la nuit dans sa maison. Vers le soir chacun prend son arc et ses flèches et va se réunir aux autres dans de grandes cavernes, parce-qu'ils craignent d'être attaqués a l'improviste par leurs ennemis et d'être surpris sans défense au milieu de leurs femmes et de leurs enfants.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316-7.

[510] Two authors describe their dwellings as being much smaller than I have stated them to be: 'leur maisons ont quatre pieds de diamètre.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238. Their wigwams have 'une élévation au-dessus du sol de cinq à huit pieds et une circonférence de dix à douze.' Holinski, La Californie, p. 172. The authorities I have followed, and who agree in essential particulars, are: Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 103, 106; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198; Pfeiffer's Second Journ., pp. 307-8; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 242; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., pp. 34, 282; Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2; Drake's World Encomp., p. 121; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 30, with cut; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 13, 15; Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., vol. vi., pp. 367, 390; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 165; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 295; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306; Gerstäcker's Journ., p. 218; Gilbert, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Patrick, in Id., p. 240; Jewett, in Id., p. 244; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 299; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177, 179; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 365; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5; Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 72; Kostromitonow, in Id., p. 83; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 456; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91; Roquefeuil's Voy. Round the World, p. 29; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 316, 343.

[511] Wilkes, and the majority of writers, assert that the acorns are sweet and palatable in their natural state; Kostromitonow, however, says: 'Nachdem die Eicheln vom Baume gepflückt sind, werden sie in der Sonne gedörrt, darauf gereinigt und in Körben mittelst besonders dazu behauener Steine gestossen, dann wird im Sande oder sonst wo in lockerer Erde eine Grube gegraben, die Eicheln werden hineingeschüttet und mit Wasser übergossen, welches beständig von der Erde eingezogen wird. Dieses Ausspülen wiederholt man so lange bis die Eicheln alle ihre eigenthümliche Bitterkeit verloren haben.' Baer, Stat. und Ethno., p. 84. The acorn bread 'looks and tastes like coarse black clay, strongly resembling the soundings in Hampton roads, and being about as savory and digestible.' Revere's Tour, p. 121. Never having eaten 'coarse black clay,' I cannot say how it tastes, but according to all other authorities, this bread, were it not for the extreme filthiness of those who prepare it, would be by no means disagreeable food.

[512] Pinole is an Aztec word, and is applied to any kind of grain or seeds, parched and ground, before being made into dough. 'Pinolli, la harina de mayz y chia, antes que la deslian.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Aztecs made pinole chiefly of maize or Indian corn.

[513] 'Nos trageron su regalo de tamales grandes de mas de á tercia con su correspondiente grueso, amasados de semillas silvestres muy prietas que parecen brea; los probé y no tienen mal gusto y son muy mantecosos.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. Among the presents given to Drake by the Indians was 'a roote which they call Petáh, whereof they make a kind of meale, and either bake it into bread or eate it raw; broyled fishes, like a pilchard; the seede and downe aforenamed, with such like.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 126. Catch salmon in baskets. 'They neither sow nor reap, but burn their meadows from time to time to increase their fertility.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les rats, les insectes, les serpentes, tout sans exception leur sert de nourriture.... Ils sont trop maladroits et trop paresseux pour chasser.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 2. 'Entre ellas tienen una especie de semilla negra, y de su harina hacen unos tamales, á modo de bolas, de tamaño de una naranja, que son muy sabrosos, que parecen de almendra tostada muy mantecosa.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 216; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 116. 'Their fastidiousness does not prompt them to take the entrails out' of fishes and birds. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'Live upon various plants in their several seasons, besides grapes, and even use the Artemesia.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 202, 259. 'Ils trouvent aussi autour d'eux une quantité d'aloès dont ils font un fréquent usage.... Ils utilisent éncore la racine d'une espèce de roseau.... Ils mangent aussi une fleur sucrée qui ressemble à celle de l'églantier d'Espagne, et qui croît dans les endroits marécageux.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-3, 237. Were cannibals and their sorcerers still eat human flesh. Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 362, 366-9. The Meewocs 'eat all creatures that swim in the waters, all that fly through the air, and all that creep, crawl, or walk upon the earth, with, perhaps a dozen exceptions.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 324. 'Ils se nourrissent également d'une espèce de gâteaux fabriqués avec du gland, et qu'ils roulent dans le sable avant de le livrer à la cuisson; de là vient qu'ils sont, jeunes encore, les dents usées jusqu'à la racine, et ce n'est pas, comme le dit Malte-Brun, parce qu'ils ont l'habitude de les limer.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'While I was standing there a couple of pretty young girls came from the woods, with flat baskets full of flower-seed, emitting a peculiar fragrance, which they also prepared for eating. They put some live coals among the seed, and swinging it and throwing it together, to shake the coals and the seed well, and bring them in continual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted it completely, and the mixture smelled so beautiful and refreshing that I tasted a good handful of it, and found it most excellent.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 211. See farther: Humboldt, Pol., tom. i., pp. 324-5; Holinski, La Californie, p. 174; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 106-7, 113; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 179, 181; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 113; Taylor's El Dorado, vol. i., p. 241; King's Rept., in Taylor's El Dorado, vol. ii., p. 210; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 163; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 248; Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 36; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103; Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 136-7; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 242, 244; Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 142; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222; Placerville Index, Aug., 1859; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 303; Patrick, McDermott, Gilbert, Benitz, Jannson, Von Schmidt, McAdam, Bowlby, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 18, 41-4; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 282; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 269-70; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 441-2; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 450-1; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., pp. 91-2, 152, 316; Yate's Sketch of the Sacramento Valley in 1842, MS.; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; McDaniels' Early Days of Cal. MS.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 339, 346; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 455-6; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[514] When the Indian finds a tree stocked by the carpenter bird he 'kindles a fire at its base and keeps it up till the tree falls, when he helps himself to the acorns.' Helper's Land of Gold, p. 269.

[515] Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 75.

[516] 'When a sturgeon is caught, the spinal marrow, which is considered a delicacy, is drawn out whole, through a cut made in the back, and devoured raw.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 32-3.

[517] Browne, in Harper's Mag., vol. xxiii., p. 315.

[518] 'They cook the flesh of this animal in holes dug in the ground and curbed up with stone like wells. Over this they build large fires, heat them thoroughly, clean out the coals and ashes, fill them with whale flesh, cover the opening with sticks, leaves, grass and earth, and thus bake their repast.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366-7. 'Ils font rôtir cette chair dans des trous creusés en terre.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237.

[519] Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 132; Powers' Account of John A. Sutter, MS.; and Id., Letter to the author, MS.

[520] 'Reinlichkeit kennen sie nicht, und in ihren Hütten sind die diversesten Parasiten vertreten.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177. 'I have seen them eating the vermin which they picked from each other's heads, and from their blankets. Although they bathe frequently, they lay for hours in the dirt, basking in the sun, covered with dust.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'In their persons they are extremely dirty.' Eat lice like the Tartars. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 76-7. 'Very filthy, and showed less sense of decency in every respect than any we had ever met with.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 106.

[521] 'Ein Bogen mit Pfeilen und ein Spiess sind ihre Waffen; alles dieses wird meistens aus jungem Tannenholz verfertigt. Die Spitzen der Pfeile und Spiesse bestehen aus scharfen, künstlich behauenen Steinen, zur Bogensehne nehmen sie die Sehnen wilder Ziegen; ausserdem führen sie in Kriegszeiten eine Art von Schleuder, mit welcher sie Steine auf eine grosse Entfernung werfen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 89. Bow 'from three to four and a half feet long.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Their arms are clubs, spears of hard wood, and the bow and arrow.... Arrows are mostly made of reeds.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. 'Die einzige Waffe zur Erlegung des Wildes ist ihnen der Bogen und Pfeil.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 180. 'Their only arms were bows and arrows.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. Bows 'about thirty inches long ... arrows are a species of reed ... spears are pointed with bone.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. 'The quiver of dressed deer-skin, holds both bow and arrows.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 123. 'The point (of the arrow) itself is a piece of flint chipped down into a flat diamond shape, about the size of a diamond on a playing-card; the edges are very sharp, and are notched to receive the tendons with which it is firmly secured to the arrow.' Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131. 'Arrows are pointed with flint, as are also their spears, which are very short. They do not use the tomahawk or scalping knife.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 91. 'Leurs armes sont l'arc et les flèches armées d'un silex très-artistement travaillé.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 305. 'Ces arcs sont encore garnis, au milieu, d'une petite lanière de cuir, qui a pour object d'empêcher la flèche de dévier de la position qu'on lui donne en la posant sur l'arc.... Ils prétendent que cette précaution rend leurs coups encore plus sûrs. Les flèches sont moins longues que l'arc, elles ont ordinairement de 80 à 85 centimètres de long, elles sont faites d'un bois très-léger et sont égales en grosseur à chaque extrémité ... l'autre extrémité de la flèche est garnie, sur quatre faces, de barbes en plumes qui ont 10 centimètres de longueur sur 0,015 millimètres de hauteur.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 138. They 'maintain armories to make their bows, and arrows, and lances.' Arrows 'are tipped with barbed obsidian heads ... the shaft is ornamented with rings of the distinguishing paint of the owner's rancheria. Their knives and spear-points are made of obsidian and flint.' Arrows are of two kinds, 'one short and light for killing game, and the other a war-shaft measuring a cloth-yard in length.' Revere's Tour, pp. 121-2. 'Ces flèches offrent peu de danger à une certaine distance, à cause de la parabole qu'elles sont forcées de décrire, et qui donne à celui que les voit venir la temps de les éviter.' Auger, Voy. en Cal., p. 163. 'La corde, faite avec du chanvre sylvestre, est garnie d'un petit morceau de peau qui en étouffe le sifflement.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 378; see Atlas, plate 25. 'Ihre Waffen bestehen nur in Bogen und Pfeil.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., part ii., p. 455. 'They have no offensive arms at all, except bows and arrows, and these are small and powerless.... Arrows are about two feet long.' Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 212. 'Sometimes the bow is merely of wood and rudely made.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Their weapons consist only of bows and arrows; neither the tomahawk nor the spear is ever seen in their hands.' Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 77. 'A portion of the string is covered with downy fur' to deaden the sound. Arrows are invariably pointed with flint. They have 'sometimes wooden barbs.' Javelins pointed with flint, or sometimes simply sharpened at the end. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 109. Arrows were about three feet long, and pointed with flint. Short spears also pointed with flint. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 198. 'Traian unas lanzas cortas con su lengüeta de pedernal tan bien labradas como si fuesen de hierro ó acero, con solo la diferencia de no estar lisas.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 68. 'Los mas de ellos traian varas largas en las manos á modo de lanzas.' Id., p. 61; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 249; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[522] Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 139.

[523] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 164; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. It is impossible to locate with certainty the San Miguel of Fages. There are now several places of the name in California, of which the San Miguel in San Luis Obispo County comes nearest the region in which, to agree with his own narrative, Fages must have been at the time. The cimeter mentioned by him, must have strongly resembled the maquahuitl of the ancient Mexicans, and it was possibly much farther south that he saw it.

[524] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 169.

[525] Butte Record, Aug., 1866.

[526] 'Suelen entrar en ella entonando cánticos militares mezclados de extraños alaridos; y acostumbran formarse los campeones en dos lineas muy próximas para empezar disparándose flechazos. Como uno de sus principales ardides consiste en intimidar al enemigo, para conseguirlo procura cada partido que oiga el contrario los preparativos de la batalla.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. 'On coming in sight of the enemy they form in an extended line, something like light infantry, and shouting, like bacchanals dance from side to side to prevent the foe from taking deliberate aim.' Revere's Tour, p. 122.

[527] In the vicinity of Fort Ross: 'In ihren Kriegen wird Unerschrockenheit geachtet; gefangene Feinde tödtet man nicht, sondern wechselt sie nach beendigtem Kampfe aus; nie verurtheilt man sie zu Sklaven.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77. Near Feather River 'they carry off their dead to prevent their being scalped, which next after death they are most fearful of.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 83. In the Sacramento Valley 'the Californians differ from the other North American tribes in the absence of the tomahawk and of the practice of scalping.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. At Clear Lake, 'they do not scalp the slain.' Revere's Tour, p. 122. In the vicinity of San Francisco 'occasionally, they appear to have eaten pieces of the bodies of their more distinguished adversaries killed in battle.' Soulé's Annals of San Francisco, p. 52. At Monterey, 'lorsqu'ils avaient vaincu et mis à mort sur le champ de bataille des chefs ou des hommes très-courageux, ils en mangeaient quelques morceaux, moins en signe de haine et de vengeance, que comme un hommage qu'ils rendaient à leur valeur, et dans la persuasion qua cette nourriture était propre à augmenter leur courage.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306. 'Muchos indios armados de arco y flechas y llamándolos vinieron luego y me regularon muchos de ellos flechas, que es entre ellos la mayor demostracion de paz.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 53. At Santa Cruz they eat slices of the flesh of a brave fallen enemy, thinking to gain some of his valour. They 'take the scalps of their enemies ... they pluck out the eyes of their enemies.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370. 'Gefangene werden nicht lange gehalten, sondern gleich getödtet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. In order to intimidate their enemies 'cometen con el propio fin en las primeras víctimas las crueldades mas horrorosas.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170.

[528] Drake's World Encomp., p. 126.

[529] 'Make baskets of the bark of trees.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'Make a very ingenious straw box for keeping their worm bait alive; burying it in the earth, yet not allowing the worms to escape.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. 'Die gewöhnlichste Form für den Korb ist halbconisch, 3 Fuss lang und 18 Zoll breit.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 182. 'Their baskets, made of willows, are perfectly water-tight.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 305. 'They sometimes ornament the smaller ones with beads, pearl-shell, feathers, &c.' Revere's Tour, p. 122 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres utensiles sont artistiquement incrustés de morceaux de nacre de perle ... garnissent leur calebasses et leur cruches d'ouvrages de vannerie brodés avec des fils-déliés qu'elles tirent de diverses racines.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 233; Langsdorff's Voy., vol. ii., p. 165; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 243; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 367; Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 131; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324.

[530] Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake 'their canoes or rather rafts are made of bundles of the tulé plant.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. At San Francisco Bay and vicinity 'the only canoes of the Indians are made of plaited reeds.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90. 'They do not possess horses or canoes of any kind; they only know how to fasten together bundles of rushes, which carry them over the water by their comparative lightness.' Chamisso, in Kotzebue's Voy., vol. iii., p. 48. 'Les Indiens font leur pirogues à l'instant où ils veulent entreprendre un voyage par eau; elles sont en roseaux. Lorsque l'on y entre elles s'emplissent à moitié d'eau; de sorte qu'assis, l'on en a jusqu'au gras de la jambe; on les fait aller avec des avirons extrêmement longs, et pointus aux deux extremités.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 6. Had no boats, but it was reported that they had previously used boats made of rushes. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103. 'The most rude and sorry contrivances for embarcation I had ever beheld.... They were constructed of rushes and dried grass of a long broad leaf, made up into rolls the length of the canoe, the thickest in the middle and regularly tapering to a point at each end ... appeared to be very ill calculated to contend with wind and waves.... They conducted their canoe or vessel by long double-bladed paddles, like those used by the Esquimaux.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 5. 'The balsas are entirely formed of the bulrush ... commonly the rowers sit on them soaked in water, as they seldom rise above the surface.' Forbes' Cal., p. 191. Build no canoes, but occasionally make use of rafts composed of one or two logs, generally split. Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'The "Balsa" is the only thing of the boat kind known among them. It is constructed entirely of bulrushes ... sit flat upon the craft, soaked in water, plying their paddles ... most of them in all kinds of weather, are either below, or on a level with the water.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 368. 'My opinion is that the Indians of California, previous to the occupation by the Jesuit Fathers had no other boats than those made from the tule, and even as late as 1840, I never knew or heard of an Indian using any other.' Phelps' Letter, MS.

[531] Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 103; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, p. 23.

[532] Roquefeuil's Voy., pp. 25-6. Tule is an Aztec word, from tollin, signifying rushes, flags, or reeds. Molina, Vocabulario. Mendoza says that when the ancient Mexicans arrived at the site of Mexico, it was a complete swamp, covered 'con grandes matorrales de enea, que llaman tuli.' Esplicacion del Codice, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. v., p. 40. That the Spaniards themselves had not boats at this time is also asserted by Kotzebue: 'That no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country which produces a superabundance of the finest wood for the purpose, is a striking proof of the indolence of the Spaniards, and the stupidity of the Indians.' New Voy., vol. ii., p. 90.

[533] Phelps' Letter, MS.

[534] Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 415. 'Sending off a man with great expedition, to vs in a canow.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 119.

[535] The shells 'they broke and rubbed down to a circular shape, to the size of a dime, and strung them on a thread of sinews.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'Three kinds of money were employed ... white shell-beads, or rather buttons, pierced in the centre and strung together, were rated at $5 a yard; periwinkles, at $1 a yard; fancy marine shells, at various prices, from $3 to $10, or $15, according to their beauty.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325.

[536] The office of chief is hereditary in the male line only. The widows and daughters of the chiefs are, however, treated with distinction, and are not required to work, as other women. Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., p. 73. In one case near Clear Lake, when 'the males of a family had become extinct and a female only remained, she appointed a chief.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. At the Port of Sardinas 'durmió dos noches en la capitana una india anciana, que era señora de estos pueblos, acompañada de muchos Indios.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. xxxii.

[537] The Kainameahs had three hereditary chiefs. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 103.

[538] In Russian River Valley and the vicinity: 'Die Achtung die man für den Vater hegte, geht häufig auf den Sohn über; aber die Gewalt des Oberhauptes ist im Allgemeinen sehr nichtig; denn es steht einem jeden frei, seinen Geburtsort zu verlassen und einen anderen Aufenthalt zu wählen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. 'Derjenige, der am meisten Anverwandte besitzt, wird als Häuptling oder Tojon anerkannt; in grösseren Wohnsitzen giebt es mehrere solcher Tojone, aber ihre Autorität ist nichts sagend. Sie haben weder das Recht zu befehlen, noch den Ungehorsam zu züchtigen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 86. At Clear Lake chiefdom was hereditary. Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also pp. 103, 110. Among the Gualalas and Gallinomeros, chieftainship was hereditary. The Sanéls live in large huts, each containing 20 or 30 persons related to each other, each of these families has its own government. The Comachos paid voluntary tribute for support of chief. Powers' Pomo, MS. In the Sacramento Valley a chief has more authority than that arising merely from his personal character. Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 108. On the coast between San Diego and San Francisco, in the vicinity of San Miguel 'chaque village est gouverné despotiquement par un chef qui est seul arbitre de la paix et de la guerre.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227; Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244; Gerstaecker's Journ., p. 213; Histoire Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 52; Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8.

[539] 'El robo era un delito casi desconocido en ambas naciones. Entre los Runsienes se miraba quasi con indiferencia el homicidio; pero no así entre los Eslenes, los quales castigaban al delinquente con pena de muerte.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 171. 'Im Fall ein Indianer ein Verbrechen in irgend einem Stamme verübt hat, und die Häuptlinge sich bestimmt haben ihn zu tödten, so geschieht dies durch Bogen und Pfeil.' Wimmel, Californien, pp. 177-8; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 24.

[540] Drake's World Encomp., pp. 124-6.

[541] Wimmel, Californien, p. 178.

[542] Near San Francisco, 'teniendo muchas mugeres, sin que entre ellas se experimente la menor emulacion.' Palou, Vida de Junipero Serra, p. 217. At Monterey 'la polygamie leur était permise.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303. In Tuolumne County 'polygamy is practiced.' Healey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 244. At Clear Lake 'polygamy is practiced only by the chiefs.' Revere's Tour, p. 125. 'Bei manchen Stämmen wird Vielweiberei gestattet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. 'A man often marries a whole family, the mother and her daughters.... No jealousies ever appear among these families of wives.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. 'An Indian man may have as many wives as he can keep; but a woman cannot have a plurality of husbands, or men to whom she owes obedience.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 224. In the Sacramento Valley 'the men in general have but one wife.' Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., p. 108. 'Of these Indians it is reported that no one has more than one wife.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 201. 'Entre los Runsienes y Eslenes no era permitido á cada hombre tener mas de una muger.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 170. At Clear Lake and down the coast to San Francisco Bay 'they have but one wife at a time.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. In the vicinity of Fort Ross 'es ist nicht erlaubt mehr als eine Frau zu haben.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. In the country round San Miguel 'non-seulement ce capitaine a le droit d'avoir deux femmes, tandis que les autres Indiens n'en ont qu'une, mais il peut les renvoyer quand cela lui plaît, pour en prendre d'autres dans le village.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 163. See also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 227.

[543] At Monterey, 'ils étaient même dans l'usage d'épouser toutes les sœurs d'une famille.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303. Near Fort Ross, 'die Blutsverwandtschaft wird streng beachtet und es ist nicht gestattet aus dem ersten oder zweiten Grade der Verwandtschaft zu heirathen; selbst im Falle einer Scheidung darf der nächste Anverwandte die Frau nicht ehelichen, doch giebt es auch Ausnahmen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. At San Francisco 'no conocen para sus casamientos el parentezco de afinidad; antes bien este los incita á recibir por sus propias mugeres á sus cuñadas, y aun á las suegras, y la costumbre que observan es, que el que logra una muger, tiene por suyas á todas sus hermanas.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217. 'Parentage and other relations of consanguinity are no obstacles to matrimony.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367. 'Souvent une femme presse son mari d'épouser ses soeurs, et même sa mère, et cette proposition est fréquemment acceptée.' Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 235. 'Este método de comprar las mugeres era comun á entrambas naciones (Runsienes y Eslenes), bien que entre los Runsienes hacia mucho mas solemne el contrato la intervencion de los parientes de los novios, contribuyendo los del varon con su quota, la qual se dividia entre los de la novia al tiempo de entregar á esta.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 171.

[544] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223.

[545] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., p. 23.

[546] Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 306. At Santa Cruz, 'the Gentile Indian, when he wishes to marry, goes to the hut of her he desires for a wife, and sitting himself close by her, sighs without speaking a word, and casting at her feet some beads on a string, goes out, and without further ceremony he is married.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Clear Lake 'rape exists among them in an authorized form, and it is the custom for a party of young men to surprise and ravish a young girl, who becomes the wife of one of them.' Revere's Tour, pp. 125-6.

[547] Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 234. At Clear Lake 'if the parties separate the children go with the wife.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112.

[548] Powers' Pomo, MS.

[549] 'The Yukas are often brutal and cruel to their women and children, especially to the women.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 308. In the vicinity of Fort Ross, 'sie lieben ihre Kinder mit grosser Zärtlichkeit.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77.

[550] Wimmel, Californien, p. 178. 'The practice of abortion, so common among the Chinooks and some other tribes in Oregon, is unknown here.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13.

[551] Mr Powers, in his Pomo, MS., makes this assertion upon what he states to be reliable authority.

[552] For a full account of this custom of the couvade, as it existed in various parts of the world, see Tylor's Researches, pp. 293-302, and Max Müller's Chips, vol. ii., pp. 271-9. For its observance in California, see Venagas, Noticias de Cal., tom. i., p. 94, and Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367.

[553] 'It was not a thing at all uncommon, in the days of the Indians' ancient prosperity, to see a woman become a mother at twelve or fourteen. An instance was related to me where a girl had borne her first-born at ten, as nearly as her years could be ascertained, her husband, a White Man, being then sixty-odd.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 500.

[554] For further authorities on family and domestic affairs, see: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 456; Delano's Life on the Plains, pp. 306; Forbes' Cal., p. 190; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 317-26. Also quoted in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 232-35; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 223-4; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 217; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 308, 500-6, vol. x., p. 325; Pickering's Races, in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. ix., pp. 106-8; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 170-1; Borthwick's Three Years in Cal., p. 129; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 303; Rollin, in Id., tom. iv., pp. 57-8; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 145; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 112-13; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., pp. 201, 259; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 457; Gilbert, McAdam, and Jewett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, pp. 242-4; Revere's Tour, p. 126; Reid, in Los Angeles Star, 1852; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 367-70; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 77; Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 83-8.

[555] Every traveler who has seen them dance enters into details of dress, etc.; but no two of these accounts are alike, and the reason of this is that they have no regular figures or costumes peculiar to their dances, but that every man, when his dress is not paint only, wears all the finery he possesses with an utter disregard for uniformity. 'At some of their dances we were told that they avoid particular articles of food, even fowls and eggs.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 113. Dancing is executed at Santa Cruz, by forming a circle, assuming a stooping posture, raising a loud, discordant chant, and, without moving from their places, lifting and lowering a foot, and twisting the body into various contortions. Archives of Santa Cruz Mission. 'In their dances they sometimes wear white masks.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 192. 'Se poudrent les cheveux avec du duvet d'oiseaux.' Choris, Voy. Pitt., part iii., p. 4. When a Wallie chief 'decides to hold a dance in his village, he dispatches messengers to the neighboring rancherias, each bearing a string whereon is tied a certain number of knots. Every morning thereafter the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last but one is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 325. For descriptions of dances of Neeshenams, see Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. xii., pp. 26-7.

[556] 'Each one had two and sometimes three whistles, made of reeds, in his mouth.' San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858. 'Some had whistles or double flageolets of reed which were stuck into their noses.' Revere's Tour, p. 133. 'The Gentiles do not possess any instrument whatever.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Their own original instrument consists of a very primitive whistle, some double, some single, and held in the mouth by one end, without the aid of the fingers; they are about the size and length of a common fife, and only about two notes can be sounded on them.' Cal. Farmer, Oct. 26, 1860.

[557] 'They use a species of native tobacco of nauseous and sickening odour.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 107. 'They burned the aulone shell for the lime to mix with their tobacco, which they swallowed to make them drunk.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. 'A species of tobacco is found on the sandy beaches which the Indians prepare and smoke.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 202. 'Se pusieron á chupar y reparé en ellos la misma ceremonia de esparcir el humo hácia arriba diciendo en cada bocanada unas palabras; solo entendí una que fué esmen que quiere decir sol; observé la misma costumbre de chupar primero el mas principal, luego da la pipa á otro, y da vuelta á otros.' Palou, Noticias, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 69; see also p. 77.

[558] On the subject of amusements, see Kotzebue's Voy., vol. i., p. 282. Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 307; Helper's Land of Gold, pp. 271-2; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 72, 76-7; Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 85-92; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 5, 1860; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Drake's World Encomp., p. 128; Revere's Tour, pp. 120-133; San Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 21, 1858, Nov. 29, 1871; Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 307-8, 501-5, vol. x., pp. 325-7; Power's Pomo, MS.; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 150; Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 127; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 442-6; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 367; Hist. Chrétienne, pp. 53-4; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pp. ii., p. 456; Choris, Voy. Pitt., pt. iii., pp. 4-5; La Pérouse, Voy., vol. ii., pp. 306-7.

[559] The Meewocs 'believe that their male physicians, who are more properly sorcerers, can sit on a mountain top fifty miles distant from a man they wish to destroy, and compass his death by filliping poison towards him from their finger-ends.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327.

[560] 'I incautiously entered one of these caverns during the operation above described, and was in a few moments so nearly suffocated with the heat, smoke, and impure air, that I found it difficult to make my way out.' Bryant's Cal., p. 272.

[561] 'Zur Heilung bedienen sich die Schamane der Kräuter und Wurzeln, grösstentheils aber saugen sie mit dem Munde das Blut aus der kranken Stelle aus, wobei sie Steinchen oder kleine Schlangen in den Mund nehmen und darauf versichern, sie hätten dieselben aus der Wunde herausgezogen.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 95; see also pp. 83, 91, 94-5. 'Until now it has not been ascertained that the Indians had any remedy for curing the sick or allaying their sufferings. If they meet with an accident they invariably die.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. 'Ring-worm is cured by placing the milk of the poison oak in a circle round the affected part.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 440. 'Among the Meewocs stomachic affections and severe travail are treated with a plaster of hot ashes and moist earth spread on the stomach.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. x., p. 327. See further: Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 140; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 370; Holinski, La Californie, p. 173; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 324; Beechey's Voy., vol. ii., pp. 35, 78; San Joaquin Republican, Sept., 1858; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 63; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., pp. 103, 107; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 193; Pickering's Races, in Id., vol. ix., p. 109; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 333; also quoted in Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 237; Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52; Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284; Powers' Pomo, MS.; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 166; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 94; Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 295; Laplace, Circumnav., tom. vi., p. 152.

[562] 'From north to south, in the present California, up to the Columbia river they burnt the dead in some tribes, and in others buried them. These modes of sepulture differed every few leagues.' Taylor's Indianology, in Cal. Farmer, June 8, 1860. A dead Oleepa was buried by one woman in 'a pit about four feet deep, and ten feet in front of the father's door.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 301. At Santa Cruz 'the Gentiles burn the bodies of their warriors and allies who fall in war; those who die of natural death they inter at sundown.' Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. The Indians of the Bay of San Francisco burned their dead with everything belonging to them, 'but those of the more southern regions buried theirs.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363. In the vicinity of Clear Lake all the tribes with the exception of the Yubas bury their dead. Geiger, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 289.

[563] 'Los Runsienes dividian últimamente entre los parientes las pocas cosas que componian la propiedad del difunto. Los Eslenes, al contrario, no solo no repartian cosa alguna, sino que todos sus amigos y súbditos debian contribuir con algunos abalorios que enterraban con el cadáver del fallecido.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 172. 'If a woman dies in becoming a mother, the child, whether living or dead, is buried with its mother.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437.

[564] 'Die nächsten Anverwandten schneiden sich das Haar ab und werfen es ins Feuer, wobei sie sich mit Steinen an die Brust schlagen, auf den Boden stürzen, ja bisweilen aus besonderer Anhänglichkeit zu dem Verstorbenen sich blutrünstig oder gar zu Tode stossen; doch sind solche Fälle selten.' Kostromitonow, in Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 88. 'The body is consumed upon a scaffold built over a hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 112. See also: Tehama Gazette, May, 1859; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. 171-2; Powers' Pomo, MS.; also in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 502, vol. x., p. 328, vol. xii., p. 28; San Francisco Evening Bulletin, April 4, 1861; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., pp. 448-50; La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 306; Placerville Index, 1857; Marmier, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 230, 236; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 437; Wimmel, Californien, p. 178; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 369; Folsom Dispatch, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 9, 1860; Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 458; Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 242; Forbes' Cal., p. 195.

[565] In the Russian River Valley the Indians 'sind weichherzig, und von Natur nicht rachsüchtig ... sie erlernen mit Leichtigkeit mancherlei Handarbeiten und Gewerbe.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 77-8. Near Fort Ross 'sind sie sanft und friedfertig, und sehr fähig, besonders in der Auffassung sinnlicher Gegenstände. Nur in Folge ihrer unmässigen Trägheit und Sorglosigkeit scheinen sie sehr dumm zu seyn.' Kostromitonow, in Id., pp. 81-2. 'They appear ... by no means so stupid' as those at the missions. Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 26. At Bodega Bay 'their disposition is most liberal.' Maurelle's Jour., p. 47. At Clear Lake 'they are docile, mild, easily managed ... roguish, ungrateful, and incorrigibly lazy ... cowardly and cringing towards the whites ... thorough sensualists and most abandoned gamblers ... wretchedly improvident.' Revere's Tour, pp. 120-1. In the Sacramento Valley they are 'excessively jealous of their squaws ... stingy and inhospitable.' Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 114. 'A mirthful race, always disposed to jest and laugh.' Dana, in Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 222. 'Possessed of mean, treacherous, and cowardly traits of character, and the most thievish propensities.' Johnson's Cal. and Ogn., p. 143. In the vicinity of San Francisco Bay 'they are certainly a race of the most miserable beings I ever saw, possessing the faculty of human reason.' Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 13. 'For the most part an idle, intemperate race.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. ii., p. 78. 'They are a people of a tractable, free, and louing nature, without guile or treachery.' Drake's World Encomp., p. 131. 'Bastantes rancherias de gentiles muy mansos y apacibles.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 497. 'Son muy mansos, afables, de buenas caras y los mas de ellos barbados.' Palou, Noticias, in Id., tom. vii., p. 59. At Monterey they 'étaient lourds et peu intelligents.' Those living farther from the missions were not without 'une certaine finesse, commune à tous les hommes élevés dans l'état de nature.' Petit-Thouars, Voy., tom. ii., p. 134. 'Ces peuples sont si peu courageux, qu'ils n'opposent jamais aucune résistance aux trois ou quatre soldats qui violent si évidement à leur égard le droit des gens.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 297. 'The Yukas are a tigerish, truculent, sullen, thievish, and every way bad, but brave race.' Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., p. 306. The Tahtoos were very cowardly and peace-loving. Powers' Pomo, MS. Than the Oleepas 'a more jolly, laughter-loving, careless, and good-natured people do not exist.... For intelligence they are far behind the Indians east of the Rocky Mountains.' Delano's Life on the Plains, p. 297. The Kannimares 'were considered a brave and warlike Indian race.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 30, 1860. The condition of the Wallas 'is the most miserable that it is possible to conceive; their mode of living, the most abject and destitute known to man.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 241. The Fresno River Indians 'are peaceable, quiet and industrious.' Henley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 304. A rational, calculating people, generally industrious. Lewis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 291. On the coast range north and east of Mendocino 'they are a timid and generally inoffensive race.' Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 304. In Placer County they are industrious, honest, and temperate; the females strictly virtuous. Brown, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 243. Lazy, trifling, drunken. Applegate, Ib. In Tuolumne: friendly, generally honest, truthful; men lazy, women industrious. Jewett, Id., p. 244. In the Yosemite Valley, 'though low in the scale of man, they are not the abject creatures generally represented; they are mild, harmless, and singularly honest.' Kneeland's Wonders of Yosemite, p. 52. At Santa Clara they have no ambition, are entirely regardless of reputation and renown. Vancouver's Voy., vol. ii., p. 21. In stupid apathy 'they exceed every race of men I have ever known, not excepting the degraded races of Terra del Fuego or Van Dieman's Land.' Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 97. At Santa Cruz 'they are so inclined to lying that they almost always will confess offences they have not committed;' very lustful and inhospitable. Comellas' Letter, in Cal. Farmer, April 5, 1860. At Kelsey River they are 'amiable and thievish.' Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 124. 'In general terms, the California Indians are more timid, peaceable, and joyous than any of their neighbors.' Stephens, in Powers' Pomo, MS. 'Their stupidity, insensibility, ignorance, inconstancy, slavery to appetite, excessive sloth and laziness, being absorbed for the time in the stir and din of night-watching and battle, give them a new existence.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 366. 'Faul und jeder Anstrengung abgeneigt.' Osswald, Californien, p. 63. 'Stupidity seemed to be their distinctive character.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 239. 'Loose, lazy, careless, capricious, childish and fickle.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 2, 1860. 'They are really the most harmless tribes on the American continent.' Gerstaecker's Nar., p. 212. Revengeful, timid, treacherous and ungrateful. Kelly's Excursion to Cal., vol. ii., p. 284. 'Cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'Dull, indolent, phlegmatic, timid and of a gentle, submissive temper.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 199. 'In stature no less than in mind are certainly of a very inferior race of human beings.' Langsdorff's Voy., pt. ii., p. 168. 'Pusillanimous.' Forbes' Cal., p. 183. 'Ils sont également extrêmes dans l'expression de la joie et de la colère.' Rollin, in La Pérouse, Voy., tom. iv., p. 58. 'Seemed to be almost of the lowest grade of human beings.' King's Rept., in Bayard Taylor's El Dorado, Appendix, vol. ii., p. 210. 'Die Indianer von Californien sind physisch und moralisch den andern Indianern untergeordnet.' Wimmel, Californien, p. 177. 'Su estupidez mas parece un entorpecimiento de las potencias por falta de accion y por pereza característica, que limitacion absoluta de sus facultades intelectuales; y así quando se las pone en movimiento, y se les dan ideas, no dexan de discernir y de aprender lo que se les enseña.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 164. 'I noticed that all the Indians from Southern to Northern California were low, shiftless, indolent, and cowardly.' Miller's Life Amongst the Modocs, p. 16. Cowardly and treacherous in the extreme. Life of Gov. L. W. Boggs, by his Son, MS.

[566] At Santa Catalina 'las mujeres son muy hermosas y honestas, los niños son blancos y rubios y muy risueños.' Salmeron, Relaciones, p. 18, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv. See also Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 140; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712. At Santa Barbara, 'son mas altos, dispuestos, y membrados, que otros, que antes se avian visto.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 714. On the coast from San Diego to San Francisco they are 'd'une couleur foncée, de petite taille, et assez mal faits.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. At San Luis Rey, 'sont bien faits et d'une taille moyenne.' Id., p. 171; quoted in Marmier, p. 229. An Indian seen at Santa Inez Mission 'was about twenty-seven years old, with a black thick beard, iris of the eyes light chocolate-brown, nose small and round, lips not thick, face long and angular.' Cal. Farmer, May 4, 1860. The Noches 'aunque de buena disposicion son delgados y bastante delicados para andar á pié.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 295. 'Well proportioned in figure, and of noble appearance.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45. 'The women (of the Diegeños) are beautifully developed, and superbly formed, their bodies as straight as an arrow.' Michler, in Emory's U. S. and Mex., Bound. Survey, vol. i., p. 107. The Cahuillas 'are a filthy and miserable-looking set, and great beggars, presenting an unfavorable contrast to the Indian upon the Colorado.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 134.

[567] The ordinary cloak descends to the waist: 'le chef seul en a une qui lui tombe jusqu'au jarret, et c'est là la seule marque de distinction.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 172; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[568] These capes Father Crespi describes as being 'unos capotillos hechos de pieles de liebres y conejos de que hacen tiras y tercidas como mecate; cosen uno con otro y las defienden del frio cubriéndolas por la honestidad.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., pp. 291-2; see also Id., p. 312.

[569] The lobo marino of the Spanish is the common seal and sea calf of the English; le veau marin and phoque commun of the French; vecchio marino of the Italians; Meerwolf and Meerhund of the Germans; Zee-Hund of the Dutch; Sael-hund of the Danes; Sial of the Swedes; and moelrhon of the Welsh. Knight's Eng. Encyc. Nat. Hist., vol. iv., p. 299.

[570] Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[571] Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18.

[572] This hair turban or coil 'sirve de bolsa para guardar en la cabeza los abalorios y demas chucherias que se les dá.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 215. The same custom seems to prevail among the Cibolos of New Mexico, as Marmier, in his additional chapter in the French edition of Bryant's Cal., p. 258, says: 'les hommes du peuple tressent leurs cheveux avec des cordons, et y placent le peu d'objets qu'ils possèdent, notamment la corne qui renferme leur tabac à fumer.'

[573] On the subject of dress see also Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxiv.; Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 45; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 138; Garces, in Doc. Mex. Hist., serie ii., tom. i., p. 294; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 229.

[574] On the Los Angeles Coast: 'La ranchería se compone de veinte casas hechas de zacate de forma esférica á modo de uno media naranja con su respiradero en lo alto por donde les entra la luz y tiene salida el humo.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 314; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149.

[575] 'Partiéron de allí el 9, entráron en una ensenada espaciosa, y siguiendo la costa viéron en ella un pueblo de Indios junto á la mar con casas grandes á manera de las de Nueva-España.' Navarrete, Introd., in Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, pp. xxix., xxxi., xxxvi. The accounts of Cabrillo's voyage are so confused that it is impossible to know the exact locality in which he saw the people he describes. On this point compare Cabrillo, Relacion, in Col. Doc. Hist. Florida, tom. i., p. 173; Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 18, 19; Burney's Chron. Hist. Discov., vol. i., pp. 221-5; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 154-5; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 329; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 210-11; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. 'Nur um die Meerenge von Santa Barbara fand man, 1769, die Bewohner ein wenig gesittigter. Sie bauten grosse Häuser von pyramidaler Form, in Dörfer vereint.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5.

[576] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 259; Bancroft's Nat. Races, vol. iii., pp. 163-9.

[577] 'One of their most remarkable superstitions is found in the fact of their not eating the flesh of large game. This arises from their belief that in the bodies of all large animals the souls of certain generations, long since past, have entered.... A term of reproach from a wild tribe to those more tamed is, "they eat venison."' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6; see also Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[578] 'All their food was either cold or nearly so.... Salt was used very sparingly in their food, from an idea that it had a tendency to turn their hair gray.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. 'I have seen many instances of their taking a rabbit, and sucking its blood with eagerness, previous to consuming the flesh in a crude state.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 239. 'Viven muy regalados con varias semillas, y con la pesca que hacen en sus balsas de tule ... y queriendoles dar cosa de comida, solian decir, que de aquello no, que lo que querian era ropa; y solo con cosa de este género, eran los cambalaches que hacian de su pescado con los Soldados y Arrieros.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79. See also Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 139; Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 102; Id., 1869, pp. 194-5; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 67; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 125; Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 149; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., pp. 82-3.

[579] Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, pp. 83-4.

[580] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 306-9.

[581] The baskets, though water-proof, 'were used only for dry purposes. The vessels in use for liquids were roughly made of rushes and plastered outside and in with bitumen or pitch, called by them sanot.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 454-5; and Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 82.

[582] 'Leurs mortiers de pierre et divers autres ustensiles sont incrustés avec beaucoup d'art de morceaux de nacre de perle.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 319. 'Mortars and pestles were made of granite, about sixteen inches wide at the top, ten at the bottom, ten inches high and two thick.' Soapstone pots were 'about an inch in thickness, and procured from the Indians of Santa Catalina; the cover used was of the same material.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star. On the eastern slopes of the San Bernardino Mountains, blankets are made which will easily hold water. Taylor, in San Francisco Bulletin, 1862, also quoted in Shuck's Cal. Scrap Book, p. 405. 'Todas sus obras son primorosas y bien acabadas.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315.

[583] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 319-20.

[584] 'The planks were bent and joined by the heat of fire, and then paved with asphaltum, called by them chapapote.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860.

[585] At Santa Catalina Vizcaino saw 'vnas Canoguelas, que ellos vsan, de Tablas bien hechas, como Barquillos, con las Popas, y Proas levantadas, y mas altas, que el Cuerpo de la Barca, ò Canoa.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 712; see also Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 18. On the coast of Los Angeles Father Crespi saw 'canoas hechas de buenas tablas de pino, bien ligadas y de una forma graciosa con dos proas.... Usan remos largos de dos palas y vogan con indecible lijeriza y velocidad.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 315. At San Diego Palou describes 'balsas de tule, en forma de Canoas, con lo que entran muy adentro del mar.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 79; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 240; Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 228. Description of balsas, which differ in no respect from those used north.

[586] 'The worth of a rial was put on a string which passed twice and a-half round the hand, i. e., from end of middle finger to wrist. Eight of these strings passed for the value of a silver dollar.' Cal. Farmer, June 1, 1860. 'Eight yards of these beads made about one dollar of our currency.' Id., Jan. 18, 1861.

[587] 'If a quarrel occurred between parties of distinct lodges (villages), each chief heard the witnesses produced by his own people; and then, associated with the chief of the opposite side, they passed sentence. In case they could not agree, an impartial chief was called in, who heard the statements made by both, and he alone decided. There was no appeal from his decision.' Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[588] 'Pour tout ce qui concerne les affaires intérieures, l'influence des devins est bien supérieure à la leur.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 373. At San Diego 'Chaque village est soumis aux ordres absolus d'un chef.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153; or see Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 226. 'I have found that the captains have very little authority.' Stanley, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 194.

[589] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 262-9.

[590] Dr. Hoffman states that in the vicinity of San Diego 'their laws allow them to keep as many wives as they can support.' San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., p. 150. Fages, speaking of the Indians on the coast from San Diego to San Francisco, says: 'Ces Indiens n'ont qu'une seule femme à la fois, mais ils en changent aussi souvent que cela leur convient.' Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 153. Of those in the vicinity of San Luis Rey the same author says: 'Les chefs de ce district ont le privilége de prendre deux on trois femmes, de les répudier ou de les changer aussi souvent qu'ils le veulent; mais les autres habitants n'en ont qu'une seule et ne peuvent les répudier qu'en cas d'adultère.' Id., p. 173.

[591] 'Les veufs des deux sexes, qui veulent se remarier, ne peuvent le faire qu'avec d'autres veufs.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 173; see also Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[592] 'The perverse child, invariably, was destroyed, and the parents of such remained dishonored.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 270. 'Ils ne pensent pas à donner d'autre éducation à leurs enfants qu'à enseigner aux fils exactement ce que faisait leur père; quant aux filles, elles ont le droit de choisir l'occupation qui leur convient le mieux.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1814, tom. ci., p. 153.

[593] The intoxicating liquor was 'made from a plant called Pibat, which was reduced to a powder, and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 271.

[594] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 215. For other descriptions of ceremony observed at age of puberty, see: Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. vi., pp. 150-1; McKinstry, in San Francisco Herald, June, 1853.

[595] 'Pero en la Mision de S. Antonio se pudo algo averiguar, pues avisando á los Padres, que en una de las casas de los Neófitos se habian metido dos Gentiles, el uno con el traje natural de ellos, y el otro con el trage de muger, expresándolo con el nombre de Joya (que dicen llamarlos asi en su lengua nativa) fué luego el P. Misionero con el Cabo y un Soldado á la casa á ver lo que buscaban, y los hallaron en el acto de pecado nefando. Castigáronlos, aunque no con la pena merecida, y afearonles el hecho tan enorme; y respondió el Gentil, que aquella Joya era su muger.... Solo en el tramo de la Canal de Santa Bárbara, se hallan muchos Joyas, pues raro es el Pueblo donde no se vean dos ó tres.' Palou, Vida de Junípero Serra, p. 222. 'Así en esta ranchería como en otros de la canal, hemos visto algunos gentiles con traje de muger con sus nagüitas de gamusa, y muy engruesadas y limpias; no hemos podido entender lo que significa, ni á qué fin.' Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 325. See also Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 283-4; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 371; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 427; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 173.

[596] 'In some tribes the men and the women unite in the dance; in others the men alone trip to the music of the women, whose songs are by no means unpleasant to the ear.' McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853. 'In their religious ceremonial dances they differ much. While, in some tribes, all unite to celebrate them, in others, men alone are allowed to dance, while the women assist in singing.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 214-15.

[597] 'La danse est exécutée par deux couples au son d'une espèce de flûte, les autres restent simples spectateurs et se contentent d'augmenter le bruit en frappant des roseaux secs.' Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., p. 176; Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 289-95; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 214-15; McKinstry, in S. Francisco Herald, June 1853; Reid, in Los Angeles Star; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vi., p. 322.

[598] Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 380. 'When the new year begun, no thought was given to the past; and on this account, even amongst the most intelligent, they could not tell the number of years which had transpired, when desirous of giving an idea of any remote event.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 303.

[599] 'For Gonorrhœa they used a strong decoction of an herb that grows very plentifully here, and is called by the Spanish "chancel agua," and wild pigeon manure, rolled up into pills. The decoction is a very bitter astringent, and may cure some sores, but that it fails in many, I have undeniable proof. In syphilis they use the actual cautery, a living coal of fire applied to the chancer, and a decoction of an herb, said to be something like sarsaparilla, called rosia.' Hoffman, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 152-3.

[600] I am indebted for the only information of value relating to the medical usages of the southern California tribes, to Boscana's MS., literally translated by Robinson in his Life in Cal., pp. 310-14, and also given in substance in Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 378-9, and to Reid's papers on the Indians of Los Angeles County, in the Los Angeles Star, also quoted in Cal. Farmer, Jan. 11, 1861.

[601] See Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 377-8, and plate, p. 248, and Hoffmann, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. v., p. 152.

[602] 'The same custom is now in use, but not only applied to deaths, but to their disappointments and adversities in life, thus making public demonstration of their sorrow.' Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 314-15.

[603] California Farmer, May 22, 1863.

[604] Reid, in Los Angeles Star.

[605] The latitude of which he fixes at 34° 33´.

[606] Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 173-4. Quoted almost literally by Marmier, Notice, in Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 230.

[607] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., p. 317.

[608] In spelling the word Shoshone, I have followed the most common orthography. Many, however, write it Shoshonee, others, Shoshonie, either of which would perhaps give a better idea of the pronunciation of the word, as the accent falls on the final e. The word means 'Snake Indian,' according to Stuart, Montana, p. 80; and 'inland,' according to Ross, Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249. I apply the name Shoshones to the whole of this family; the Shoshones proper, including the Bannacks, I call the Snakes; the remaining tribes I name collectively Utahs.

[609] See Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 249; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9; Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 124; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 377; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178; Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Farley's Sanitary Rept., in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 88; Hesperian Magazine, vol. x., p. 255; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 197; Prince, quoted in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; Bryant, Voy. en Cal., pp. 152, 194; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 276; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 267; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 312; Figuier's Human Race, p. 484; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 585. Mention is made by Salmeron of a people living south of Utah Lake, who were 'blancas, y rosadas las mejillas como los franceses.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101. Escalante, speaking of Indians seen in the same region, lat. 39° 34´ 37´´, says: 'Eran estos de los barbones, y narices agujeradas, y en su idioma se nombran Tirangapui, Tian los cinco, que con su capitan venieron primero, tan crecida la barba, que parecian padres capuchinos ó belemitas.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 476. Wilkes writes, 'Southwest of the Youta Lake live a tribe who are known by the name of the Monkey Indians; a term which is not a mark of contempt, but is supposed to be a corruption of their name.... They are reported to live in fastnesses among high mountains; to have good clothing and houses; to manufacture blankets, shoes, and various other articles, which they sell to the neighboring tribes. Their colour is as light as that of the Spaniards; and the women in particular are very beautiful, with delicate features, and long flowing hair.... Some have attempted to connect these with an account of an ancient Welsh colony, which others had thought they discovered among the Mandans of the Missouri; while others were disposed to believe they might still exist in the Monkeys of the Western Mountains. There is another account which speaks of the Monquoi Indians, who formerly inhabited Lower California, and were partially civilized by the Spanish missionaries, but who have left that country, and of whom all traces have long since been lost.' Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., pp. 502-3. 'On the southern boundary of Utah exists a peculiar race, of whom little is known. They are said to be fair-skinned, and are called the "White Indians;" have blue eyes and straight hair, and speak a kind of Spanish language differing from other tribes.' San Francisco Evening Bulletin, May 15, 1863. Taylor has a note on the subject, in which he says that these fair Indians were doubtless the Moquis of Western New Mexico. Cal. Farmer, June 26, 1863. Although it is evident that this mysterious and probably mythic people belong in no way to the Shoshone family, yet as they are mentioned by several writers as dwelling in a region which is surrounded on all sides by Shoshones, I have given this note, wherefrom the reader can draw his own conclusions.

[610] Beckwith, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 42; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 102.

[611] Speaking of women: 'their breasts and stomachs were covered with red mastic, made from an earth peculiar to these rocks, which rendered them hideous. Their only covering was a pair of drawers of hare-skin, badly sewn together, and in holes.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., p. 386; see also vol. i., p. 127, and vol. ii., pp. 389, 404, 407. 'The women often dress in skirts made of entrails, dressed and sewed together in a substantial way.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. Hareskins 'they cut into cords with the fur adhering; and braid them together so as to form a sort of cloak with a hole in the middle, through which they thrust their heads.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The remaining authorities describe them as naked, or slightly and miserably dressed; see Stansbury's Rept., pp. 82, 202-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 291; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 100; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Bryant's Cal., p. 194; Forney, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 365; Dodge, Ib., pp. 374-5; Fenton, in Id., 1869, p. 203; Graves, in Id., 1854, p. 178; Burton's City of the Saints, pp. 217-18, 272-3, 581, 585; Fremont's Explor. Ex., pp. 148, 168-9, 212, 218, 225, 227, 267; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 197; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Dunn's Oregon, p. 331.

[612] Townsend's Nar., pp. 125, 133; De Smet, Voy., p. 25; Dunn's Oregon, p. 325; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-30, 308-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 249-50, 257-8, vol. ii., pp. 22-3; Chandless' Visit, p. 118; Carvalho's Incid. of Trav., p. 200; White's Ogn., p. 377; Lord's Nat., vol. i., p. 298; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 244, 281.

[613] 'The ermine is the fur known to the north-west traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 313.

[614] Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 312-15.

[615] 'On y rencontre aussi des terres métalliques de différentes couleurs, telles que vertes, bleues, jaunes, noires, blanches, et deux sortes d'ocres, l'une pâle, l'autre d'un rouge brillant comme du vermillion. Les Indiens en font très-grand cas; ils s'en servent pour se peindre le corps et le visage.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83.

[616] 'They remain in a semi-dormant, inactive state the entire winter, leaving their lowly retreats only now and then, at the urgent calls of nature, or to warm their burrows.... In the spring they creep from their holes ... poor and emaciated, with barely flesh enough to hide their bones, and so enervated from hard fare and frequent abstinence, that they can scarcely move.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 179. Stansbury mentions lodges in Utah, east of Salt Lake, which were constructed of 'cedar poles and logs of a considerable size, thatched with bark and branches, and were quite warm and comfortable.' Stansbury's Rept., p. 111; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 255; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 80-1, 129, vol. ii., pp. 362, 373; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 101; Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 154; Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 378; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 98-9; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 247, vol. ii., pp. 256-7; Coke's Rocky Mountains, p. 257; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117; White's Ogn., p. 376; Irving's Astoria, pp. 257, 290; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 305; Fremont's Explor. Ex., 1842-3, pp. 142, 212, 218; Townsend's Nar., p. 136; Dunn's Oregon, pp. 325, 331-2, 337-8; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 179; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61-2; Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 51; Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[617] Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 275; De Smet, Voy., p. 29; Dennison, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 375; Saint-Amant, Voyages, p. 325.

[618] 'They eat the seed of two species of Conifers, one about the size of a hazel-nut, the other much smaller. They also eat a small stone-fruit, somewhat red, or black in colour, and rather insipid; different berries, among others, those of Vaccinium. They collect the seed of the Atriplex and Chenopodium, and occasionally some grasses. Among roots, they highly value that of a bushy, yellowish and tolerably large broomrape, which they cook or dry with the base, or root-stock, which is enlarged, and constitutes the most nutritious part. They also gather the napiform root of a Cirsium acaule, which they eat raw or cooked; when cooked, it becomes quite black, resinous as pitch and rather succulent; when raw, it is whitish, soft, and of a pleasant flavour.' Remy and Brenchley's Journey, vol. i., p. 129. The Shoshones of Utah and Nevada 'eat certain roots, which in their native state are rank poison, called Tobacco root, but when put in a hole in the ground, and a large fire burned over them, become wholesome diet.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 697. 'Of the roots used ... the pap-pa, or wild potatoe, is abundant.' Id., vol. iv., p. 222; see also, Id., vol. v., pp. 199-200. At Bear River, 'every living animal, thing, insect, or worm they eat.' Fremont's Explor. Exp., p. 142, see also pp. 148, 160, 173-4, 212, 218-19, 267, 273. Inland savages are passionately fond of salt; those living near the sea detest it. Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 85. The Utahs eat 'the cactus leaf, piñon-nut, and various barks; the seed of the bunch-grass, and of the wheat, or yellow grass, somewhat resembling rye, the rabbit-bush twigs, which are chewed, and various roots and tubers; the soft sego bulb, the rootlet of the cat-tail flag, and of the tule, which when sun-dried and powdered to flour, keeps through the winter and is palatable even to white men.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581, see also pp. 573, 577. The Pi-Edes 'live principally on lizards, swifts, and horned toads.' Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865. p. 145; see also Id., 1854, p. 229; 1856, p. 234; 1861, p. 112; 1859, p. 365; 1866, pp. 114; 1869, pp. 203, 216; 1870, pp. 95, 114; 1872, p. 59. The Snakes eat a white-fleshed kind of beaver, which lives on poisonous roots, whose flesh affects white people badly, though the Indians roast and eat it with impunity. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 117, see also vol. i., p. 269-72; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 539; Farnham's Life and Adven., pp. 371, 376-8; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 255, 257, 401-2; Wilkes' Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 501; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Bryant's Cal., p. 202; Stansbury's Rept., pp. 77, 148, 233; Kelly's Excursion, vol. i., p. 238; Saxon's Golden Gate, p. 251; Smith, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1828, tom. xxxvii., p. 209; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178-9; Townsend's Nar., p. 144; White's Ogn., p. 376; Parker's Explor. Tour, p. 228-31, 309; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 277; Irving's Astoria, pp. 258, 295; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-30, 127; Stevens, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. i., p. 334; Farnham's Trav., pp. 58, 61; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 242, 270, vol. ii., pp. 19, 60, 61, 64, 244, 311; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 534; Simpson's Route to Pac., pp. 51-2; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 270, 288-9, 298-9; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.

[619] The Wararereeks are 'dirty in their camps, in their dress, and in their persons.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250. The persons of the Piutes are 'more disgusting than those of the Hottentots. Their heads are white with the germs of crawling filth.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'A filthy tribe—the prey of idleness and vermin.' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 325. Bryant says, of the Utahs between Salt Lake and Ogden's Hole, 'I noticed the females hunting for the vermin in the heads and on the bodies of their children; finding which they ate the animals with an apparent relish.' Bryant's Cal., p. 154. The Snakes 'are filthy beyond description.' Townsend's Nar., p. 137. 'J'ai vu les Sheyennes, les Serpents, les Youts, etc., manger la vermine les uns des autres à pleins peignes.' De Smet, Voy., p. 47. 'The Snakes are rather cleanly in their persons.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 61.

[620] 'A weapon called by the Chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. Bulfinch, Oregon, p. 126, says the stone weighs about two pounds. Salmeron also mentions a similar weapon used by the people living south of Utah Lake; concerning whom see note 187, p. 423.

[621] The Utahs 'no usan mas armas que las flechas y algunas lanzas de perdernal, ni tienen otro peto, morrion ni espaldar que el que sacaron del vientre de sus madres.' Escalante, quoted in Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., part iv., p. 126. 'Bows made of the horns of the bighorn ... are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinewes and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309. At Ogden River, in Utah, they work obsidian splinters 'into the most beautiful and deadly points, with which they arm the end of their arrows.' Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 343. 'Pour toute arme, un arc, des flèches et un bâton pointu.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. 'Bows and arrows are their (Banattees) only weapons of defence.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 251. The arrows of the Pa-Utes 'are barbed with a very clear translucent stone, a species of opal, nearly as hard as the diamond; and, shot from their long bow, are almost as effective as a gunshot.' Fremont's Expl. Ex., p. 267. The Pi-Utes and Pitches 'have no weapon of defence except the club, and in the use of that they are very unskilful.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. Southwest of Great Salt Lake, 'their arms are clubs, with small bows and arrows made of reeds.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Pi-Utes 'make some weapons of defence, as bows and arrows. The bows are about six feet long; made of the savine (Juniperus sabina).' Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 378; see farther, Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. ii., pp. 291, 261; Stansbury's Rept., p. 232; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 198; Heap's Cent. Route, pp. 56, 72, 77, 84, 99; Palmer's Jour., p. 134; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Irving's Bonneville's Adven., pp. 146, 255, 400; Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 233; Irving's Astoria, p. 279; Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1822, tom. xiii., p. 50; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.

[622] Remy and Brenchley's Jour., vol. ii., p. 407; Heap's Cent. Route, p. 99; Thornton's Ogn. and Cal., vol. i., p. 171.

[623] 'Taking an enemy's scalp is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. To kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 309; see also p. 265. The Utahs 'will devour the heart of a brave man to increase their courage, or chop it up, boil it in soup, engorge a ladleful, and boast they have drunk the enemy's blood.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581; see also p. 140. The Utahs never carry arrows when they intend to fight on horseback. Heap's Cent. Route, p. 77; see also p. 100; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., pp. 97, 99; Stansbury's Rept., p. 81; De Smet, Voy., pp. 28-9; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 275, vol. ii., pp. 93-6; Bulfinch's Oregon, p. 129; Farnham's Trav., p. 36.

[624] The pipe of the chief 'was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. A small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 267. Pots made of 'a stone found in the hills ... which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire.' Id., p. 312. 'These vessels, although rude and without gloss, are nevertheless strong, and reflect much credit on Indian ingenuity.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274. Pipe-stems 'resemble a walking-stick more than anything else, and they are generally of ash, and from two-and-a-half to three feet long.' Id., vol. ii., p. 109. 'Cooking vessels very much resembling reversed bee-hives, made of basket work covered with buffalo skins.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 244. Stansbury discovered pieces of broken Indian pottery and obsidian about Salt Lake. Stansbury's Rept., p. 182. The material of baskets 'was mostly willow twig, with a layer of gum, probably from the pine tree.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. The Utahs 'manufacture very beautiful and serviceable blankets.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 200. 'Considering that they have nothing but stone hammers and flint knives it is truly wonderful to see the exquisite finish and neatness of their implements of war and hunting, as well as their ear-rings and waist-bands, made of an amalgam of silver and lead.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. 'Les Indiens en font des jarres, des pots, des plats de diverses formes. Ces vaisseaux communiquent une odeur et une saveur très-agréables à tout ce qu'ils renferment; ce qui provient sans doute de la dissolution de quelque substance bitumineuse contenue dans l'argile.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., p. 83. 'The pipes of these Indians are either made of wood or of red earth; sometimes these earthen pipes are exceedingly valuable, and Indians have been known to give a horse in exchange for one of them.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 128-32, 228-9, 234.

[625] Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 274.

[626] Among the Snakes in Idaho garments of four to five beaver-skins were sold for a knife or an awl, and other articles of fur in proportion. Horses were purchased for an axe each. A ship of seventy-four guns might have been loaded with provision, such as dried buffalo, bought with buttons and rings. Articles of real value they thus disposed of cheaply, while articles of comparatively no value, such as Indian head-dress and other curiosities, were held high. A beaver-skin could thus be had for a brass-ring, while a necklace of bears' claws could not be purchased for a dozen of the same rings. Axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons and rings, were most in demand. Clothing was of no value; a knife sold for as much as a blanket; and an ounce of vermilion was of more value than a yard of fine cloth. Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., pp. 257-9. See further, Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316; Townsend's Nar., pp. 133, 138; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Farnham's Trav., p. 61.

[627] 'They inflict no penalties for minor offences, except loss of character and disfellowship.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 306-7; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 128.

[628] 'It is virtuous to seize and ravish the women of tribes with whom they are at war, often among themselves, and to retain or sell them and their children as slaves.' Drews' Owyhee Recon., p. 17. The Pi-Edes 'barter their children to the Utes proper for a few trinkets or bits of clothing, by whom they are again sold to the Navajos for blankets.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45. 'Some of the minor tribes in the southern part of the Territory (Utah), near New Mexico, can scarcely show a single squaw, having traded them off for horses and arms.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582. 'Viennent trouver les blancs, et leur vendent leurs enfants pour des bagatelles.' De Smet, Voy., p. 29; Knight's Pioneer Life, MS.; Utah, Acts, Resolutions, etc., p. 87.

[629] 'A refusal in these lands is often a serious business; the warrior collects his friends, carries off the recusant fair, and after subjecting her to the insults of all his companions espouses her.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 582.

[630] 'The women are exceedingly virtuous ... they are a kind of mercantile commodity in the hands of their masters. Polygamy prevails among the chiefs, but the number of wives is not unlimited.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 123-8. They are given to sensual excesses, and other immoralities. Farnham's Trav., p. 62; see also p. 60. 'Prostitution and illegitimacy are unknown ... they are not permitted to marry until eighteen or twenty years old ... it is a capital offence to marry any of another nation without special sanction from their council and head chief. They allow but one wife.' Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861. At the time of their confinement the women 'sit apart; they never touch a cooking utensil, although it is not held impure to address them, and they return only when the signs of wrath have passed away.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 573. 'Infidelity of the wife, or prostitution of an unmarried female, is punishable by death.' Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 133. 'Our Pi-Ute has a peculiar way of getting a foretaste of connubial bliss, cohabiting experimentally with his intended for two or three days previous to the nuptial ceremony, at the end of which time, either party can stay further proceedings, to indulge other trials until a companion more congenial is found.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 307-8, 315; De Smet, Voy., p. 27.

[631] The Snakes 'ont une sorte de tabac sauvage qui croît dans les plaines contiguës aux montagnes du Spanish-River, il a les feuilles plus étroites que le nôtre, il est plus agréable à fumer, ses effets étant bien moins violens.' Stuart, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1821, tom. xii., pp. 82-3. The Kinik-kinik 'they obtain from three different plants. One is a Cornus, resembling our Cornus sanguinea; after having detached the epidermic cuticle, they scrape the bark and dry it, when it is ready for use. Another is a Vaccinium with red berries; they gather the leaves to smoke them when dry; the third is a small shrub, the fruit and flower of which I have never seen, but resembles certain species of Daphnads (particularly that of Kauai), the leaves of which are in like manner smoked.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 130; see also p. 132; Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. i., p. 250; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306; Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 174; De Smet, Voy., pp. 25-6; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 237, 242-3.

[632] 'En deux occasions diverses, je comptai cinq personnes ainsi montées, dont deux, certes, paraissaient aussi capables, chacune à elle seule, de porter la pauvre bête, que le cheval était à même de supporter leurs poids.' De Smet, Voy., p. 127; Lewis and Clarke's Trav., pp. 266, 309-11, 316; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178.

[633] 'With strong constitutions generally, they either die at once or readily recover.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 581. 'There is no lack of pulmonary difficulties among them.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Press, vol. iii., p. 155. Syphilis usually kills them. Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 316. 'The convollaria stellata ... is the best remedial plant known among those Indians.' Fremont's Explor. Ex., p. 273; Davies, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1861, p. 132; Prince, in Cal. Farmer, Oct. 18, 1861; Coke's Rocky Mts., p. 276; Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 228-9, 240-2.

[634] 'The Yutas make their graves high up the kanyons, usually in clefts of rock.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 150. At the obsequies of a chief of the Timpenaguchya tribe 'two squaws, two Pa Yuta children, and fifteen of his best horses composed the "customs."' Id., p. 577. 'When a death takes place, they wrap the body in a skin or hide, and drag it by the leg to a grave, which is heaped up with stones, as a protection against wild beasts.' Id., p. 582; Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., pp. 131, 345; De Smet, Voy., p. 28; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 359, 363.

[635] The Shoshones of Carson Valley 'are very rigid in their morals.' Remy and Brenchley's Journ., vol. i., p. 85. At Haw's Ranch, 'honest and trustworthy, but lazy and dirty.' Id., p. 123. These Kusi-Utahs 'were very inoffensive and seemed perfectly guileless.' Id., vol. ii., p. 412. The Pai-uches are considered as mere dogs, the refuse of the lowest order of humanity. Farnham's Life and Adven., p. 376. The Timpanigos Yutas 'are a noble race ... brave and hospitable.' Id., p. 371. The Pi-utes are 'the most degraded and least intellectual Indians known to the trappers.' Farnham's Trav., p. 58. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' Id., p. 62. The Bannacks are 'a treacherous and dangerous race.' Id., p. 76. The Pi-Edes are 'timid and dejected;' the Snakes are 'fierce and warlike;' the Tosawitches 'very treacherous;' the Bannacks 'treacherous;' the Washoes 'peaceable, but indolent.' Simpson's Route to Cal., p. 45-9. The Utahs 'are brave, impudent, and warlike ... of a revengeful disposition.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 178. 'Industrious.' Armstrong, in Id., 1856, p. 233. 'A race of men whose cruelty is scarcely a stride removed from that of cannibalism.' Hurt, in Id., p. 231. 'The Pah-utes are undoubtedly the most interesting and docile Indians on the continent.' Dodge, in Id., 1859, p. 374. The Utahs are 'fox-like, crafty, and cunning.' Archuleta, in Id., 1865, p. 167. The Pi-Utes are 'teachable, kind, and industrious ... scrupulously chaste in all their intercourse.' Parker, in Id., 1866, p. 115. The Weber-Utes 'are the most worthless and indolent of any in the Territory.' Head, in Id., p. 123. The Bannocks 'seem to be imbued with a spirit of dash and bravery quite unusual.' Campbell, in Id., p. 120. The Bannacks are 'energetic and industrious.' Danilson, in Id., 1869, p. 288. The Washoes are docile and tractable. Douglas, in Id., 1870, p. 96. The Pi-utes are 'not warlike, rather cowardly, but pilfering and treacherous.' Powell, in Id., 1871, p. 562. The Shoshokoes 'are extremely indolent, but a mild, inoffensive race.' Irving's Bonneville's Adven., p. 257. The Snakes 'are a thoroughly savage and lazy tribe.' Franchère's Nar., p. 150. The Shoshones are 'frank and communicative.' Lewis and Clarke's Trav., p. 306. The Snakes are 'pacific, hospitable and honest.' Dunn's Oregon, p. 325. 'The Snakes are a very intelligent race.' White's Ogn., p. 379. The Pi-utes 'are as degraded a class of humanity as can be found upon the earth. The male is proud, sullen, intensely insolent.... They will not steal. The women are chaste, at least toward their white brethren.' Farley, in San Francisco Medical Jour., vol. iii., p. 154. The Snakes have been considered 'as rather a dull and degraded people ... weak in intellect, and wanting in courage. And this opinion is very probable to a casual observer at first sight, or when seen in small numbers; for their apparent timidity, grave, and reserved habits, give them an air of stupidity. An intimate knowledge of the Snake character will, however, place them on an equal footing with that of other kindred nations, either east or west of the mountains, both in respect to their mental faculties and moral attributes.' Ross' Fur Hunters, vol. ii., p. 151. 'Les Sampectches, les Pagouts et les Ampayouts sont ... un peuple plus misérable, plus dégradé et plus pauvre. Les Français les appellent communément les Dignes-de-pitié, et ce nom leur convient à merveille.' De Smet, Voy., p. 28. The Utahs 'pariassent doux et affables, très-polis et hospitaliers pour les étrangers, et charitables entre eux.' Id., p. 30. 'The Indians of Utah are the most miserable, if not the most degraded, beings of all the vast American wilderness.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 64. The Utahs 'possess a capacity for improvement whenever circumstances favor them.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. The Snakes are 'la plus mauvaise des races des Peaux-Rouges que j'ai fréquentées. Ils sont aussi paresseux que peu prévoyants.' Saint-Amant, Voy., p. 325. The Shoshones of Idaho are 'highly intelligent and lively ... the most virtuous and unsophisticated of all the Indians of the United States.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, April 27, 1860. The Washoes have 'superior intelligence and aptitude for learning.' Id., June 14, 1861; see also Id., June 26, 1863. The Nevada Shoshones 'are the most pure and uncorrupted aborigines upon this continent ... they are scrupulously clean in their persons, and chaste in their habits ... though whole families live together, of all ages and both sexes, in the same tent, immorality and crime are of rare occurrence.' Prince, in Id., Oct. 18, 1861. The Bannacks 'are cowardly, treacherous, filthy and indolent.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 223. 'The Utahs are predatory, voracious and perfidious. Plunderers and murderers by habit ... when their ferocity is not excited, their suspicions are so great as to render what they say unreliable, if they do not remain altogether uncommunicative.' Id., vol. v., pp. 197-8. The Pa-Vants 'are as brave and improvable as their neighbours are mean and vile.' Burton's City of the Saints, p. 577. 'The Yuta is less servile, and consequently has a higher ethnic status than the African negro; he will not toil, and he turns at a kick or a blow.' Id., p. 581. The Shoshokoes 'are harmless and exceedingly timid and shy.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 538.

[636] The Comanches 'are divided into three principal bands, to wit: the Comanche, the Yamparack and the Tenawa.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 230; 'Ietans, termed by the Spaniards Comanches, and in their own language Na-uni, signifying "life people."' Prichard's Nat. Hist., vol. ii., p. 549. 'The Comanches and the numerous tribes of Chichimecas ... are comprehended by the Spaniards under the vague name of Mecos.' Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 422. 'The tribe called themselves Niyuna.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 575-6; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 231; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 175; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; French's Hist. La., p. 155. 'Se divide en cuatro ramas considerables bajo los nombres de Cuchanticas, Jupes, Yamparicas y Orientales.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 318; see also Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 121. The Jetans or Camanches, as the Spaniards term them, or Padoucas, as they are called by the Pawnees. Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214.

[637] Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 76. 'Los Indios yutas, ... son los mismos que los comanches ó cumanches, pues yuta eso quiere decir en la lengua de los lipanes. Por consiguente no se pueden distinguir esos nombres, que aunque de dos lenguas diferentes espresan una misma nacion.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 251. 'The Comanches are a branch of the Shoshones or Snakes.' Ruxton's Adven., p. 244. 'The Pawnees are descended from a cousin-germanship of the same stock.' Edward's Hist. Tex., pp. 108-9. 'Si le sang des Aztéques existe encore sans mélange en Amerique, il doit couler dans les veines des Comanches.' Domenech's Jour., p. 16; see also Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24; Buschmann, Spuren der Azt. Spr., p. 391.

[638] 'Probably because their winter quarters are always located amid the forests which grow upon the Sierras.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 243.

[639] Cordero gives the following tribal names, which he says are used among themselves: Vinni ettinenne, Tontos; Segatajenne, Chiricaguis; Tjuiccujenne, Gileños; Iccujenne, Mimbreños; Yutajenne, Faraones; Sejenne, Mescaleros; Cuelcajenne, Llaneros; Lipajenne and Yutajenne, Lipans and Navajos. Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 369, 379-385. 'Los pimas gileños llaman á los yavipais taros ó nifores; los jamajabs les llaman yavipais y nosotros apaches.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 265, 352-3. 'Yavipais Tejua que son los indómitos Apaches.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 471. 'Yavapais, or Apache Mohaves, as they are more generally called.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 217. 'Pueden dividirse en nueve tribus principales ... Tontos, Chirocahues, Gileños, Mimbreños, Faraones, Mezcaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes y Navajoes. Todos hablan un mismo idioma.... No componen una nacion uniforme en sus usos y costumbres, pero coinciden en la major parte de sus inclinaciones, variando en otras con proporcion á los terrenos de su residencia, á las necesidades que padecen.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 314. Apaches, 'their name is said to signify 'men.'' Mescaleros, 'the meaning of the name, probably, is drinkers of mescal.' Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 118-9. Froebel's Central Amer., pp. 309, 353, 491; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 161, 223, 425; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 285; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 351; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 216; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 212-13; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 298; Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 108, and Id., 1864, p. 182, 1858, p. 197; Bailey, in Id., 1858, p. 206; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 42; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. Called Coyoteros, because it is believed that 'they feed upon the flesh of the coyote.' Hardy's Trav., p. 430. 'Les Gileños ... avec les Axuas et les Apaches qui viennent de la Sierra Madre sont confondus sous le nom de Pápagos.' Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 213; Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., pp. 79-80. 'Tonto, in Spanish means stupid.' 'Tonto is a Spanish corruption of the original Indian name.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 5-8; Ayers, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 175; Collins, in Id., 1860, p. 161; Id., 1861, p. 122; Maxwell, in Id., 1863, p. 116; Parker, in Id., 1869, p. 23; Walker, in Id., 1872, p. 53; Clum, in Id., 1871, p. 368; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 214; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 275; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 308.

[640] 'The Apaches and their congeners belong to the Athapascan family.' Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 84, and in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 311; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10.

[641] 'The Apaches call the Navajoes Yútahkah. The Navajoes call themselves, as a tribe, Tenúai (man). The appellation Návajo was unquestionably given them by the Spaniards.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217, 218. 'The Navajoes and Apaches are identically one people.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306; Ruxton's Adven., p. 194; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 229; Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 389. 'Navajoes and Apaches have descended from the same stock.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 134. 'The Navajoes are a Pueblo Indian.' Griner, in Id., p. 329. 'Allied to the Crow Indians.' Fitzpatrick, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 133; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 348. 'Most civilized of all the wild Indians of North America.' Farnham's Life in Cal., p. 372. The Navajoes 'are a division of the ancient Mexicans.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180.

[642] '"Yumah," signifies "Son of the River," and is only applied to the Indians born on the banks of the Colorado. This nation is composed of five tribes ... among which ... the Yabipaïs (Yampaïs or Yampaos).' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. 'The Cajuenches and Cuchans ... belong to two different divisions of one tribe, which forms part of the great nation of the Yumas.' Id., p. 10.

[643] Cosninos, 'Es ist mehrfach die Ansicht ausgesprochen worden, dass die meisten derselben zu dem Stamme der Apaches gehören, oder vielmehr mit ihnen verwandt sind.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 330-1; Figuier's Human Race, p. 482.

[644] 'The Yampais form a connecting link between the Gila, Colorado, and Pueblo Indians.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. Yampais are related to the Yumas. Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., p. 431. Yampais: 'Unable to separate them from the Tonto-Apaches.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[645] 'Llaman á estos indios los cruzados, por unas cruces que todos, chicos y grandes se atan del copete, que les viene á caer en la frente; y esto hacen cuando ven á los españoles.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iii., p. 31.

[646] 'Unos dicen que á un lado de estas naciones (Yutas) para hácia al Poniente está la nacion de los nijoras, y otros afirman que no hay tal nacion Nijora, sino que esta palabra nijor quiere decir cautivo, y que los cocomaricopas les dan de noche á las naciones mas inmediatas y les quitan sus hijos, los que cautivan y venden á los pimas y éstos á los españoles; si es asi que hay tal nacion, está en esta inmediacion del rio Colorado para el rio Salado ó rio Verde.' Noticias de la Pimeria, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 838. 'Todos estos cautivos llaman por acá fuera Nijores, aunque hay otra nacion Hijeras á parte.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 852.

[647] For further particulars as to location of tribes, see notes on Tribal Boundaries, at the end of this chapter.

[648] 'Besonders fiel uns der Unterschied zwischen den im Gebirge, ähnlich den Wölfen lebenden Yampays und Tontos ... und den von vegetabilischen Stoffen sich nährenden Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales auf, indem erstere nur kleine hässliche Gestalten mit widrigem tückischem Ausdruck der Physiognomie waren, die anderen dagegen wie lauter Meisterwerke der schöpferischen Natur erschienen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[649] The Navajos are 'of good size, nearly six feet in height, and well proportioned; cheek-bones high and prominent, nose straight and well shaped; hair long and black; eyes black; ... feet small; lips of moderate size; head of medium size and well shaped; forehead not small but retreating.' Lethermann, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. 'Fine looking, physically.' 'Most symmetrical figure, combining ease, grace and power, and activity.' And the Comanches 'about five feet ten inches in height, with well proportioned shoulders, very deep chest, and long, thin, but muscular arms.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 49, 305, 15. The Mojave 'men are tall, erect, and finely proportioned. Their features are inclined to European regularity; their eyes large, shaded by long lashes.' The Cuchans are 'a noble race, well formed, active and intelligent.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 110, 114. The Navajos are distinguished 'by the fullness and roundness of their eyes.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 31. 'The Camanches are small of stature ... wear moustaches and heads of long hair.' Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 15. The Comanches 'que da un aspecto bien particular á estas naciones, es la falta completa de cejas, pues ellos se las arrancan; algunos tienen una poca barba.' Berlandier and Thovel, Diario, p. 253. The Yumas 'if left to their natural state, would be fine looking,' but the Hualpais 'were squalid, wretched-looking creatures, with splay feet, large joints and diminutive figures ... features like a toad's.... They present a remarkable contrast to our tall and athletic Mojaves.' The Navajos are 'a fine looking race with bold features.' 'The Mojaves are perhaps as fine a race of men physically, as there is in existence.' Ives' Colorado River, pp. 44, 54, 97-8, 108, 73, 128, 19, 39, 59, 66, plate p. 66. The Comanches are 'de buena estatura.' Beaumont, Crónica de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527. The people between the Colorado and Gila rivers. 'Es gente bien agestada y corpulenta, trigueños de color.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cruzados are described as 'bien agestados y nobles y ellas hermosas de lindos ojos y amorosas.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; see also Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. x., p. 446. In New Mexico Allegre describes them as 'corpulentos y briosos, pero mal agestados, las orejas largas ... tienen poco barba.' Allegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; and of the same people Alcedo writes 'son de mejor aspecto, color y proporcion que los demás.' Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184. And Lieut. Möllhausen, who frequently goes into ecstasies over the splendid figures of the lower Colorado people, whom he calls the personification of the ancient gods of the Romans and Greeks, says further that they are 'grosse, schön gewachsene Leute,' and describes their color as 'dunkelkupferfarbig.' Of the women he adds 'Ganz im Gegensatze zu den Männern sind die Weiber der Indianer am Colorado durchgängig klein, untersetzt und so dick, dass ihr Aussehen mitunter an's komische gränzt.' Comparing the Hualapais with the Mojaves he writes 'auf der einen Seite die unbekleideten, riesenhaften und wohlgebildeten Gestalten der Mohaves ... auf der andern Seite dagegen die im Vergleich mit erstern, zwergähnlichen, hagern.... Figuren der Wallpays, mit ihren verwirrten, struppigen Haaren, den kleinen, geschlitzten Augen undmden falschen, gehässigen Ausdruck in ihren Zügen.' The Cosninos he calls 'hässlich und verkümmert.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 331, 382-8; Möllhausen, Reisen, tom. i., pp. 123-4, 199, 215, 274, 293, 318, tom. ii., pp. 43, 37, and plate frontispiece. Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 140. The Comanche 'men are about the medium stature, with bright copper-coloured complexions ... the women are short with crooked legs ... far from being as good looking as the men.' In the Colorado Valley 'are the largest and best-formed men I ever saw, their average height being an inch over six feet.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 279. 'Les Comanchés ont la taille haute et élancée, et sont presque aussi blancs que les Européens.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, serie v., No. 96, p. 192. And of the Comanches see further. Dragoon Camp., p. 153. 'Robust, almost Herculean race.' Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. 'Exceedingly handsome.' Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308; Hartmann and Millard's Texas, p. 109. 'Women are ugly, crooklegged, stoop-shouldered.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 189, 232, 194; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 373; Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 267; see also Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 101; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 37-8; Domenech, Journ., p. 132. The Yuma 'women are generally fat.' 'The men are large, muscular, and well formed.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 180, 178. Navajo women are 'much handsomer and have lighter complexions than the men.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 218-19; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 52; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 7, 10, 24, 65, plate 8. The Navajos have 'light flaxen hair, light blue eyes ... their skin is of the most delicate whiteness.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 545; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. On the Mojaves see further, Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Cal. Mercantile Jour., vol. i., p. 227, plate; Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 363. And on the Yumas. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 387; Browne's Apache Country, p. 61; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 22, 1860. Women's 'feet are naturally small.' Emory's Rept., in U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 109. The Yampais are broad-faced, and have 'aquiline noses and small eyes.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. Indian Traits, in Hayes Col.

[650] 'Their average height is about five feet four or five inches. They are but slimly built, and possess but little muscular development ... light brownish red color.' Some have 'a Chinese cast of countenance ... rusty black hair.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. Their 'features were flat, negro-like ... small legged, big-bellied and broad-shouldered.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. 'More miserable looking objects I never beheld;' legs, 'large and muscular.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 139. 'Widerliche Physiognomien und Gestalten ... unter mittlerer Grösse ... grosse Köpfe, vorstehende Stirn und Backenknochen, dicke Nasen, aufgeworfene Lippen und kleine geschlitzte Augen.... Ihr Gesicht war dunkler als ich es jemals bei Indianern gefunden.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360. 'Von zottigen weit abstehenden Haupthaaren bedeckt.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iii., p. 49. 'Ill-formed, emaciated, and miserable looking race ... had all a treacherous-fiendish look.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327. 'Physically of a slighter build than any Indians I have seen.' Clum, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 47. 'Most wretched looking Indians I have ever seen.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 14. 'Small in stature.... Coal-black eye.' Peters' Life of Carson, p. 326. 'Hair is very black and straight, much resembling horse hair ... appears to belong to the Asiatic type.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Gipsy looking with an eye singularly wild and piercing.' Houstoun's Texas, p. 227. 'Have very light complexions.' Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580. 'Die Lipanis haben blondes Haar, und sind schöne Leute.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 215, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 421. 'Sont des beaux hommes.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'Tall, majestic in figure; muscular.' Brantz-Mayer's Mex. Aztec., etc., vol. ii., p. 123. 'Fine physical conformation.' Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298. 'Their skin looked whiter than I have ever seen it in the Indians.' Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 71. 'Crian pié menor que los otros indios.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564. 'Todos son morenos, cuerpo bien proporcionado, ojos vivos, cabello largo y lampiños.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 265. 'Su talla y color diferencian algo en cada tribu, variando este desde el bronceado al moreno. Son todos bien proporcionados ... y ninguna barba.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 314; see also Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 370-1. 'Though not tall, are admirably formed, with fine features and a bright complexion, inclining to yellow.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117. 'Son altos, rubios y de bellisimas proporciones.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 55. 'Taille ordinaire, de couleur foncé.' 'Comme ces Indiens ne font leur nourriture que de chair et principalement de celle de l'âne et du mulet, ils exhalent une odeur si pénétrante que les chevaux et surtout les mules rebroussent chemin aussitôt qu'ils les éventent.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187.

[651] 'Cut their hair short over the forehead, and let it hang behind.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 65. Distinguished 'durch den vollständig gleichmässigen Schnitt ihrer schwarzen Haare.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 274; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384; Browne's Apache Country, 107; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 15, 18; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 460, 461; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 98, 110.

[652] Mojave girls, after they marry, tattoo the chin 'with vertical blue lines.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463. Yumas: 'Doch ist ihnen das Tätowiren nicht fremd; dieses wird indessen mehr von den Frauen angewendet welche sich die Mundwinkel und das Kinn mit blauen Punkten und Linien schmücken.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 385; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 151-2; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Treasury of Trav., p. 32.

[653] 'Das Gesicht hatten sich alle Vier (Mojaves) auf gleiche Weise bemalt, nämlich kohlschwarz mit einem rothen Striche, der sich von der Stirne über Nase, Mund und Kinn zog.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 383, 385, 388; plate, 394. 'Painted perfectly black, excepting a red stripe from the top of his forehead, down the bridge of his nose to his chin.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 67. The Apaches 'Se tiñen el cuerpo y la cara con bastantes colores.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5. 'Pintura de greda y almagre con que se untan la cara, brazos y piernas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 11; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211; Hardy's Trav., p. 337; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., and plate; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 110; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 858.

[654] 'Naked with the exception of the breech-cloth.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 14, 18; see also plates; Mojave men 'simply a breech-cloth.' Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871. 'No clothing but a strip of cotton.... The Yumas display 'a ludicrous variety of tawdry colors and dirty finery.' Ives' Colorado Rept., pp. 54, 59, 66. See colored plates of Yumas, Mojaves, and Hualpais, 'Andan enteramente desnudos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Hardy's Trav., pp. 336, 342; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 162; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 33; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 29, 132; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 93, p. 186; Indian Traits, vol. i., in Hayes Col.

[655] 'A few stripes of the inner bark of the willow or acacia tied scantily round their waists.' Hardy's Trav., p. 336. 'Long fringe of strips of willow bark wound around the waist.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. The men wear 'a strip of cotton,' the women 'a short petticoat, made of strips of bark.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 66. 'Nude, with the exception of a diminutive breech cloth.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 29. 'Las mas se cubren de la cintura hasta las piernas con la cáscara interior del sauce.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres se cubren de la cintura á la rodilla con la cáscara interior del sauce.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 138; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., plate and cuts; Touner, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 364; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 109, 110, with plate.

[656] 'Partly clothed like the Spaniards, with wide drawers, moccasins and leggings to the knee ... their moccasins have turned-up square toes ... mostly they have no head-dress, some have hats, some fantastic helmets.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 184. 'They prefer the legging and blanket to any other dress.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 320, 328. 'Mexican dress and saddles predominated, showing where they had chiefly made up their wardrobe.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61. 'Los hombres, se las acomodan alrededor del cuerpo, dejando desambarazados los brazos. Es en lo general la gamuza ó piel del venado la que emplean en este servicio. Cubren la cabeza de un bonete ó gorra de lo mismo, tal vez adornado de plumas de aves, ó cuernos de animales.... El vestuario de las mujeres es igualmente de pieles.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'Cervinis tergoribus amiciuntur tam fœminæ quam mares.' Benavides, in De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 431, 437; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 5; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 214; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 451; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 210, 211; Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 174; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 248; Roedel, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 397; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 161, 424; see also Froebel's Cent. Am., pp. 309, 490; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 46, 166, 167; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. ii., p. 173; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 417; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82.

[657] The hair of the Mohaves is occasionally 'matted on the top of the head into a compact mass with mud.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Their pigments are ochre, clay, and probably charcoal mingled with oil.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Ihr Hauptschmuck dagegen sind die langen, starken Haare, die mittelst nasser Lehmerde in Rollen gedreht.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124. The Axuas 'Beplastered their bodies and hair with mud.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 343-4, 356, 368, 370; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 61, 63.

[658] Small white beads are highly prized by the Mohaves. Ives' Colorado River, pp. 68-9. 'The young girls wear beads ... a necklace with a single sea-shell in front.' The men 'leather bracelets, trimmed with bright buttons ... eagles' feathers, called "sormeh," sometimes white, sometimes of a crimson tint ... strings of wampum, made of circular pieces of shell.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., pp. 114, 115. 'Shells of the pearl-oyster, and a rough wooden image are the favorite ornaments of both sexes' with the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Sus adornos en el cuello y brazos son sartas de pesuñas de venado y berrendos, conchas, espinas de pescado y raices de yerbas odoríferas. Las familias mas pudientes y aseadas bordan sus trajes y zapatos de la espina del puerco-espin.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'Adórnanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas, de conchas coloradas redondas.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Las mugeres por arracadas ó aretes, se cuelgan conchas enteras de nácar, y otras mayores azules en cada oreja.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 424; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Cremony's Apaches, p. 222; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 167; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 181; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 837; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 60-64; Michler, in Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, pp. 109-110; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 33, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 389, 394, 399; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 210; Hardy's Trav., p. 364; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, pp. 418-19; Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 266, 268, 273; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 437; Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64.

[659] The 'hair is worn long and tied up behind' by both sexes; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Langes starkes Haar in einen dicken Zopf zusammengeknotet.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 36; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329.

[660] 'Tolerably well dressed, mostly in buckskin.... They dress with greater comfort than any other tribe, and wear woolen and well-tanned buckskin ... the outer seams are adorned with silver or brass buttons.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 406, 411, 412. Leggins made of deer-skin with thick soles ... a leathern cap shaped like a helmet, decorated with cocks', eagles' or vultures' feathers. Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 481, 482. 'Auf dem Kopfe tragen sie eine helmartige Lederkappe die gewöhnlich mit einem Busch kurzer, glänzender Truthahnfedern und einigen Geier oder Adlerfedern geschmückt ist.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 229, 230. 'A close banded cap is worn by the men which is gracefully ornamented by feathers, and held under the chin by a small throat-latch.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435, and plate vii., Fig. 3, p. 74. 'Their wardrobes are never extravagantly supplied.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. The women 'wear a blanket.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128, and plate. The women 'wore blankets, leggins and moccasons.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 51, 52, 81. 'Over all is thrown a blanket, under and sometimes over which is worn a belt, to which are attached oval pieces of silver.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. The women's dress is 'chiefly composed of skins ... showily corded at the bottom, forming a kind of belt of beads and porcupine quills.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 118-9. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 220, 224, 235; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., pp. 36, 37; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305.

[661] 'Tattooed over the body, especially on the chest.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Tattoo their faces and breasts.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Mares juxta atque fœminæ facies atque artus lineis quibusdam persignant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Farnham's Trav., p. 32.

[662] 'They never cut the hair, but wear it of very great length, and ornament it upon state occasions with silver and beads.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 25. 'Their heads are covered with bits of tin and glass.' Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182. 'Der dicke und lang über den Rücken hinabhängende Zopf mit abwärts immer kleiner werdenden silbernen Scheiben belastet, die, im Nacken mit der Grösse einer mässigen Untertasse beginnend, an der Spitze des Zopfes mit der Grösse eines halben Thalers endigten.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100, and Froebel's Cent. Am., p. 266. They 'never cut their hair, which they wear long, mingling with it on particular occasions silver ornaments and pearls.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24. 'Todos ellos llevan la cabeza trasquilada desde la mitad hasta la frente, y dejan lo demas del pelo colgando.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527; Revista Cientifica, tom. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 194; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299; Combier, Voy., p. 224.

[663] 'Im Gesichte mit Zinnober bemalt, auf dem Kopfe mit Adlerfedern geschmückt.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100. 'It takes them a considerable time to dress, and stick feathers and beads in their hair.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 281. 'Fond of decking themselves with paint, beads and feathers.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 26, 30. 'Vederbosschen op't hoofd.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209. 'En quanto á los colores, varian mucho, no solamente en ellos, sino tambien en los dibujos que se hacen en la cara.' García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299. The Comanches 'de tout sexe portent un miroir attaché au poignet, et se teignent le visage en rouge.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 27, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 35, 36; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 181, 194, 197, 202; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 119; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147, plate; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80; Gilliam's Trav., p. 305; Horn's Captivity, p. 25.

[664] 'The Camanches prefer dark clothes.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 180, 181, 202. 'Les guerriers portent pour tout vêtement une peau de buffle en manteau.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'Las mugeres andan vestidas de la cintura para abajo con unos cueros de venado adobado en forma de faldellines, y cubren el cuerpo con unos capotillos del mismo cuero.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 527. 'Vistense galanos ... asi hombres como mugeres con mantas pintadas y bordadas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. 'Sus vestidos se componen de unas botas, un mediano delantal que cubre sus vergüenzas, y un coton, todo de pieles: las mugeres usan una manta cuadrada de lana negra muy estrecha.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332. 'Tam mares quam fœminæ gossypinis tunicis et ferarum exuviis vestiebantur ad Mexicanorum normam et quod insolens barbaris, ideoque Hispanis novum visum, utebantur calceis atque ocreis quæ è ferarum tergoribus et taurino corio consuta erant. Fœminis capillus bene pexus et elegantur erat dispositus, nec ullo præterea velamine caput tegebant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311; Froebel, Aus Amerika, pp. 99, 101; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Warden, Recherches, pp. 79, 80; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 299; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 31, 91; Revista Cientifica, tom. i., p. 162; Horn's Captivity, p. 22; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 29, 45; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450; Cremony's Apaches, p. 15; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147, plate; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 252, 272, 273; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 216, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 243; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. iv., p. 127; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 109; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 310, 312; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 228; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; Domenech, Jour., pp. 134, 135; Maillard, Hist. Tex., p. 240, Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 372, 377; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., p. 331; Houstoun's Tex., p. 227; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 24.

[665] The Apaches 'rarely remain more than a week in any one locality.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 240. 'Cette nation étant nomade et toujours à la poursuite du gibier.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266; Marcy's Army Life, p. 44; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; Backus, in Id., vol. iv., p. 213; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 89; Bailey, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 206; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 325; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 325; Holley's Texas, p. 152; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 437; Delaporte, Reisen, pt. x., p. 456.

[666] 'The principal characteristic I believe, is the form of their wigwams; one sets up erect poles, another bends them over in a circular form, and the third gives them a low oval shape.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 106. Other tribes make their lodges in a different way, by a knowledge of which circumstance, travelers are able to discover on arriving at a deserted camp whether it belongs to a hostile or friendly tribe. Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213; Hartmann and Millard, Texas, p. 110; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bulletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[667] 'Sus chozas ó jacales son circulares, hechas de ramas de los árboles, cubiertas con pieles de caballos, vacas, ó cíbolos.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371. 'I did expect ... to find that the Navajos had other and better habitations than the conical, pole, brush, and mud lodge.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 77. 'The Camanches make their lodges by placing poles in the ground in a circle and tying the tops together.' Parker's Notes on Texas, p. 213. Huts are only temporary, conical, of sticks. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'Sie bestanden einfach aus grossen Lauben von Cedernzweigen, deren Wölbung auf starken Pfählen ruhte, und von Aussen theilweise mit Erde, Lehm, und Steinen bedeckt war.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 15, 220-233. 'Un grand nombre de forme ronde.' Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 379. 'Their lodges are rectangular.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 194; Ives' Colorado River, p. 100; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 482.

[668] 'They make them of upright poles a few feet in height ... upon which rest brush and dirt.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 111-12. 'The very rudest huts hastily constructed of branches of cedar trees, and sometimes of flat stones for small roofs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. These huts are about eight feet high, eighteen feet in diameter at base, the whole being covered with bark or brush and mud. Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 60. 'Exceedingly rude structures of sticks about four or five feet high.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. 'The Comanches make their lodges ... in a conical shape ... which they cover with buffalo hides.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 213. 'Ils habitent sous des tentes.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., tom. 96, p. 192; Davis' El Gringo, p. 414; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 243; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 290; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 413; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 279; Domenech, Jour., p. 131; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 97; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Emory's Recon., p. 61; Marcy's Rept., p. 219; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cli., p. 274; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., pp. 372-9; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, p. 417; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 239; see also, Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 109-115; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 230; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 443; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 544; Hardy's Trav., p. 336.

[669] Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'This compels the Navajoes to erect substantial huts of an oval form, the lower portion of the hut being excavated.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 306. 'They live in brush houses, in the winter time, digging a hole in the ground and covering this with a brush roof.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 218; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 136; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 241.

[670] 'Their lodges are ... about four or five feet high, with a triangular opening for ingress or egress.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213. The most they do is to build small huts ... with thick poles for the arches and a small door through which a single person can hardly pass. Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 266. A ranchería of the Cuabajai is described as 'formada como una grande galeria en una pieza muy larga adornada con arcos de sauz, y cubierta con esteras de tule muy delgadas y bien cocidas; tenia ventanas para la luz y desahogar el humo y dos puertas, una al Oriente y otra al Poniente, ... á los dos lados de la pieza habia varios cámaras ó alojamientos para dormir.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 474-5.

[671] 'Some live in caves in the rocks.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'They do not live in houses built of stone as has been repeatedly represented, but in caves, caverns, and fissures of the cliffs.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'Ils habitaient des cavernes et des lieux souterrains, où ils déposaient leurs récoltes.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 309. Most of the Navajos 'live in houses built of stone.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352; Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 825; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679; Sanchez, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 93; Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem., p. 88.

[672] 'The large cottonwood posts and the substantial roof of the wide shed in front, are characteristic of the architecture of this people.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 23, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'They are built upon sandy soil and are thirty or forty feet square; the sides about two feet thick of wicker-work and straw ... their favorite resort seems to be the roof, where could usually be counted from twenty to thirty persons, all apparently at home.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 464.

[673] See plate in Marcy's Army Life, p. 48. 'The fire is made in the front of the lodge.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 70.

[674] 'In every village may be seen small structures, consisting of a frame-work of slight poles, bent into a semi-spherical form and covered with buffalo hides. These are called medicine lodges and are used as vapor-baths.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60. 'They make huts three feet high for bath-rooms and heat them with hot stones.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289.

[675] Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xviii., p. 464; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 23, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.

[676] 'Ils sont très-laborieux; ils cultivent les melons, les haricots, et d'autres légumes; ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Bohnen, Mais, Weizen, feingeriebenes Mehl, Kürbisse und Melonen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 385, 396-7. 'The Yumas and other tribes on the Colorado, irrigate their lands, and raise wheat, corn, melons, &c.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 263, 180, 181; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 81; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 60, 67, 70, 73; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 128, 129; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 40, 65, 66; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 51, 52, 107; Mowry's Arizona, p. 33; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 91; Mexicanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 111; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 13, 120, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 288-9; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in Cal.; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25-6.

[677] 'A small but agreeable nut called the Piñon, grows abundantly in this country; and during a period of scarcity, it sometimes constitutes the sole food of the poorer class of natives for many successive weeks.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'Living upon the fruit of the mezquit and tornilla trees.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 10, 19; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'Tambien tienen para su sustento mescali, que es conserva de raiz de maguey.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 31; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Hardy's Trav., pp. 338; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 147, 331, 350, 396, 397; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 446; Castañeda, in Id., série i., tom. ix., pp. 53, 54; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 217; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 234.

[678] 'The quail and hare of the valley, and the deer and lizards of the plains, together furnish but a scanty supply.' Ehrenberg, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 110. 'They ate worms, grasshoppers, and reptiles.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 115-116. 'An den dünnen Gurt hatten unsere Besucher noch Ratten, grosse Eidechsen und Frösche befestigt.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 383. 'Depending upon game and roots for food.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 137, and 1869, p. 92. 'Mas para ellos es plato regaladísimo el de ratones del campo asados ó cocidos y toda especie de insectos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332; Hardy's Trav., p. 430; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 419, 473; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 484; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; Cremony's Apaches, p. 297.

[679] On the Rivers Colorado and Gila. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas, en que forman á modo de un pequeño barquito para pescar del infinito pescado que hay en el rio.' Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. The Cajuenches when the produce is insufficient, live on fish. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 10. The Navajos 'live by raising flocks and herds, instead of hunting and fishing.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. The Apaches 'no comen pescado alguno, no obstante de lo que abundan sus rios.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375. 'El Apache no come el pescado, aunque los hay abundantes en sus rios.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 285; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 149; Hardy's Trav., p. 373; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 227-8.

[680] 'They do not make butter and cheese.... Some who own cattle make from the curd of soured milk small masses, which some have called cheese.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'They never to my knowledge make butter or cheese, nor do I believe they know what such things are.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. The Navajoes 'make butter and cheese.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Some of the 'men brought into camp a quantity of cheese.' Ives' Colorado River, pp. 128, 130.

[681] Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112. 'They plant corn very deep with a stake and raise very good crops.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 337; Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 172.

[682] 'The metate is a slightly hollowed hard stone, upon which soaked maize is laid and then reduced to paste.... The paste so formed is then patted between the hands until it assumes a flat, thin and round appearance when it is laid on a hot pan and baked into a tortilla.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 145-6. 'Ils récoltent aussi en abondance le maïs dont ils font de tortillas.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Their meat was boiled with water in a Tusquin (clay kettle) and this meat-mush or soup was the staple of food among them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114, 115. 'A large Echino Cactus ... hollowed so as to make a trough. Into this were thrown the soft portions of the pulpy substance which surrounds the heart of the cactus; and to them had been added game and plants gathered from the banks of the creek. Mingled with water, the whole had been cooked by stirring it up with heated stones.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 96. 'Ils mangent des pains de maïs cuits sous la cendre, aussi gros que les gros pains de Castille.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 49; Hardy's Trav., p. 238; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 63; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 291; Castaño de Soza, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., pp. 330-1.

[683] 'The Apaches rely chiefly upon the flesh of the cattle and sheep they can steal ... they are said, however, to be more fond of the meat of the mule than that of any other animal.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 290-1. 'A nonproductive race, subsisting wholly on plunder and game.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 141. The Jicarilla Apaches: 'the chase is their only means of support.' Carson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 164. 'They live entirely by hunting.' Delgado, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1866, p. 138. 'Die Nahrung der Apaches besteht hauptsächlich in dem Fleische der Rinder und Schafe ... doch soll, wie man sagt, Maulthierfleisch ihre Lieblingsspeise sein.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352. 'Ihre besten Leckerbissen sind Pferde und Mauleselfleisch, welches sie braten und dem Rindfleische vorziehen.' Ochs, in Murr, Nachrichten, p. 289. Their daintiest food is mule and horseflesh. Apostólicos Afanes, p. 432. 'Anteriormente antes que en la frontera abundase el ganado, uno de sus alimentos era la came del caballo, y la caza de diferentes animales.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 266-7; Edward's Hist. Texas, p. 95; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 112; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 327; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 116; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 282; Stanley's Portraits, p. 57; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Edwards' Campaign, p. 95; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202; see further Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854-73; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 308; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679.

[684] 'What I would have sworn was an antelope, proved to be a young Indian, ... who having enveloped himself in an antelope's skin with head, horns and all complete, had gradually crept up to the herd under his disguise.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 28, 194. 'Se viste de una piel de los mismos animales, pone sobre su cabeza otra de la clase de los que va á buscar, y armado de su arco y flechas andando en cuatro piés, procura mezclarse en una banda da ellos.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 372; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 262.

[685] 'They always asked if we had bear on the table, for they wished to avoid it.... I found they had some superstitious prejudice against it.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 324. 'The Apaches are rather fond of lion and panther meat, but seldom touch that of the bear.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 226. 'Tambien matan para comer osos.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 25. The Navajoes 'never kill bears or rattlesnakes unless attacked.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. 'Sie verehren den Bären, der nie von ihnen getödtet wird, und dessen Fleisch zu essen sie sich scheuen. Schweinefleisch verschmähen sie desgleichen; beim iärgsten Hunger können sie es nicht über sich gewinnen, davon zu kosten.' Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 278; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 370.

[686] 'The Northern and Middle Comanches ... subsist almost exclusively upon the flesh of the buffalo, and are known among the Indians as buffalo-eaters.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 26, 46. 'They plant no corn, and their only food is meat, and a few wild plants that grow upon the prairies.' Marcy's Rept., p. 188. The Comanches are a 'nation subsisting solely by the chase.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 214. 'Subsist mainly upon the buffalo.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180. 'Acknowledge their entire ignorance of even the rudest methods of agriculture.' Baylor, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1856, p. 177; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 103, and Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 268; Combier, Voy., p. 292; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 115; Gregg's Com. Prairies, pp. 214-16, 307; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Foote's Texas, p. 298; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 21; Domenech, Jour., p. 469; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Dufey, Résumé, tom. i., p. 4; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385.

[687] 'Luego que los cíbolos echan á huir, los cazadores sin apresurarlos demasiado los persiguen á un galope corto, que van activando mas y mas hasta que rompen en carrera ... el indio sin cesar de correr, dispara su arco en todas direcciones, y va sembrando el campo de reses.... Las indias al mismo tiempo van dessollando cada una de aquellas reses, recogiendo la piel y la carne.' Revista Científica, tom. i., pp. 165-6. 'At a suitable distance from their prey they divide into two squadrons, one half taking to the right, and the other to the left, and thus surround it.' Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108; French's Hist. Coll. La., pt. ii., p. 155; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 214-216. Women when they perceive a deer or antelope 'give it chase, and return only after capturing it with the lasso.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 249.

[688] 'When any game was killed, the Indians would tear out the heart, liver, and entrails, and eat them raw.' Frost's Ind. Battles, p. 385. 'Ces Indiens se nourissent de viande crue et boivent du sang.... Ils coupent la viande en tranches très-minces et la font sécher au soleil; ils la réduisent ensuite en poudre pour la conserver.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 190-1. 'They "jerked" or dried the meat and made the pemmican.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 18. 'Comen las criadillas crudas, recogiendo la sangre que corre del cuerpo con unas tutundas ó jicaras, se la beben caliente.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 528; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Horn's Captivity, pp. 16, 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345.

[689] 'At one time their larder is overstocked and they gorge themselves to repletion.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 32, 44, 46. 'Catch and tame these wild horses, and when unsuccessful in chase, subsist upon them.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'When pressed by hunger from scarcity of game, they subsist on their young horses and mules.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3. 'Have a rare capacity for enduring hunger, and manifest great patience under its infliction. After long abstinence they eat voraciously.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 231; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 235; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108.

[690] The tribe 'lived in the most abject condition of filth and poverty.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'With very few exceptions, the want of cleanliness is universal—a shirt being worn until it will no longer hang together, and it would be difficult to tell the original color.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'They are fond of bathing in the summer, ... but nothing can induce them to wash themselves in winter.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 302. They give off very unpleasant odors. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 307. 'They seem to have a natural antipathy against water, considered as the means of cleansing the body ... water is only used by them in extreme cases; for instance, when the vermin become too thick on their heads, they then go through an operation of covering the head with mud, which after some time is washed out.' Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 130; Ives' Colorado Riv., 108; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 470.

[691] 'They defecate promiscuously near their huts; they leave offal of every character, dead animals and dead skins, close in the vicinity of their huts.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 380.

[692] The Mojave 'arms are the bow and arrow, the spear and the club.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Armed with bows and arrows.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. The Querechos 'use the bow and arrow, lance and shield.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 19, 23. 'The Apache will invariably add his bow and arrows to his personal armament.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 15, 75-6, 103, 189. 'Neben Bogen und Pfeilen führen sie noch sehr lange Lanzen.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230. 'They use the bow and arrow and spear.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. 'Armed with bows and arrows, and the lance.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. For colored lithograph of weapons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 50, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'El armamento de los apaches se componen de lanza, arco y flechas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'Las armas de los apaches son fusil, flechas y lanza.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315. 'Los Yumas son Indios ... de malas armas, muchos no llevan arco, y si lo llevan es mal dispuesto, y con dos ó tres flechas.' Garces, in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 190; Drew, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 105; Odin, in Domenech, Jour., p. 450; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 71; Dewees' Texas, p. 233; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 543; Dragoon Camp., p. 153; Moore's Texas, p. 33; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 602; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 421; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Combier, Voy., p. 224; Brantz-Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 123; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 452; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 185; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 328-9, 451; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 274; Möllhausen, Mormonenmädchen, tom. ii., p. 152; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 480-2, with cut.

[693] 'Their weapons of war are the spear or lance, the bow, and the laso.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173.

[694] Among 'their arms of offence' is 'what is called Macána, a short club, like a round wooden mallet, which is used in close quarters.' Hardy's Trav., p. 373. 'War clubs were prepared in abundance.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 176. Die Apachen 'nur Bogen, Pfeile und Keulen.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 444. 'Their clubs are of mezquite wood (a species of acacia) three or four feet long.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'Ils n'ont d'autre arme qu'un grand croc et une massue.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186. 'Arma sunt ... oblongi lignei gladii multis acutis silicibus utrimque muniti.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Sus Armas son Flechas, y Macanas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. Among the Comanches: 'Leur massue est une queue de buffle à l'extrémité de laquelle ils insèrent une boule en pierre on en métal.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 302.

[695] 'Mit vierstreifigen Strickschleudern bewaffnet.' Mexikanische Zustände, tom. i., p. 64. 'Sie fechten mit Lanzen, Büchsen, Pfeilen und Tamahaks.' Ludecus, Reise, p. 104. 'Une petite hache en silex.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., p. 539; Treasury of Trav., p. 31; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 272.

[696] The Querecho 'bows are made of the tough and elastic wood of the "bois d'arc" or Osage orange (Maclura Aurantiaca), strengthened and reenforced with the sinews of the deer wrapped firmly around them, and strung with a cord made of the same material.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Tonto 'bow is a stout piece of tough wood ... about five feet long, strengthened at points by a wrapping of sinew ... which are joined by a sinew string.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Navajo 'bow is about four feet in length ... and is covered on the back with a kind of fibrous tissue.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Yuma 'bow is made of willow.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108. 'Langen Bogen von Weidenholz.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 124. Apaches: 'the bow forms two semicircles, with a shoulder in the middle; the back of it is entirely covered with sinews, which are laid on ... by the use of some glutinous substance.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338. 'Los tamaños de estas armas son differentes, segun las parcialidades que las usan.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 117, 149; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 450.

[697] The Apaches: 'Tous portaient au poignet gauche le bracelet de cuir ... Ce bracelet de cuir est une espèce de paumelle qui entoure la main gauche, ... Le premier sert à amortir le coup de fouet de la corde de l'arc quand il se détend, la seconde empêche les pennes de la flèche de déchirer la peau de la main.' Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 256. 'With a leather bracelet on one wrist and a bow and quiver of arrows form the general outfit.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418.

[698] The Coyoteros 'use very long arrows of reed, finished out with some hard wood, and an iron or flint head, but invariably with three feathers at the opposite end.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. Navajoes: 'the arrow is about two feet long and pointed with iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. The Querechos 'arrows are twenty inches long, of flexible wood, with a triangular point of iron at one end, and two feathers ... at the opposite extremity.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 24. The Apache 'arrows are quite long, very rarely pointed with flint, usually with iron. The feather upon the arrow is placed or bound down with fine sinew in threes, instead of twos.... The arrow-shaft is usually made of some pithy wood, generally a species of yucca.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209. 'Sagittæ acutis silicibus asperatæ.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Arrows were ... pointed with a head of stone. Some were of white quartz or agate, and others of obsidian.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 98. The Tonto 'arrows ... are three feet long ... the cane is winged with four strips of feather, held in place by threads of sinew ... which bears on its free end an elongated triangular piece of quartz, flint, or rarely iron.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. The Lipan arrows 'have four straight flutings; the Comanches make two straight black flutings and two red spiral ones.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 270; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 82; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Conder's Mex. Guat., vol. ii., p. 76; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 360; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 149.

[699] The Apache 'quivers are usually made of deer-skin, with the hair turned inside or outside, and sometimes of the skin of the wild-cat, with the tail appended.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210. 'Quiver of sheep-skin.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 461. 'Quiver of fresh-cut reeds.' Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 39. 'Un carcax ó bolsa de piel de leopardo en lo general.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 31, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80.

[700] 'The spear is eight or ten feet in length, including the point, which is about eighteen inches long, and also made of iron.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 293. Should the Apaches possess any useless firearms, 'generalmente vienen á darles nuevo uso, haciendo de ellas lanzas, cuchillos, lengüetas de flechas.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 372. 'La lanza la usan muy larga.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315. 'Lance of fifteen feet in length.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 338; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Holley's Texas, p. 153; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 242; Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 162; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298.

[701] The Comanche 'shield was round ... made of wicker-work, covered first with deer skins and then a tough piece of raw buffalo-hide drawn over, ... ornamented with a human scalp, a grizzly bear's claw and a mule's tail ... for the arm were pieces of cotton cloth twisted into a rope.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 195. 'En el brazo izquierdo llevaba el chimal, que es un escudo ovalado, cubierto todo de plumas, espejos, chaquiras y adornos de paño encarnado.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 162. Their shield 'is generally painted a bright yellow.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 268. 'Shield of circular form, covered with two thicknesses of hard, undressed buffalo hide, ... stuffed with hair ... a rifle-ball will not penetrate it unless it strikes perpendicular to the surface.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24-5; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 31; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. A 'Navajo shield ... with an image of a demon painted on one side ... border of red cloth, ... trimmed with feathers.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 454; Linati, Costumes, plate xxii.; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 104.

[702] 'Wherever their observations can be made from neighboring heights with a chance of successful ambush, the Apache never shows himself.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 79, 189. 'Attacking only when their numbers, and a well-laid ambush, promise a certainty of success.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'Colocan de antemano una emboscada.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 375; Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, pp. 221-3, 256; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 4; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 47; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, p. 107; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Davis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 161.

[703] 'Salen ... generalmente divididos en pequeñas partidas para ocultar mejor sus rastros.... Es imponderable la velocidad con que huyen despues que han ejecutado un crecido robo ... las montañas que encumbran, los desiertos sin agua que atraviesan.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 316. 'They steal upon their enemies under the cover of night.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 107; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 434; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 375-6; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276.

[704] 'La practica, que observan para avisarse los unos à los otros ... es levantar humaredas.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 394. 'Smokes are of various kinds, each one significant of a particular object.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 183-4. 'In token of retreate sounded on a certaine small trumpet ... made fires, and were answered againe afarre off ... to giue their fellowes vnderstanding, how wee marched and where we arriued.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 376; Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. ii., p. 157; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[705] 'La suma crueldad con que tratan á los vencidos atenaccandolos vivos y comiendose los pedazos de la carne que la arrancan.' Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4. 'Their savage and blood-thirsty natures experience a real pleasure in tormenting their victim.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 266. 'Hang their victims by the heels to a tree and put a slow fire under their head.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 201, 93, 96. Among the Navajos, 'Captives taken in their forays are usually treated kindly.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 295. 'Ils scalpent avec la corde de leur arc, en la tournant rapidement autour de la tête de leur victime.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 303; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-118, 138, 149, 218; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 180; Labadi, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1862, p. 247; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 167; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 10; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118.

[706] Cremony's Apaches, p. 216; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114.

[707] 'Obran en la guerra con mas táctica que los apaches.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 318. 'A young man is never considered worthy to occupy a seat in council until he has encountered an enemy in battle.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 34; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 22; Domenech, Jour., pp. 140-1; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346; Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 243.

[708] 'When a chieftain desires to organize a war-party, he ... rides around through the camp singing the war-song.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 53. 'When a chief wishes to go to war ... the preliminaries are discussed at a war-dance.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 280; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 315.

[709] 'They dart forward in a column like lightning.... At a suitable distance from their prey, they divide into two squadrons.' Holley's Texas, p. 153. 'A Comanche will often throw himself upon the opposite side of his charger, so as to be protected from the darts of the enemy.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 312-13; Dewees' Texas, p. 234; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Ludecus, Reise, p. 104.

[710] 'Ils tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfants, qu'ils élèvent avec soin pour s'en servir comme d'esclaves.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 290. 'Invariably kill such men as offer the slightest impediment to their operations, and take women and children prisoners.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 24, 54. 'Prisoners of war belong to the captors.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Farnham's Trav., p. 32; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 41; Foote's Texas, vol. i., p. 298; Horn's Captivity, p. 15; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 205.

[711] 'Ten chiefs were seated in a circle within our tent, when the pipe, the Indian token of peace, was produced ... they at first refused to smoke, their excuse being, that it was not their custom to smoke until they had received some presents.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 39.

[712] 'I saw no earthenware vessels among them; the utensils employed in the preparation of food being shallow basins of closely netted straw. They carried water in pitchers of the same material, but they were matted all over with a pitch.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419. 'Aus Binsen und Weiden geflochtene Gefässe, mitunter auch einige aus Thon geformte;' ... by the door stood 'ein breiter Stein ... auf welchem mittelst eines kleineren die Mehlfrüchte zerrieben wurden.' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 396, 404. 'Panniers of wicker-work, for holding provisions, are generally carried on the horse by the women.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 129. 'Their only implements are sticks.' Greene, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 140. 'They (the Axuas of Colorado River) had a beautiful fishing-net made out of grass.' ... 'They had also burnt earthen jars, extremely well made. The size of each of them might be about two feet in diameter in the greatest swell; very thin, light, and well formed.' Hardy's Trav., p. 338. 'Nets wrought with the bark of the willow.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'Tienen mucha loza de las coloradas, y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros; almofias, xicaras muy galanas: alguna de la loza está vidriada. Tienen mucho apercibimiento de leña, é de madera, para hacer sus casas, en tal manera, á lo que nos dieron á entender, que cuando uno queria hacer casa, tiene aquella madera allí de puesto para el efecto, y hay mucha cantidad. Tiene dos guaxexes á los lados del pueblo, que le sirven para se bañar, porque de otros ojos de agua, á tiro de arcabuz, beben y se sirven. A un cuarto de legua va el rio Salado, que decimos, por donde fué nuestro camino, aunque el agua salada se pierde de muchas leguas atrás.' Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., p. 331; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Feb. 14th, 1862; Browne's Apache Country, p. 200. 'Their only means of farming are sharpened sticks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 50.

[713] 'Their utensils for the purpose of grinding breadstuff, consist of two stones; one flat, with a concavity in the middle; the other round, fitting partly into the hollow of the flat stone.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[714] 'The cradle of the Navajo Indians resembles the same article made by the Western Indians. It consists of a flat board, to support the vertebral column of the infant, with a layer of blankets and soft wadding, to give ease to the position, having the edges of the frame-work ornamented with leather fringe. Around and over the head of the child, who is strapped to this plane, is an ornamented hoop, to protect the face and cranium from accident. A leather strap is attached to the vertebral shell-work, to enable the mother to sling it on her back.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 435-6, and plate p. 74.

[715] 'The saddle is not peculiar but generally resembles that used by the Mexicans. They ride with a very short stirrup, which is placed further to the front than on a Mexican saddle. The bit of the bridle has a ring attached to it, through which the lower jaw is partly thrust, and a powerful pressure is exerted by this means when the reins are tightened.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 292. 'Sa selle est faite de deux rouleaux de paille reliés par une courroie et maintenus par une sangle de cuir.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 80. The Navajos have 'aus zähem Eschenholz gefertigten Sattelbogen.' Möllhausen, Flüchtling, tom. iv., p. 39.

[716] 'Das Netz war weitmaschig, aus feinen, aber sehr starken Bastfäden geflochten, vier Fuss hoch, und ungefähr dreissig Fuss lang. Von vier zu vier Fuss befanden sich lange Stäbe an demselben, mittelst welcher es im Wasser, zugleich aber auch auf dem Boden und aufrecht gehalten wurde.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 227; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 220.

[717] 'El apache para sacar lumbre, usa ... un pedazo de sosole y otro de lechuguilla bien secos. Al primero le forman una punta, lo que frotan con la segunda con cuanta velocidad pueden á la manera del ejercicio de nuestros molinillos para hacer el chocolate: luego que ambos palos se calientan con la frotacion, se encienden y producen el fuego.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 282.

[718] The Navajos 'manufacture the celebrated, and, for warmth and durability, unequaled, Navajo blanket. The Navajo blankets are a wonder of patient workmanship, and often sell as high as eighty, a hundred, or a hundred and fifty dollars.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 53. 'Navajo blankets have a wide and merited reputation for beauty and excellence.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 341; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., p. 314; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 13, 32, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 481; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 125; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Farnham's Life in Cal., pp. 373-4.

[719] 'This art may have been acquired from the New Mexicans, or the Pueblo Indians.' Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217. 'This manufacture of blankets ... was originally learned from the Mexicans when the two people lived on amicable terms.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 367.

[720] 'The blanket is woven by a tedious and rude process, after the manner of the Pueblo Indians.... The manner of weaving is peculiar, and is, no doubt, original with these people and the neighboring tribes.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 437.

[721] 'The spinning and weaving is done ... by hand. The thread is made entirely by hand, and is coarse and uneven.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. 'The wool or cotton is first prepared by carding. It is then fastened to the spindle near its top, and is held in the left hand. The spindle is held between the thumb and the first finger of the right hand, and stands vertically in the earthen bowl. The operator now gives the spindle a twirl, as a boy turns his top, and while it is revolving, she proceeds to draw out her thread, precisely as is done by our own operatives, in using the common spinning-wheel. As soon as the thread is spun, the spindle is turned in an opposite direction, for the purpose of winding up the thread on the portion of it next to the wooden block.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436.

[722] Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are woven in bands and diamonds. We have never observed blankets with figures of a complicated pattern.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291.

[723] 'The colors, which are given in the yarn, are red, black, and blue. The juice of certain plants is employed in dyeing, but it is asserted by recent authorities that the brightest red and blue are obtained by macerating strips of Spanish cochineal, and altamine dyed goods, which have been purchased at the towns.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 436. 'The colors are red, blue, black, and yellow; black and red being the most common. The red strands are obtained by unravelling red cloth, black by using the wool of black sheep, blue by dissolving indigo in fermented urine, and yellow is said to be by coloring with a particular flower.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 291. The women 'welche sich in der Wahl der Farben und der Zusammenstellung von bunten Streifen und phantastischen Figuren in dem Gewebe gegenseitig zu übertreffen suchen. Ursprünglich trugen die Decken nur die verschiedenen Farben der Schafe in breiten Streifen, doch seit die Navahoes farbige, wollene Stoffe von Neu-Mexiko beziehen können, verschaffen sie sich solche, um sie in Fäden aufzulösen, und diese dann zu ihrer eigenen Weberei zu verwenden.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 235; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195.

[724] 'Ils (the Apaches) travaillent bien les cuirs, font de belles brides.' Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 82. 'They manufacture rough leather.' Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 335. 'Man macht Leder.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 195. 'It has been represented that these tribes (the Navajos) wear leather shoes.... Inquiry from persons who have visited or been stationed in New Mexico, disaffirms this observation, showing that in all cases the Navajo shoes are skins, dressed and smoked after the Indian method.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 204; Cremony's Apaches, p. 305; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 286. They 'knit woolen stockings.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 411. 'They also manufacture ... a coarse woolen cloth with which they clothe themselves.' Clark, in Hist. Mag., vol. viii., p. 280; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 403, vol. ii., pp. 244-5. 'The Navajoes raise no cotton.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212. 'Sie sind noch immer in einigen Baumwollengeweben ausgezeichnet.' Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349. 'These people (the inhabitants of Arizona in 1540) had cotton, but they were not very carefull to vse the same: because there was none among them that knew the arte of weauing, and to make apparel thereof.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 433; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 184.

[725] The Xicarillas, 'manufacture a sort of pottery which resists the action of fire.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 8; Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 177. The Yuma 'women make baskets of willow, and also of tule, which are impervious to water; also earthen ollas or pots, which are used for cooking and for cooling water.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Revillagigedo, Carta, MS., p. 21. 'Figure 4. A scoop or dipper, from the Mohave tribe, and as neat and original an article in earthenware as could well be designed by a civilized potter.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 46, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Professor Cox was informed that the New Mexican Indians colored their pottery black by using the gum of the mezquite, which has much the appearance and properties of gum arabic, and then baking it. Much of the ancient pottery from the Colorado Chiquito is colored, the prevailing tints being white, black, and red.' Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 250; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195. The Yampais had 'some admirably made baskets of so close a texture as to hold water; a wicker jar coated with pine tree gum.' Sitgreaves' Zuñi. Ex., p. 10; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243.

[726] Gregg's Com. Prairies, p. 286. 'In regard to the manufacture of plumage, or feather-work, they certainly display a greater fondness for decorations of this sort than any Indians we have seen.... I saw no exhibition of it in the way of embroidery.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349.

[727] 'Mines d'argent exploitées par les Comanches, qui en tirent des ornements pour eux et pour leurs chevaux, ainsi que des balles pour leurs fusils.' Domenech, Jour., p. 132.

[728] The Mescaleros had 'a raft of bulrush or cane, floated and supported by some twenty or thirty hollow pumpkins fastened together.' Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., p. 56. The Yumas had 'batteaus which could hold 200 or 300 pounds weight.' Id., vol. iv., p. 546. The Mojaves had 'Flössen, die von Binsen-Bündeln zusammengefügt waren (die einzige Art von Fahrzeug, welche ich bei den Bewohnern des Colorado-Thales bemerkte).' Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 401. 'Merely bundles of rushes placed side by side, and securely bound together with willow twigs ... their owners paddled them about with considerable dexterity.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 117, and plate. Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 238, 254; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69.

[729] 'Immense numbers of horses and sheep, attesting the wealth of the tribe.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 128, 130. 'They possess more wealth than all the other wild tribes in New Mexico combined.' Graves, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 179. 'They are owners of large flocks and herds.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 211, 212; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180; Davis' El Gringo, p. 411; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 291-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 289; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 567; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 173; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 124; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 349; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 79; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460; Cremony's Apaches, p. 254; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 60.

[730] The Jicarilla Apaches 'manufacture a species of coarse earthenware, which they exchange for corn and wheat.' Keithly, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 115. Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 123.

[731] 'Das Eigenthum des Vaters nicht auf den Sohn übergeht, sondern dass Neffen und Nichten als die rechtmässigen Erben anerkannt werden wenn nicht der Vater bei Lebzeiten schon seine Habe an die eigenen Kinder geschenkt hat.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234. 'The husband has no control over the property of his wife.... Property does not descend from father to son, but goes to the nephew of the decedent, or, in default of a nephew, to the niece ... but if, while living, he distributes his property to his children, that disposition is recognised.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 294-5. 'When the father dies ... a fair division is not made; the strongest usually get the bulk of the effects.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357.

[732] 'The blankets, though not purchasable with money ... were sold, in some instances, for the most trifling article of ornament or clothing.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 81. Shell beads, which they call 'pook,' are their substitute for money.' Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 115.

[733] The Querechos encountered by Coronado had with them 'un grand troupeau de chiens qui portaient tout ce qu'ils possédaient.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 117. 'The only property of these people, with the exception of a few articles belonging to their domestic economy, consists entirely in horses and mules.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 22; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 23; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Marcy's Rept., p. 188; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 116-17.

[734] 'There are no subdivisions of land acknowledged in their territory, and no exclusive right of game.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 131. 'Their code is strictly Spartan.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 23.

[735] 'They are sufficiently astute in dealing.' Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232. 'Le chef des Indiens choisit, parmi ces objets, ceux qui sont nécessaires à sa tribu.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 193. 'In Comanche trade the main trouble consists in fixing the price of the first animal. This being settled by the chiefs.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 45; Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 190, 234; Burnet, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 232; Domenech, Jour., p. 130; Dewees' Texas, p. 36.

[736] Mr Bartlett, describing an excursion he made to the Sierra Waco near the Copper Mines in New Mexico, says, he saw 'an overhanging rock extending for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures ... some of them, evidently of great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 170-4, with cuts. In Arizona, Emory found 'a mound of granite boulders ... covered with unknown characters.... On the ground nearby were also traces of some of the figures, showing some of the hieroglyphics, at least, to have been the work of modern Indians.' Emory's Reconnoissance, pp. 89, 90, with cut. The Comanches 'aimaient beaucoup les images, qu'ils ne se lassaient pas d'admirer.' Domenech, Jour., p. 136.

[737] 'The Apaches count ten thousand with as much regularity as we do. They even make use of the decimal sequences.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 237.

[738] 'They have no computation of time beyond the seasons ... the cold and hot season ... frequently count by the Caddo mode—from one to ten, and by tens to one hundred, &c.... They are ignorant of the elements of figures.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 129-30. 'Ce qu'ils savent d'astronomie se borne à la connaissance de l'étoile polaire.... L'arithmétique des sauvages est sur leurs doigts; ... Il leur faut absolument un objet pour nombrer.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., pp. 112-13.

[739] The Navajos have no tribal government, and in reality no chiefs. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288. 'Their form of government is so exceedingly primitive as to be hardly worthy the name of a political organization.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 412, 413; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71. 'Ils n'ont jamais connu de domination.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série. v., No. 96, p. 187. 'Each is sovereign in his own right as a warrior.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 177.

[740] 'It is my opinion that the Navajo chiefs have but very little influence with their people.' Bennett, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 238, and 1870, p. 152; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357.

[741] 'Los padres de familia ejercen esta autoridad en tanto que los hijos no salen de la infancia, porque poco antes de salir de la pubertad son como libres y no reconocen mas superioridad que sus propias fuerzas, ó la del indio que los manda en la campaña.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 282-3. 'Every rich man has many dependants, and these dependants are obedient to his will, in peace and in war.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89. 'Every one who has a few horses and sheep is a "head man."' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 288; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233. The rule of the Querechos is 'essentially patriarchal.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20.

[742] 'When one or more (of the Navajos) are successful in battle or fortunate in their raids to the settlements on the Rio Grande, he is endowed with the title of captain or chief.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 357. 'En cualquiera de estas incorporaciones toma el mando del todo por comun consentimiento el mas acreditado de valiente.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. The Comanches have 'a right to displace a chief, and elect his successor, at pleasure.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346. A chief of the Comanches is never degraded 'for any private act unconnected with the welfare of the whole tribe.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130.

[743] The office of chief is not hereditary with the Navajos. Cremony's Apaches, p. 307. The wise old men of the Querechos 'curb the impetuosity of ambitious younger warriors.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 20. 'I infer that rank is (among the Mojaves), to some extent, hereditary.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 67, 71. 'This captain is often the oldest son of the chief, and assumes the command of the tribe on the death of his father,' among the Apaches. Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 210.

[744] The Mescaleros and Apaches 'choose a head-man to direct affairs for the time being.' Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 315. 'Es gibt auch Stämme, an deren Spitze ein Kriegs- sowie ein Friedens-Häuptling steht.' Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 279; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[745] When Col. Langberg visited the Comanches who inhabit the Bolson de Mapimi, 'wurde dieser Stamm von einer alten Frau angeführt.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 222; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 352; Hardy's Trav., p. 348. 'I have never known them (Comanches) to make a treaty that a portion of the tribe do not violate its stipulations before one year rolls around.' Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 267.

[746] The chiefs of the Comanches 'are in turn subject to the control of a principal chief.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 345. 'La autoridad central de su gobierno reside en un gefe supremo.' Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 229. The southern Comanches 'do not of late years acknowledge the sovereignty of a common ruler and leader in their united councils nor in war.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 43. The Gila Apaches acknowledge 'no common head or superior.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, pp. 170, 172.

[747] The Comanches 'hold regular councils quarterly, and a grand council of the whole tribe once a year.' Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 108. 'At these councils prisoners of war are tried, as well as all cases of adultery, theft, sedition and murder, which are punished by death. The grand council also takes cognizance of all disputes between the chiefs, and other matters of importance.' Maillard's Hist. Tex., p. 244. 'Their decisions are of but little moment, unless they meet the approbation of the mass of the people; and for this reason these councils are exceedingly careful not to run counter to the wishes of the poorer but more numerous class, being aware of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of enforcing any act that would not command their approval.' Collins, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 274. 'Singulis pagis sui Reguli erant, qui per praecones suos edicta populo denuntiabant.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 311. 'Tienen otra Persona, que llaman Pregonero, y es la segunda Persona de la República; el oficio de este, es manifestar al Pueblo todas las cosas que se han de hacer.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 337; Id., tom. i., p. 680. They recognize 'no law but that of individual caprice.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109. The Comanches 'acknowledge no right but the right of the strongest.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575. 'La loi du talion est la base fondamentale du code politique, civil et criminel de ces diverses peuplades, et cette loi reçoit une rigoureuse application de nation à nation, de famille à famille, d'individu à individu.' Hartmann and Millard, Tex., p. 114.

[748] The Comanches punish 'Adultery, theft, murder, and other crimes ... by established usage.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. Among the Navajos, 'Lewdness is punished by a public exposure of the culprit.' Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 180. Marcy's Army Life, pp. 26, 59. Navajoes 'regard each other's right of property, and punish with great severity any one who infringes upon it. In one case a Navajo was found stealing a horse; they held a council and put him to death.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 344. A Cuchano young boy who frightened a child by foretelling its death, which accidentally took place the next day, 'was secretly accused and tried before the council for "being under the influence of evil spirits,"' and put to death. Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Feudge, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1868, p. 137. Among the Yumas, 'Each chief punishes delinquents by beating them across the back with a stick. Criminals brought before the general council for examination, if convicted, are placed in the hands of a regularly appointed executioner of the tribe, who inflicts such punishment as the council may direct.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.

[749] The Apache chief Ponce, speaking of the grief of a poor woman at the loss of her son, says: 'The mother of the dead brave demands the life of his murderer. Nothing else will satisfy her.... Would money satisfy me for the death of my son? No! I would demand the blood of the murderer. Then I would be satisfied.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 69. 'If one man (Apache) kills another, the next of kin to the defunct individual may kill the murderer—if he can. He has the right to challenge him to single-combat.... There is no trial, no set council, no regular examination into the crime or its causes; but the ordeal of battle settles the whole matter.' Id., p. 293.

[750] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 7; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294. 'Ils (Comanches) tuent tous les prisonniers adultes, et ne laissent vivre que les enfans.' Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 98. The Navajos 'have in their possession many prisoners, men, women, and children, ... whom they hold and treat as slaves.' Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244.

[751] One boy from Mexico taken by the Comanches, said, 'dass sein Geschäft in der Gefangenschaft darin bestehe die Pferde seines Herrn zu weiden.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 102; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 313. The natives of New Mexico take the women prisoners 'for wives.' Marcy's Rept., p. 187. Some prisoners liberated from the Comanches, were completely covered with stripes and bruises. Dewees' Texas, p. 232. Miss Olive Oatman detained among the Mohaves says: 'They invented modes and seemed to create necessities of labor that they might gratify themselves by taxing us to the utmost, and even took unwarranted delight in whipping us on beyond our strength. And all their requests and exactions were couched in the most insulting and taunting language and manner, as it then seemed, and as they had the frankness soon to confess, to fume their hate against the race to whom we belonged. Often under the frown and lash were we compelled to labor for whole days upon an allowance amply sufficient to starve a common dandy civilized idler.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 114-18, 130.

[752] 'It appeared that the poor girl had been stolen, as the Indian (Axua) said, from the Yuma tribe the day before, and he now offered her for sale.' Hardy's Trav., p. 379. 'The practice of parents selling their children is another proof of poverty' of the Axuans. Id., p. 371.

[753] 'According to their (Tontos') physiology the female, especially the young female, should be allowed meat only when necessary to prevent starvation.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 115. The Comanches 'enter the marriage state at a very early age frequently before the age of puberty.' Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132. Whenever a Jicarilla female arrives at a marriageable age, in honor of the 'event the parents will sacrifice all the property they possess, the ceremony being protracted from five to ten days with every demonstration of hilarity.' Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 109; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28-9. Among the Yumas, the applicant for womanhood is placed in an oven or closely covered hut, in which she is steamed for three days, alternating the treatment with plunges into the near river, and maintaining a fast all the time.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 110-11. The Apaches celebrate a feast with singing, dancing, and mimic display when a girl arrives at the marriageable state, during which time the girl remains 'isolated in a huge lodge' and 'listens patiently to the responsibilities of her marriageable condition,' recounted to her by the old men and chiefs. 'After it is finished she is divested of her eyebrows.... A month afterward the eye lashes are pulled out.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 143, 243-6.

[754] There is no marriage ceremony among the Navajoes 'a young man wishing a woman for his wife ascertains who her father is; he goes and states the cause of his visit and offers from one to fifteen horses for the daughter. The consent of the father is absolute, and the one so purchased assents or is taken away by force. All the marriageable women or squaws in a family can be taken in a similar manner by the same individual; i. e., he can purchase wives as long as his property holds out.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 357; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 233.

[755] Among the Apaches, the lover 'stakes his horse in front of her roost.... Should the girl favor the suitor, his horse is taken by her, led to water, fed, and secured in front of his lodge.... Four days comprise the term allowed her for an answer.... A ready acceptance is apt to be criticised with some severity, while a tardy one is regarded as the extreme of coquetry.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 245-9; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 89; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 30, 51. The Apache 'who can support or keep, or attract by his power to keep, the greatest number of women, is the man who is deemed entitled to the greatest amount of honor and respect.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 44, 85. Un Comanche, 'peut épouser autant de femmes qu'il veut, à la seule condition de donner à chacune un cheval.' Domenech, Jour., p. 135. Among the Navajoes, 'The wife last chosen is always mistress of her predecessors.' Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. They seldom, if ever, marry out of the tribe. Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 455. 'In general, when an Indian wishes to have many wives he chooses above all others, if he can, sisters, because he thinks he can thus secure more domestic peace.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 306. 'I think that few, if any, have more than one wife,' of the Mojaves. Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 71.

[756] 'The Navajo marriage-ceremony consists simply of a feast upon horse-flesh.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 460. When the Navajos desire to marry, 'they sit down on opposite sides of a basket, made to hold water, filled with atole or some other food, and partake of it. This simple proceeding makes them husband and wife.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 415.

[757] The Comanche women 'are drudges.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 575; Dufey, Résumé de l'Hist., tom. i., p. 4; Neighbors, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 265; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, p. 230; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 308. Labor is considered degrading by the Comanches. Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347. The Apache men 'no cuidan de otras cosas, sino de cazar y divertirse.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 563; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 49, 56. 'La femme (du Comanche) son esclave absolue, doit tout faire pour lui. Souvent il n'apporte pas même le gibier qu'il a tué, mais il envoie sa femme le chercher au loin.' Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 459. The Navajos 'treat their women with great attention, consider them equals, and relieve them from the drudgery of menial work.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203. The Navajo women 'are the real owners of all the sheep.... They admit women into their councils, who sometimes control their deliberations; and they also eat with them.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 101., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'De aquí proviene que sean árbitros de sus mugeres, dandoles un trato servilísimo, y algunas veces les quitan hasta la vida por celos.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 268. 'Les Comanches, obligent le prisonnier blanc, dont ils ont admiré le valeur dans le combat, á s'unir aux leurs pour perpétuer sa race.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 462.

[758] Among the Apaches, 'muchas veces suele disolverse el contrato por unánime consentimiento de los desposados, y volviendo la mujer á su padre, entrega este lo que recibió por ella.' Cordero. in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 373. When the Navajo women abandon the husband, the latter 'asks to wipe out the disgrace by killing some one.' Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 334; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217.

[759] Navajo women, 'when in parturition, stand upon their feet, holding to a rope suspended overhead, or upon the knees, the body being erect.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290. 'Previous to a birth, the (Yuma) mother leaves her village for some short distance and lives by herself until a month after the child is born; the band to which she belongs then assemble and select a name for the little one, which is given with some trivial ceremony.' Emory's Rept., vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31. 'Si el parto es en marcha, se hacen á un lado del camino debajo de un árbol, en donde salen del lance con la mayor facilidad y sin apuro ninguno, continuando la marcha con la criatura y algun otro de sus chiquillos, dentro de una especie de red, que á la manera de una canasta cargan en los hombros, pendiente de la frente con una tira de cuero ó de vaqueta que la contiene, en donde llevan ademas alunos trastos ó cosas que comer.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281; Fossey, Mexique, p. 462. 'Luego que sale á luz esta, sale la vieja de aquel lugar con la mano puesta en los ojos, y no se descubre hasta que no haya dado una vuelta fuera de la casa, y el objeto que primero se le presenta á la vista, es el nombre que se le pone á la criatura.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 335.

[760] Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 92; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 320; Ives' Colorado River, pp. 66, 71; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Quand les Indiennes (Comanches) voyagent avec leurs enfants en bas âge, elles les suspendent à la selle avec des courroies qu'elles leur passent entre les jambes et sous les bras. Les soubresauts du cheval, les branches, les broussailles heurtent ces pauvres petits, les déchirent, les meurtrissent: peu importe, c'est une façon de les aguerrir.' Domenech, Journ. p. 135; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 52. 'A la edad de siete años de los apaches, ó antes, lo primero que hacen los padres, es poner á sus hijos el carcax en la mano enseñándoles á tirar bien, cuya táctica empiezan á aprender en la caza.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. The Apaches, 'juventutem sedulo instituunt castigant quod aliis barbaris insolitum.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 316. Male children of the Comanches 'are even privileged to rebel against their parents, who are not entitled to chastise them but by consent of the tribe.' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 346-7. In fact a Navajo Indian has said, 'that he was afraid to correct his own boy, lest the child should wait for a convenient opportunity, and shoot him with an arrow.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 294.

[761] Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 354; Cremony's Apaches, p. 367; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 399; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[762] 'The Navajo women are very loose, and do not look upon fornication as a crime.' Guyther, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 339; Cremony's Apaches, p. 244. 'Prostitution is the rule among the (Yuma) women, not the exception.' Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 476; Browne's Apache Country, p. 96. 'Prostitution prevails to a great extent among the Navajoes, the Maricopas, and the Yuma Indians; and its attendant diseases, as before stated, have more or less tainted the blood of the adults; and by inheritance of the children.' Carleton, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 433. Among the Navajoes, 'the most unfortunate thing which can befall a captive woman is to be claimed by two persons. In this case, she is either shot or delivered up for indiscriminate violence.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 50. The Colorado River Indians 'barter and sell their women into prostitution, with hardly an exception.' Safford, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 139. 'The Comanche women are, as in many other wild tribes, the slaves of their lords, and it is a common practice for their husbands to lend or sell them to a visitor for one, two, or three days at a time.' Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419. 'Las faltas conyugales no se castigan por la primera vez; pero á la segunda el marido corta la punta de la nariz á su infiel esposa, y la despide de su lado.' Revista Científica, vol. i., p. 57; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192. 'The squaw who has been mutilated for such a cause, is ipso facto divorced, and, it is said, for ever precluded from marrying again. The consequence is, that she becomes a confirmed harlot in the tribe.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 43, 308-10, 313. 'El culpable, segun dicen, jamas es castigado por el marido con la muerte; solamente se abroga el derecho de darle algunos golpes y cogerse sus mulas ó caballos.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Marcy's Army Life, p. 49. 'These yung men may not haue carnall copulation with any woman: but all the yung men of the countrey which are to marrie, may company with them.... I saw likewise certaine women which liued dishonestly among men.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 436.

[763] 'They tolde mey that ... such as remayned widowes, stayed halfe a yeere, or a whole yeere before they married.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 431; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110; Marcy's Army Life, p. 54; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 315.

[764] 'En las referidas reuniones los bailes son sus diversiones favoritas. Los hacen de noche al son de una olla cubierta la boca con una piel tirante, que suenan con un palo, en cuya estremidad lian un boton de trapos. Se interpolan ambos secsos, saltan todos a un mismo tiempo, dando alaridos y haciendo miles de ademanes, en que mueven todos los miembros del cuerpo con una destreza extraordinaria, arremedando al coyote y al venado. Desta manera forman diferentes grupos simétricamente.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 269; Marcy's Army Life, p. 177; Cremony's Apaches, p. 285. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridiculo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gusten tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 335. 'The females (of the Apaches) do the principal part of the dancing.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. 'Among the Abenakis, Chactas, Comanches, and other Indian tribes, the women dance the same dances, but after the men, and far out of their sight ... they are seldom admitted to share any amusement, their lot being to work.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 199, 214. 'De éstos vinieron cinco danzas, cada una compuesta de treinta indias; de éstas, veintiseis como de 15 à 20 años, y las cuatro restantes de mas edad, que eran las que cuidaban y dirigian à las jóvenes.' Museo Mex., tom. i., p. 288. 'The dance (of the Tontos) is similar to that of the California Indians; a stamp around, with clapping of hands and slapping of thighs in time to a drawl of monotones.' Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419.

[765] Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180. The Yumas 'sing some few monotonous songs, and the beaux captivate the hearts of their lady-loves by playing on a flute made of cane.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii. 'No tienen mas orquesta que sus voces y una olla ó casco de calabazo à que se amarra una piel tirante y se toca con un palo.' Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 373-4; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 71-2; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., pp. 166, 168.

[766] Stanley's Portraits, p. 55; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133. 'Y el vicio que tienen estos Indios, es jugar en las Estufas las Mantas, y otras Preseas con vnas Cañuelas, que hechan en alto (el qual Juego vsaban estos Indios Mexicanos) y al que no tiene mas que vna Manta, y la pierde, se la buelven; con condicion, que ha de andar desnudo por todo el Pueblo, pintado, y embijado todo el cuerpo, y los Muchachos dandole grita.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 680.

[767] Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347.

[768] 'The players generally take each about ten arrows, which they hold with their bows in the left hand; he whose turn it is advances in front of the judges, and lances his first arrow upwards as high as possible, for he must send off all the others before it comes down. The victory belongs to him who has most arrows in the air together, and he who can make them all fly at once is a hero.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 198. 'The Indians amuse themselves shooting at the fruit (pitaya), and when one misses his aim and leaves his arrow sticking in the top of the cactus, it is a source of much laughter to his comrades.' Browne's Apache Country, p. 78; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 309. The hoop and pole game of the Mojaves is thus played. 'The hoop is six inches in diameter, and made of elastic cord; the poles are straight, and about fifteen feet in length. Rolling the hoop from one end of the course toward the other, two of the players chase it half-way, and at the same time throw their poles. He who succeeds in piercing the hoop wins the game.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 463; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. iii.; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 114; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 216, 223; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 395; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 214. 'Tienen unas pelotas de materia negra como pez, embutidas en ella varias conchuelas pequeñas del mar, con que juegan y apuestan arrojándola con el pié.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 111; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[769] 'Los salvages recogen sus hojas generalmente en el Otoño, las que entónces están rojas y muy oxidadas: para hacer su provision, la secan al fuego ó al sol, y para fumarlas, las mezclan con tabaco.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257. The Comanches smoke tobacco, 'mixed with the dried leaves of the sumach, inhaling the smoke into their lungs, and giving it out through their nostrils.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 32; Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 285.

[770] Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 352. The Comanches 'avoid the use of ardent spirits, which they call "fool's water."' Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., p. 307. Dubuis, in Domenech, Jour., p. 469. 'In order to make an intoxicating beverage of the mescal, the roasted root is macerated in a proportionable quantity of water, which is allowed to stand several days, when it ferments rapidly. The liquor is boiled down and produces a strongly intoxicating fluid.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 217. 'When its stem (of the maguey) is tapped there flows from it a juice which, on being fermented, produces the pulque.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 290. The Apaches out of corn make an intoxicating drink which they called "teeswin," made by boiling the corn and fermenting it. Murphy, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 347; Hardy's Trav., pp. 334, 337.

[771] Jones, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 223; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 108; Domenech, Jour., p. 137; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. 135, p. 307; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 212; García Conde, in Album Mex., 1849, tom. i., p. 165; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 277; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 114-6; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 61; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 399. The Apache women, 'Son tan buenas ginetas, que brincan en un potro, y sin mas riendas que un cabrestillo, saben arrendarlo.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 564; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 298; Marcy's Army Life, p. 28; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 480. 'A short hair halter was passed around under the neck of the horse, and both ends tightly braided into the mane, on the withers, leaving a loop to hang under the neck, and against the breast, which, being caught up in the hand, makes a sling into which the elbow falls, taking the weight of the body on the middle of the upper arm. Into this loop the rider drops suddenly and fearlessly, leaving his heel to hang over the back of the horse, to steady him, and also to restore him when he wishes to regain his upright position on the horse's back.' Brownell's Ind. Races, p. 540; Davis' El Gringo, p. 412. Les Comanches 'regardent comme un déshonneur d'aller à pied.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 192; Cremony's Apaches, p. 282. The Comanches, for hardening the hoofs of horses and mules, have a custom of making a fire of the wild rosemary—artemisia—and exposing their hoofs to the vapor and smoke by leading them slowly through it. Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 203.

[772] Marcy's Army Life, p. 18; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 290; Cordoue, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., p. 443; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 454; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 209. 'Les Teyas et Querechos ont de grands troupeaux de chiens qui portent leur bagage; ils l'attachent sur le dos de ces animaux au moyen d'une sangle et d'un petit bât. Quand la charge se dérange les chiens se mettent à hurler, pour avertir leur maître de l'arranger.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 117, 125, 190. 'On the top of the bank we struck a Camanche trail, very broad, and made by the lodge poles, which they transport from place to place ... by fastening them on each side of their pack horses, leaving the long ends trailing upon the ground.' Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 154. 'Si carecen de cabalgaduras, cargan los muebles las mujeres igualmente que sus criaturas.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 317; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 128.

[773] Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 132; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., p. 234; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 29, 33, 189; Marcy's Rept., p. 187; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 38, 46; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 473, 475; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 378. When the Yampais 'wish to parley they raise a firebrand in the air as a sign of friendship.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 218.

[774] 'These messengers (of the Mohaves) were their news-carriers and sentinels. Frequently two criers were employed (sometimes more) one from each tribe. These would have their meeting stations. At these stations these criers would meet with promptness, and by word of mouth, each would deposit his store of news with his fellow expressman, and then each would return to his own tribe with the news.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 220, 283. 'El modo de darse sus avisos para reunirse en casos de urgencia de ser perseguidos, es por medio de sus telégrafos de humos que forman en los cerros mas elevados formando hogueras de los palos mas humientos que ellos conocen muy bien.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 281. Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 5. 'Para no detenerse en hacer los humos, llevan los mas de los hombres y mujeres, los instrumentos necessarios para sacar lumbre; prefieren la piedra, el eslabon, y la yesca; pero si no tienen estos útiles, suplen su falta con palos preparados al efecto bien secos, que frotados se inflaman.' García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., p. 317.

[775] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., p. 18. 'Su frazada en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándolo á la boca del estómago caminan por los mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como a las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., vol. iv., p. 851.

[776] The Comanches 'have yearly gatherings to light the sacred fires; they build numerous huts, and sit huddled about them, taking medicine for purification, and fasting for seven days. Those who can endure to keep the fast unbroken become sacred in the eyes of the others.' Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451. If a Yuma kills one of his own tribe he keeps 'a fast for one moon; on such occasions he eats no meat—only vegetables—drinks only water, knows no woman, and bathes frequently during the day to purify the flesh.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110. 'It was their (Mojaves,) custom never to eat salted meat for the next moon after the coming of a captive among them.' Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402; Domenech, Jour., p. 13; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 125-6.

[777] 'Entre cuyas tribus hay algunas que se comen á sus enemigos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 332. 'Los chirumas, que me parecen ser los yumas, no se que coman carne humana como dijo el indio cosnina.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 363. 'Among the spoil which we took from these Camanches, we found large portions of human flesh evidently prepared for cooking.' Dewees' Texas, p. 232-3. Certain Europeans have represented the Comanches 'as a race of cannibals; but according to the Spaniards ... they are merely a cruel, dastardly race of savages.' Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107.

[778] Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 451; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 253; Cremony's Apaches, p. 34; Davis' El Gringo, p. 407.

[779] Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 418. 'Gonorrhœa and syphilis are not at all rare' among the Navajos. Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Marcy's Army Life, p. 31.

[780] Hardy's Trav., p. 442-3. 'Los comanches la llaman Puip; y cuando uno de entre ellos está herido, mascan la raiz (que es muy larga) y esprimen el yugo y la saliva en la llaga.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 257; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 290; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 118; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 156; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289; Browne's Apache Country, p. 63; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 142; Id., Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 118; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 335; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 130; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 193. The Apaches: 'Cuando se enferma alguno á quien no han podido hacer efecto favorable la aplicacion de las yerbas, único antidoto con que se curan, lo abandonan, sin mas diligencia ulterior que ponerle un monton de brasas á la cabecera y una poca de agua, sin saberse hasta hoy qué significa ésto ó con qué fin la hacen.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[781] Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 217; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 139; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 42, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212; Parker's Notes on Tex., p. 240-1. Among the Comanches during the steam bath, 'the shamans, or medicine-men, who profess to have the power of communicating with the unseen world, and of propitiating the malevolence of evil spirits, are performing various incantations, accompanied by music on the outside.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 60; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 576; Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. 'De aquí ha sucedido que algunos indios naturalmente astutos, se han convertido en adivinos, que han llegado á sostener como á sus oràculos. Estos mismos adivinos hacen de médicos, que por darse importancía á la aplicacion de ciertas yerbas, agregan porcion de ceremonias supersticiosas y ridiculas, con cánticos estraños, en que hablan á sus enfermos miles de embustes y patrañas.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280.

[782] At the Colorado river they 'burned those which dyed.' Alarchon, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 432; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 404; Browne's Apache Country, p. 97; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 467; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 240-1. 'It is the custom of the Mojaves to burn their property when a relation dies to whose memory they wish to pay especial honor.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 69. 'Die Comanches tödteten früher das Lieblingsweib des gestorbenen Häuptlings.' Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 88. 'No Navajo will ever occupy a lodge in which a person has died. The lodge is burned.' Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 213; Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, p. 289. 'When a death occurs they (Yumas) move their villages, although sometimes only a short distance, but never occupying exactly the same locality.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 110.

[783] 'When a Comanche dies ... he is usually wrapped in his best blankets or robes, and interred with most of his "jewelry," and other articles of esteem.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. ii., pp. 317, 243. 'Cuando muere algun indio, ... juntando sus deudos todas las alhajas de su peculio, se las ponen y de esta manera lo envuelven en una piel de cíbolo y lo llevan á enterrar.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 336; Kennedy's Texas, vol. i., p. 347; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 69. The Comanches cover their tombs 'with grass and plants to keep them concealed.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 363; Id., Jour., p. 14. The Apaches: 'probably they bury their dead in caves; no graves are ever found that I ever heard of.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 212. See also James' Exped., vol. ii., p. 305. 'On the highest point of the hill, was a Comanche grave, marked by a pile of stones and some remnants of scanty clothing.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 137, 151. The custom of the Mescalero Apaches 'heretofore has been to leave their dead unburied in some secluded spot.' Curtis, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 402; Cremony's Apaches, p. 50; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 233; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119.

[784] Among the Navajos 'Immediately after a death occurs a vessel containing water is placed near the dwelling of the deceased, where it remains over night; in the morning two naked Indians come to get the body for burial, with their hair falling over and upon their face and shoulders. When the ceremony is completed they retire to the water, wash, dress, do up their hair, and go about their usual avocations.' Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept. Spec. Com., 1867, p. 358. The Navajos 'all walked in solemn procession round it (the grave) singing their funeral songs. As they left it, every one left a present on the grave; some an arrow, others meat, moccasins, tobacco, war-feathers, and the like, all articles of value to them.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 119; Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57. 'A los niños y niñas de pecho les llevan en una jicara la leche ordenada de sus pechos las mismas madres, y se las echan en la sepultura; y esto lo hacen por algunos dias continuos.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 543; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., p. 133; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 280; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 100; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 304; Marcy's Army Life, p. 56. 'When a young warrior dies, they mourn a long time, but when an old person dies, they mourn but little, saying that they cannot live forever, and it was time they should go.' Parker's Notes on Tex., pp. 192, 236.

[785] Davis' El Gringo, pp. 414-5; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 250, 297.

[786] 'The quality of mercy is unknown among the Apaches.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 33-4, 193, 215-16, 227-8. 'Perfectly lawless, savage, and brave.' Marcy's Rept., p. 197. 'For the sake of the booty, also take life.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 202. 'Inclined to intemperance in strong drinks.' Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 211. 'Ferocísimos de condicion, de naturaleza sangrientos.' Almanza, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 824. 'Sumamente vengativo.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 283. 'Alevoso y vengativo caracte ... rastutos ladrones, y sanguinarios.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, tom. iii., p. 78. 'I have not seen a more intelligent, cheerful, and grateful tribe of Indians than the roving Apaches.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 15, 47, 51; García Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, tom. v., pp. 314-15, 317; Doc. Hist. N. Vizcaya, MS., p. 4; Cordero, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 371; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 322, 326-7; Smart, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 419; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 430; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 83; Turner, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1852, tom. cxxxv., pp. 307, 314; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., pp. 5, 6, 8; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., p. 294; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 330, 361; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 243; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 580; Mowry's Arizona, pp. 31-2; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 13; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 14, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 291, 295; Hist. Chrétienne de la Cal., p. 99; Edward's Hist. Tex., p. 95; Peters' Life of Carson, p. 323; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 187; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 341; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 276; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 462-3; Figuier's Hum. Race, pp. 482, 484; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 419; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 404; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 44; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 111; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 475-6, and Cent. Amer., p. 527; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 117; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 99; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; see further, Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1854 to 1872; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, pp. 116, 122.

[787] The Navajos: 'Hospitality exists among these Indians to a great extent.... Nor are these people cruel.... They are treacherous.' Letherman, in Smithsonian Rept., 1855, pp. 292, 295. 'Brave, hardy, industrious.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 40. 'Tricky and unreliable.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 56. The Mojaves: 'They are lazy, cruel, selfish; ... there is one good quality in them, the exactitude with which they fulfil an agreement.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 20, 71-2; Backus, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 211; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 329; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 234; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 217-18; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 203; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 384.

[788] Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 124. 'Estos indios se aventajan en muchas circunstancias á los yumas y demas naciones del Rio Colorado; son menos molestos y nada ladrones.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 273; also in Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 472; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62.

[789] 'Grave and dignified ... implacable and unrelenting ... hospitable, and kind ... affectionate to each other ... jealous of their own freedom.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 25, 30-1, 34, 36-9, 41, 60. 'Alta estima hacen del valor estas razas nomadas.' Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 34. 'Loin d'être cruels, ils-sont très-doux et très-fidèles dans leurs amitiés.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. ix., p. 191; Payno, in Revista Científica, tom. i., p. 57; Escudero, Noticias de Chihuahua, pp. 229-30; Domenech, Jour., pp. 13, 137, 469; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, tom. v., No. 96, p. 193; Neighbors, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. ii., pp. 132-3; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 293, 295; vol. ii., pp. 307, 313; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 273; Shepard's Land of the Aztecs, p. 182; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 107; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., p. 308.

[790] 'Tiguex est situé vers le nord, à environ quarante lieues,' from Cíbola. Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 165. 'La province de Cibola contient sept villages; le plus grand se nomme Muzaque.' Id., p. 163. Of two provinces north of Tiguex, 'l'une se nommait Hemes, et renfermait sept villages; l'autre Yuque-Yunque.' Id., p. 138. 'Plus au nord (of Tiguex) est la province de Quirix ... et celle de Tutahaco.' Id., p. 168. From Cicuyé to Quivira, 'On compte sept autres villages.' Id., p. 179. 'Il existe aussi, d'après le rapport ... un autre royaume très-vaste, nommé villes, et la capitale. Acus sans aspiration est un royaume.' Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 271. 'The kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father prouinciall, ... the Indians say is a hotte lake, about which are five or sixe houses; and that there were certaine other, but that they are ruinated by warre. The kingdome of Marata is not to be found, neither haue the Indians any knowledge thereof. The kingdome of Acus is one onely small citie, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu, and I say that this is a towne. For Acus with an aspiration nor without, is no word of they countrey. And because I gesse that they would deriue Acucu of Acus, I say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of Acus is conuerted.' Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 378; Espeio, in Id., pp. 386-394; Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 296; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 315; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 100; Escalante, in Id., pp. 124-5; Pike's Explor. Trav., pp. 341-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 528-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197.

[791] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 10-12, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 128-130; Hezio, Noticia de las Misiones, in Meline's Two Thousand Miles, pp. 208-9; Chacon, in Id., pp. 210-11; Alencaster, in Id., p. 212; Davis' El Gringo, p. 115; Calhoun, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 633.

[792] Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 13, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii. 'Los nombres de los pueblos del Moqui son, segun lengua de los Yavipais, Sesepaulabá, Masagneve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Concabe y Muca á quien los zuñís llaman Oraive, que es en el que estuve.' Garces, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 332; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 127.

[793] Affirmations are abundant enough, but they have no foundation whatever in fact, and many are absurd on their face. 'Nous affirmons que les Indiens Pueblos et les anciens Mexicains sont issus d'une seule et même souche.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 44. 'These Indians claim, and are generally supposed, to have descended from the ancient Aztec race.' Merriwether, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 174. 'They are the descendants of the ancient rulers of the country.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 114. 'They are the remains of a once powerful people.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1872, p. 55; Colyer, in Id., 1869, p. 90. 'They (Moquis) are supposed by some to be descended from the band of Welsh, which Prince Madoc took with him on a voyage of discovery, in the twelfth century; and it is said that they weave peculiarly and in the same manner as the people of Wales.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'Il est assez singulier que les Moquis soient désignés par les trappers et les chasseurs américains, qui pènètrent dans leur pays ... sous le nom d'Indiens Welches.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 55. 'Moques, supposed to be vestiges of Aztecs.' Amer. Quart. Register, vol. i., p. 173; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 431.

[794] 'Les hommes sont petits.' Mendoza, Lettre, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 294. The Moquis are 'of medium size and indifferently proportioned, their features strongly marked and homely, with an expression generally bright and good-natured.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 120-2, 123-7. The Keres 'sind hohen Wuchses.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 197; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 240; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 93; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 67-8; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 52-3; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342.

[795] 'The people are somewhat white.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. 'Much fairer in complexion than other tribes.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 195; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 230; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., pp. 423, 431; Walker, in S. F. Herald, Oct. 15, 1853; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 41.

[796] 'Prettiest squaws I have yet seen.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 111. Good looking and symmetrical. Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421-2.

[797] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. 'Many of the inhabitants have white skin, fair hair, and blue eyes.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 210, vol. ii., p. 66; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 220-1; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 285; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 456.

[798] 'A robust and well-formed race.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 90, 103. 'Well built, generally tall and bony.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Maricopas 'sont de stature plus haute et plus athlétique que les Pijmos.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; see also Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., pp. 49, 50; Id., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 12; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 19; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 196; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Bigler's Early Days in Utah and Nevada, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11; Brackett, in Western Monthly, p. 169; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 448; San Francisco Bulletin, July, 1860.

[799] 'Las mujeres hermosas.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 298, 364. 'Rather too much inclined to embonpoint.' Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 33, 39; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 229.

[800] 'Ambos secsos ... no mal parecidos y muy melenudos.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 116, 161. 'Trigueños de color.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'Die Masse, Dicke und Länge ihres Haupthaares grenzt an das Unglaubliche.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 455; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 513; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 557; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 143-5, 149; Stratton's Capt. Oatman Girls, p. 180.

[801] 'Heads are uncovered.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 196. 'Los hombres visten, y calçan de cuero, y las mugeres, que se precian de largos cabellos, cubren sus cabeças y verguenças con lo mesmo.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 275. 'De kleeding bestond uit kotoene mantels, huiden tot broeken, genaeyt, schoenen en laerzen van goed leder.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 209, 217-18. The women 'having the calves of their legs wrapped or stuffed in such a manner as to give them a swelled appearance.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 14, 115; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 297-8, 301, 303, 312-13; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 377, 380; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384-96; Niza, in Id., pp. 368, 370; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 457; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 30, 122, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 197, 203, vol. ii., pp. 213, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-88; Wizlizenus' Tour, p. 26; Larenaudière, Mex. et Gaut., p. 147; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 99-100, 105-6; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 394; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61-68, 76, 163, 173, 177; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369-371; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-127; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 53; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220; Abert, in Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 471; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 217, 283; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 379; Revilla-Gigedo, Carta, MS.; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iv., p. 388; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 479; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 248, 279-80; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 195, 239.

[802] Both sexes go bareheaded. 'The hair is worn long, and is done up in a great queue that falls down behind.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 147, 154-5, 421. The women 'trençan los cabellos, y rodeanse los à la cabeça, por sobre las orejas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273. 'Llevan las viejas el pelo hecho dos trenzas y las mozas un moño sobre cada oreja.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 328-9; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 220.

[803] 'Van vestidos estos indios con frazadas de algodon, que ellos fabrican, y otras de lana.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 235. Their dress is cotton of domestic manufacture. Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Kunstreich dagegen sind die bunten Gürtel gewebt, mit denen die Mädchen ein Stück Zeug als Rock um die Hüften binden.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 440, 447; Browne's Apache Country, p. 68; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 452, vol. ii., pp. 216-7, 219; Cremony's Apaches, p. 104; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 103; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 33; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 364-5; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 116; Briefe aus den Verein. Staat., tom. ii., p. 322.

[804] 'Men never cut their hair.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 90. They plait and wind it round their heads in many ways; one of the most general forms a turban which they smear with wet earth. Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 454-6; Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 47; Emory, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p. 9; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 143, 145, 149; Browne's Apache Country, p. 107; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 296.

[805] Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542. 'All of them paint, using no particular design; the men mostly with dark colors, the women, red and yellow.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'The women when they arrive at maturity, ... draw two lines with some blue-colored dye from each corner of the mouth to the chin.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 228.

[806] 'Adornanse con gargantillas de caracolillos del mar, entreverados de otras cuentas de concha colorada redonda.' Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'They had many ornaments of sea shells.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132. 'Some have long strings of sea-shells.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 230-1. 'Rarely use ornaments.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 252-6; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 850-1.

[807] Cremony's Apaches, p. 91; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. 131, p. 292; Browne's Apache Country, p. 108. The Maricopas 'occupy thatched cottages, thirty or forty feet in diameter, made of the twigs of cotton-wood trees, interwoven with the straw of wheat, corn-stalks, and cane.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 132; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117; Mange, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 277, 365-6. 'Leurs (Pápagos) maisons sont de formes coniques et construites en jonc et en bois.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Walker's Pimas, MS.; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 395; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 115, 161. 'Andere, besonders die dummen Papagos, machten Löcher und schliefen des Nachts hierinnen; ja im Winter machten sie in ihren Dachslöchern zuvor Feuer, und hitzten dieselben.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 245. 'Their summer shelters are of a much more temporary nature, being constructed after the manner of a common arbor, covered with willow rods, to obstruct the rays of the vertical sun.' Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 222. In front of the Pimo house is usually 'a large arbor, on top of which is piled the cotton in the pod, for drying.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48. The Pápagos' huts were 'fermées par des peaux de buffles.' Ferry, Scènes de la Vie Sauvage, p. 107. Granary built like the Mexican jakals. They are better structures than their dwellings, more open, in order to give a free circulation of air through the grain deposited in them. Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 233-5.

[808] Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 412; Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., pp. 21, 23, 122, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii.; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 25, 30-1. 'Ellas son las que hacen, y edifican las Casas, assi de Piedra, como de Adove, y Tierra amasada; y con no tener la Pared mas de vn pie de ancho, suben las Casas dos, y tres, y quatro, y cinco Sobrados, ó Altos; y á cada Alto, corresponde vn Corredor por de fuera; si sobre esta altura hechan mas altos, ó Sobrados (porque ay Casas que llegan á siete) son los demás, no de Barro, sino de Madera.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 681. For further particulars, see Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 42, 58, 69, 71, 76, 80, 138, 163, 167, 169; Niza, in Id., pp. 261, 269, 270, 279; Diaz, in Id., pp. 293, 296; Jaramillo, in Id., pp. 369, Cordoue, in Id., tom. x., pp. 438-9; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 13, 90, 114; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., pp. 76, 80, and plates, pp. 24, 72; Warden, Recherches, p. 79; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 191; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 455; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 453; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 276; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., p. 195; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 322; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119, 121, 126; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 99, 104, 105; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 42, 45, 52, 57; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 248, 257, 267, 270, 277, 278, 288; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 385, 392, 394-6; Coronado, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 377, 379; Niza, in Id., vol. iii., pp. 367, 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 538; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 238; Id., Tagebuch, pp. 217-18, 285; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 209, 215, 217. The town of Cíbola 'domos è lapidibus et caemento affabre constructas et conjunctim dispositas esse, superliminaria portarum cyaneis gemmis, (Turcoides vocant) ornata.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 297, 311-14; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 480. 'The houses are well distributed and very neat. One room is designed for the kitchen, and another to grind the grain. This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 118-20, 141, 311, 313, 318, 420, 422; Castaño de Sosa, in Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv., pp. 329-30; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 178; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 394.

[809] In the province of Tucayan, 'domiciliis inter se junctis et affabre constructis, in quibus et tepidaria quae vulgo Stuvas appellamus, sub terra constructa adversus hyemis vehementiam.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301. 'In the centre was a small square box of stone, in which was a fire of guava bushes, and around this a few old men were smoking.' Marcy's Army Life, p. 110. 'Estufas, que mas propiamente deberian llamar sinagogas. En estas hacen sus juntas, forman sus conciliábulos, y ensayan sus bailes á puerta cerrada.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 333; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 418; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 13, 21; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 139, 165, 169-70, 176; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 392-3; Niel, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 90-1.

[810] 'Magna ipsis Mayzü copia et leguminum.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 298, 302, 310-13, 315. 'Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mantenimientos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386, 393. 'Criaban las Indias muchas Gallinas de la Tierra.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 678. 'Zy leven by mair, witte orweten, haesen, konynen en vorder wild-braed.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 215, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 242. Compare Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97-8, 104, 108; Cortez, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 122; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., pp. 5-6; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 369-71; Diaz, in Id., pp. 294-5; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 268, 281; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 86; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 16, 82, 91, 113; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Bent, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. i., p. 244; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 52; Gallatin, in Id., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 270-1, 279, 288-9, 292, 297; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 439, 445, 453; Möllhausen, Reisen in the Felsengeb., tom. ii., pp. 239, 284; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 178, 214-18, 233-7; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 78, 94, 107-10, 141-2, 276-7; Sedelmair, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 848, 850; Id., serie iv., tom. i., p. 19; Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 131; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 278; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 221; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 273; Ind. Aff. Repts., from 1857 to 1872.

[811] 'Para su sustento no reusa animal, por inmundo que sea.' Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 395. 'Los pápagos se mantienen de los frutos silvestres.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 160-1. 'Hatten grossen Appetit zu Pferd- und Mauleselfleisch.' Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 247-9, 267, 282-92; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 837-8; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166.

[812] The Pimas 'Hacen grandes siembras ... para cuyo riego tienen formadas buenas acequias.' Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., pp. 235, 237. 'We were at once impressed with the beauty, order, and disposition of the arrangements for irrigating.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., pp. 47-8. With the Pueblos: 'Regen-bakken vergaederden 't water: of zy leiden 't uit een rievier door graften.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 218; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., pp. 385-7, 392-4; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 196.

[813] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299. 'Usan de hilo torcido unas redes y otras de varios palitos, que los tuercen y juntan por las puntas.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 851-2.

[814] 'Hacen de la Masa de Ma'z por la mañana Atole.... Tambien hacen Tamales, y Tortillas.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679. 'The fruit of the petajaya ... is dried in the sun.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 89, 91, 106, 111-12. 'From the suwarrow (Cereus Giganteus) and pitaya they make an excellent preserve.' Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 123. See also Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 45, 121, 123, 126; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 8, 76; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 378; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 113, 115; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 71, 164, 170-2; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 114, 119, 121-2, 147-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 218-9, 285.

[815] Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 119-20, 124. 'Ils vont faire leurs odeurs au loin, et rassemblent les urines dans de grands vases de terre que l'on va vider hors du village.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 171.

[816] 'The only defensive armor they use is a rude shield made of raw bull-hide.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 145-6. 'Bows and arrows, and the wooden boomerang.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 91. The Papagos 'armes sont la massue, la lance et l'arc; ils portent aussi une cuirasse et un bouclier en peau de buffle.' Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188. For further comparisons see Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., p. 30, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii.; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 280; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 300; Larenaudière, Mex. et Guat., p. 147; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 372; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528.; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 299; Sedelmair, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851; Salmeron, Relaciones, in Id., p. 106; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., pp. 217, 237.

[817] Bows 'of strong willow-boughs.' Walker's Pimas, MS. 'Bows are six feet in length, and made of a very tough and elastic kind of wood, which the Spaniards call Tarnio.' Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 91, 149.

[818] The Pima 'arrows differ from those of all the Apache tribes in having only two feathers.' Cremony's Apaches, p. 103. 'War arrows have stone points and three feathers; hunting arrows, two feathers and a wooden point.' Walker's Pimas, MS.; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 380.

[819] The Pimas: 'Flechas, ennervadas con el eficaz mortífero veneno que componen de varias ponzoñas, y el zumo de la yerba llamada en pima Usap.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 307. 'Die Spitzen ihrer Pfeile ... welche mit einer dunklen Substanz überzogen waren. Sie behaupteten, dass diese aus Schlangengift bestehe, was mir indess unwahrscheinlich ist.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 438; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 59, 107, 126.

[820] 'Una macana, como clava ó porra.... Estas son de un palo muy duro y pesado.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 556. 'Macanas, que son vnas palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan a partir por medio vn hombre.' Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., pp. 386, 393.

[821] 'De grosses pierres avaient été rassemblées au sommet, pour les rouler sur quiconque attaquerait la place.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 270. 'They have placed around all the trails leading to the town, pits, ten feet deep.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 81. See further, Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 376; Browne's Apache Country, p. 279; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 840; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 179.

[822] 'Painted to the eyes, their own heads and their horses covered with all the strange equipments that the brute creation could afford.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[823] 'Sometimes a fellow would stoop almost to the earth, to shoot under his horse's belly, at full speed.' Emory's Reconnoissance, p. 37.

[824] Walker's Pimas, MS.

[825] Cremony's Apaches, p. 106.

[826] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 274-5; Browne's Apache Country, p. 104; Pattie's Pers. Nar., pp. 93, 148; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 223; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, serie v., No. 96, p. 188.

[827] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 78-9; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 206; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 108-9.

[828] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 292-4.

[829] Baskets and pottery 'are ornamented with geometrical figures.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 382, vol. ii., pp. 227-8, 236. 'Schüsselförmige runde Körbe (Coritas), diese flechten sie aus einem hornförmigen, gleich einer Ahle spitzigen Unkraute.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 193. The Pueblos had 'de la vaiselle de terre très-belle, bien vernie et avec beaucoup d'ornements. On y vit aussi de grands jarres remplies d'un métal brillant qui servait à faire le vernis de cette faïence.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 138, 173, 185; see also Niza, in Id., p. 259. 'They (Pueblos) vse vessels of gold and siluer.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, pp. 216, 271, 273, 279; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 435; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 97, 111; Carleton, in Smithsonian Rept., 1854, p. 308; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., pp. 457, 459; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Foster's Pre-Hist. Races, p. 393; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 97; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 425; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 380; Browne's Apache Country, pp. 68, 109, 112, 276.

[830] 'All the inhabitants of the Citie (Cíbola) lie vpon beddes raysed a good height from the ground, with quilts and canopies ouer them, which couer the sayde Beds.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 370; Id., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 271. The Quires had 'umbracula (vulgo Tirazoles) quibus Sinenses utuntur Solis, Lunæ, et Stellarum imaginibus eleganter picta.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 312; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 393. The Moquis' chief men have pipes made of smooth polished stone. Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 87; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121.

[831] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 76, 87. 'Sie flechten von zartgeschlitzten Palmen auf Damastart die schönsten ganz leichten Hüthe, aus einem Stücke.' Murr, Nachrichten, p. 192. The Maricopa blankets will turn rain. Cremony's Apaches, pp. 106, 90. The Moquis wove blankets from the wool of their sheep, and made cotton cloth from the indigenous staple. Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1863, p. 388. The Maricopas make a heavy cloth of wool and cotton, 'used by the women to put around their loins; and an article from 3 to 4 inches wide, used as a band for the head, or a girdle for the waist.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 224. 'Rupicaprarum tergora eminebant (among the Yumanes) tam industriè præparata ut cum Belgicis certarent.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 310.

[832] De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 301; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., pp. 117, 123; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 290; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 91, 113, 115; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 81, 86; Eaton, in Id., vol. iv., p. 221; Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48; see further Ind. Aff. Reports, from 1854 to 1872; Browne's Apache Country, p. 290. 'These Papagos regularly visit a salt lake, which lies near the coast and just across the line of Sonora, from which they pack large quantities of salt, and find a ready market at Tubac and Tucson.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 352, and 1860, p. 168. 'Many Pimas had jars of the molasses expressed from the fruit of the Cereus Giganteus.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 48.

[833] 'Die Vernichtung des Eigenthums eines Verstorbenen,—einen unglücklichen Gebrauch der jeden materiellen Fortschritt unmöglich macht.' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 437. 'The right of inheritance is held by the females generally, but it is often claimed by the men also.' Gorman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1858, p. 200. 'All the effects of the deceased (Pima) become common property: his grain is distributed; his fields shared out to those who need land; his chickens and dogs divided up among the tribe.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 69, 112; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 262; Niza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 264, 265, 267, 268; Id., in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372. The Zuñis 'will sell nothing for money, but dispose of their commodities entirely in barter.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 91. The Pimos 'wanted white beads for what they had to sell, and knew the value of money.' Cutts' Conq. of Cal., p. 188; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. xi., pp. 164, 72. 'Ils apportèrent des coquillages, des turquoises et des plumes.' Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Id., tom. vii., p. 274; Diaz, in Id., tom. xi., p. 294; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 377. Many of the Pueblo Indians are rich, 'one family being worth over one hundred thousand dollars. They have large flocks.' Colyer, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 89; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144.

[834] Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 278; Davis' El Gringo, p. 147; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 458; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 380; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 284.

[835] 'Estos ahijados tienen mucho oro y lo benefician.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. i., p. 28. 'They vse vessels of gold and siluer, for they have no other mettal.' Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 372; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 2, 133; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 386-8, 393-5; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 217; Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 294.

[836] Pueblo government purely democratic; election held once a year. 'Besides the officers elected by universal suffrage, the principal chiefs compose a "council of wise men."' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 142-4. 'One of their regulations is to appoint a secret watch for the purpose of keeping down disorders and vices of every description.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 274. See further: Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 61, 168; Niza, in Id., p. 269; Palmer, in Harper's Mag., vol. xvii., p. 455; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 298; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 359; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxi., p. 277; Stanley's Portraits, p. 55.

[837] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 85, 76; Marcy's Army Life, p. 108.

[838] 'Gobierno no tienen alguno, ni leyes, tradiciones ó costumbres con que gobernarse.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 366. 'Cada cual gobernado por un anciano, y todas por el general de la nacion.' Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 267. Compare: Grossman, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 124; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1859, p. 356; Walker's Pimas, MS.

[839] 'Un homme n'épouse jamais plus d'une seule femme.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 164; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 86-7; Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 190.

[840] 'Ils traitent bien leurs femmes.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 126. 'Desde que maman los Niños, los laban sus Madres con Nieve todo el cuerpo.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 679; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 123; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 178.

[841] 'Early marriages occur ... but the relation is not binding until progeny results.' Poston, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 152. 'No girl is forced to marry against her will, however eligible her parents may consider the match.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222-4; Davis' El Gringo, p. 146; Cremony's Apaches, p. 105; Browne's Apache Country, p. 112.

[842] 'Si el marido y mujer se desavienen y los hijos non pequeños, se arriman á cualquiera de los dos y cada uno gana por su lado.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'Tanto los pápagos occidentales, como los citados gilas desconocen la poligamia.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 161. 'Among the Pimas loose women are tolerated.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 102-4; Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 59; Emory's Rept. U. S. and Mex. Boundary Survey, vol. i., p. 117.

[843] 'The Pimas also cultivate a kind of tobacco, this, which is very light, they make up into cigaritos, never using a pipe.' Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pueblos 'sometimes get intoxicated.' Walker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, p. 169. The Pueblos 'are generally free from drunkenness.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 146. Cremony's Apaches, p. 112; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 446; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 249.

[844] Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'Their hair hung loose upon their shoulders, and both men and women had their hands painted with white clay, in such a way as to resemble open-work gloves. The women ... were bare-footed, with the exception of a little piece tied about the heel.... They all wore their hair combed over their faces, in a manner that rendered it utterly impossible to recognize any of them.... They keep their elbows close to their sides, and their heels pressed firmly together, and do not raise the feet, but shuffle along with a kind of rolling motion, moving their arms, from the elbows down, with time to the step. At times, each man dances around his squaw; while she turns herself about, as if her heels formed a pivot on which she moved.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 74. The dresses of the men were similar to those worn on other festivities, 'except that they wear on their heads large pasteboard towers painted typically, and curiously decorated with feathers; and each man has his face entirely covered by a vizor made of small willows with the bark peeled off, and dyed a deep brown.' Id., p. 83. 'Such horrible masks I never saw before—noses six inches long, mouths from ear to ear, and great goggle eyes, as big as half a hen's egg, hanging by a string partly out of the socket.' Id., p. 85. 'Each Pueblo generally had its particular uniform dress and its particular dance. The men of one village would sometimes disguise themselves as elks, with horns on their heads, moving on all-fours, and mimicking the animal they were attempting to personate. Others would appear in the garb of a turkey, with large heavy wings.' Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., pp. 271, 275. 'Festejo todo (Pimas) el dia nuestra llegada con un esquisito baile en forma circular, en cuyo centro figaraba una prolongada asta donde pendian trece cabelleras, arcos, flechas y demas despojos de otros tantos enemigos apaches que habian muerto.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 277. 'Este lo forma una junta de truhanes vestidos de ridículo y autorizados por los viejos del pueblo para cometer los mayores desórdenes, y gustan tanto de estos hechos, que ni los maridos reparan las infamias que cometen con sus mugeres, ni las que resultan en perjuicio de las hijas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 333-5. For further particulars see Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Marcy's Army Life, pp. 104-8; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 244; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 154-5; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 394; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Ex., plates 1, 2, 3; Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 67; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 343.

[845] Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73-4; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 11. 'Their instruments consisted, each of half a gourd, placed before them, with the convex side up; upon this they placed, with the left hand, a smooth stick, and with their right drew forward and backwards upon it, in a sawing manner, a notched one.' Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 17. 'I noticed, among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end like a clarionet, and a pair of painted drumsticks tipped with gaudy feathers.' Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121. 'Les Indiens (Pueblos) accompagnent leurs danses et leur chants avec des flûtes, où sont marqués les endroits où il faut placer les doigts.... Ils disent que ces gens se réunissent cinq ou six pour jouer de la flûte; que ces instruments sont d'inégales grandeurs.' Diaz, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 295; Castañeda, in Id., pp. 72, 172; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 455; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 331. 'While they are at work, a man, seated at the door, plays on a bagpipe, so that they work keeping time: they sing in three voices.' Davis' El Gringo, p. 119.

[846] The Cocomaricopas, 'componen unas bolas redondas del tamaño de una pelota de materia negra como pez, y embutidas en ellas varias conchitas pequeñas del mar con que hacen labores y con que juegan y apuestan, tirándola con la punta del pié corren tres ó cuatro leguas y la particularidad es que el que da vuelta y llega al puesto donde comenzaron y salieron á la par ese gana.' Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 851. 'It is a favorite amusement with both men [Maricopas] and boys to try their skill at hitting the pitahaya, which presents a fine object on the plain. Numbers often collect for this purpose; and in crossing the great plateau, where these plants abound, it is common to see them pierced with arrows.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 237; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 301. 'Amusements of all kinds are universally resorted to [among the Pueblos]; such as foot-racing, horse-racing, cock-fighting, gambling, dancing, eating, and drinking.' Ward, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1864, p. 192; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 299, 365.

[847] Walker's Pimas, MS. 'The Papago of to-day will on no account kill a coyote.' Davidson, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1865, p. 132. 'Eben so abergläubischen Gebrauch hatten sie bey drohenden Kieselwetter, da sie den Hagel abzuwenden ein Stück von einem Palmteppiche an einem Stecken anhefteten und gegen die Wolken richteten.' Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 203, 207; Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, pp. 385, 389. 'A sentinel ascends every morning at sunrise to the roof of the highest house, and, with eyes directed towards the east, looks out for the arrival of the divine chieftain, who is to give the sign of deliverance.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., p. 165, 197, 390, 210, and vol. ii., p. 54. 'On a dit que la coutume singulière de conserver perpétuellement un feu sacré près duquel les anciens Mexicains attendaient le retour du dieu Quetzacoatl, existe aussi chez les Pueblos.' Ruxton, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1850, tom. cxxvi., p. 58; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv.. p. 851; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 278; Cremony's Apaches, p. 92; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., p. 93. 'I, however, one night, at San Felipe, clandestinely witnessed a portion of their secret worship. One of their secret night dances is called Tocina, which is too horrible to write about.' Arny, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1871, p. 385; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 192; Ives' Colorado Riv., p. 121; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 73, 77; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 278. 'Ils ont des prêtres ... ils montent sur la terrasse la plus élevée du village et font un sermon au moment où le soleil se lève.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 133, 164, 239.

[848] Walker's Pimas, MS.; Mowry, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 361; Ruggles, in Id., 1869, p. 209; Andrews, in Id., 1870, p. 117; Ward, in Id., 1864, p. 188; Davis' El Gringo, pp. 119, 311. The cause of the decrease of the Pecos Indians is 'owing to the fact that they seldom if ever marry outside of their respective pueblos.' Parker, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1869, p. 251; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 273. 'Au milieu [of the estufa] est un foyer allumé, sur lequel on jette de temps en temps une poignée de thym, ce qui suffit pour entretenir la chaleur, de sorte qu'on y est comme dans un bain.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 170.

[849] Walker's Pimas, MS. The Pimas, 'usan enterrar sus varones con su arco y flechas, y algun bastimento y calabazo de agua, señal que alcanzan vislumbre de la immortalidad, aunque no con la distincion de prémio ó castigo.' Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 369. 'The Maricopas invariably bury their dead, and mock the ceremony of cremation.' ... 'sacrifice at the grave of a warrior all the property of which he died possessed, together with all in possession of his various relatives.' Cremony's Apaches, pp. 103, 105. 'The Pimos bury their dead, while the Coco-Maricopas burn theirs.' Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 262. 'The females of the family [Pueblo] approached in a mournful procession (while the males stood around in solemn silence), each one bearing on her head a tinaja, or water-jar, filled with water, which she emptied into the grave, and whilst doing so commenced the death-cry. They came singly and emptied their jars, and each one joined successively in the death-cry; ... They believe that on a certain day (in August, I think) the dead rise from their graves and flit about the neighboring hills, and on that day, all who have lost friends, carry out quantities of corn, bread, meat, and such other good things of this life as they can obtain, and place them in the haunts frequented by the dead, in order that the departed spirits may once more enjoy the comforts of this nether world.' Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 75-8. If the dead Pima was a chief, 'the villagers are summoned to his burial. Over his grave they hold a grand festival. The women weep and the men howl, and they go into a profound mourning of tar. Soon the cattle are driven up and slaughtered, and every body heavily-laden with sorrow, loads his squaw with beef, and feasts for many days.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 112-13; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 204, 210, 281; Ferry, Scènes de la vie Sauvage, p. 115; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 500; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 437; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 165.

[850] 'Though naturally disposed to peaceful pursuits, the Papagoes are not deficient in courage.' Browne's Apache Country, pp. 142, 107, 110-11, 140, 277; Johnson's Hist. Arizona, p. 10; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 188; Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 116, 160; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 500, 506, 512; Id., Aus Amerika, tom. ii., pp. 437, 447, 454; Garces, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii., tom. i., p. 238; Sedelmair, Relacion, in Id., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 850; Gallardo, in Id., p. 892. 'The peaceful disposition of the Maricopas is not the result of incapacity for war, for they are at all times enabled to meet, and vanquish the Apaches in battle.' Emory, in Fremont and Emory's Notes of Trav., p. 49; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., pp. 62, 103; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 282; Hardy's Trav., pp. 440, 443; Mange, Itinerario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., pp. 365-6; Mowry's Arizona, p. 30; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 397, 412; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 553-5, 838. 'The Pueblos were industrious and unwarlike in their habits.' Marcy's Army Life, pp. 98, 110. The Moquis 'are a mild and peaceful race of people, almost unacquainted with the use of arms, and not given to war. They are strictly honest.... They are kind and hospitable to strangers.' Davis' El Gringo, pp. 421, 145. 'C'est une race (Pueblos) remarquablement sobre et industrieuse, qui se distingue par sa moralité.' Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 277, 288, 290; Ruxton, in Id., 1850, tom. cxxvi., pp. 45, 47, 60; Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 191; Ives' Colorado Riv., pp. 31, 36, 45, 122, 124-7; Gregg's Com. Prairies, vol. i., p. 120, 268, 274; Pike's Explor. Trav., p. 342; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 241; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. iv., p. 453; Champagnac, Voyageur, p. 84; Hughes' Doniphan's Ex., pp. 196, 221; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 392; Wislizenus' Tour, p. 26; Pattie's Pers. Nar., p. 91; Ten Broeck, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., pp. 72, 87; Eaton, in Id., p. 220; Bent, in Id., vol. i., p. 244; Kendall's Nar., vol. i., p. 378; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 126, 163; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 528; Möllhausen, Tagebuch, p. 144; Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. ii., p. 240. The Pueblos 'are passionately fond of dancing, and give themselves up to this diversion with a kind of frenzy.' Domenech's Deserts, vol. i., pp. 198, 185, 203, 206, and vol. ii., pp. 19, 51-2; Cutts' Conq. of Cal., pp. 188-9, 222; Simpson's Jour. Mil. Recon., pp. 81, 91, 113, 115; Scenes in the Rocky Mts., p. 177; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 679-80; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 239; Id., Mex., Aztec etc., vol. ii., p. 358. See further: Ind. Aff. Rept., from 1854 to 1872.

[851] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 359; Forbes' Cal., pp. 20-2; Mofras, Explor., tom. i., p. 239; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, vol. i., pp. 95-6; Prichard's Researches, vol. v., p. 446. 'Esse sono tre nella California Cristiana, cioè quelle de' Pericui, de' Guaicuri, e de' Cochimì.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 109. Venegas, in giving the opinion of Father Taravàl, says: 'Tres son (dice este habil Missionero) las Lenguas: la Cochimi, la Pericù, y la de Loreto. De esta ultima salen dos ramos, y son: la Guaycùra, y la Uchiti; verdad es, que es la variacion tanta, que el que no tuviere connocimiento de las tres Lenguas, juzgara, no solo que hay quatro Lenguas, sino que hay cinco.... Està poblada la primera àzia el Medioda, desde el Cabo de San Lucas, hasta mas acá del Puerto de la Paz de la Nacion Pericú, ó siguiendo la terminacion Castellana de los Pericúes: la segunda desde la Paz, hasta mas arriba del Presidio Real de Loreto, es de los Monquis; la tercera desde el territorio de Loreto, por todo lo descubierto al Norte de la nacion Cochimi, ó de los Cochimíes.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 63-6. 'Auf der Halbinsel Alt-Californien wohnen: an der Südspitze die Perícues, dann die Monquis oder Menguis, zu welchen die Familien der Guaycúras und Coras gehören, die Cochímas oder Colímiës, die Laimónes, die Utschítas oder Vehítis, und die Icas.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 212. 'All the Indian tribes of the Peninsula seem to be affiliated with the Yumas of the Colorado and with the Coras below La Paz ... in no case do they differ in intellect, habits, customs, dress, implements of war, or hunting, traditions, or appearances from the well-known Digger Indians of Alta-California, and undoubtedly belong to the same race or family.' Browne's Lower Cal., pp. 53-4.

[852] 'Di buona statura, ben fatti, sani, e robusti.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 112-13. 'El color en todos es muy moreno ... no tienen barba ni nada de vello en el cuerpo.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 47, 61, carta ii., p. 12. Compare: Kino, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 135; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 345, 351; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 68; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 357; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., pp. 443-4; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, p. 99.

[853] 'Siendo de gran deshonra en los varones el vestido.' Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., p. 42. 'Aprons are about a span wide, and of different length.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 361-2. Consult further: Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 81-8, 113; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, pp. 96-9, 107-10; Forbes' Cal., pp. 9, 18; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 120-3, 133, 144; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 371.

[854] 'Unos se cortan un pedazo de oreja, otros las dos; otros agugerean el labio inferior, otros las narizes, y es cosa de risa, pues allí llevan colgando ratoncillos, lagartijitas, conchitas. &c.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 48, 22. 'It has been asserted that they also pierce the nose. I can only say that I saw no one disfigured in that particular manner.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362. 'Nudi agunt, genas quadratis quibusdam notis signati.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 306. Further reference: Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., pp. 279, 282; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347-8, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 412; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 428.

[855] Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 88; Campbell's Hist. Span. Amer., p. 86; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347, 350; Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 45; Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, vol. i., p. 403. 'Le abitazioncelle più comuni sono certe chiuse circolari di sassi sciolti, ed ammucchiati, le quali hanno cinque piedi di diametro, e meno di due d'altezza.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 119. 'I am certainly not much mistaken in saying that many of them change their night-quarters more than a hundred times in a year.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 361.

[856] 'Twenty-four pounds of meat in twenty-four hours is not deemed an extraordinary ration for a single person.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 364-7. 'No tienen horas señaladas para saciar su apetito: comen cuanto hallan por delante; hasta las cosas mas sucias sirven á su gula.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 46-7, 21; see also: Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 13; Salvatierra, in Id., serie iv., tom. v., p. 116; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 106, 135, 143; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 423-4; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 153; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 106; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., p. 318.

[857] 'La pesca si fa da loro in due maniere, o con reti nella spiaggia, o ne' gorghi rimasi della marea, o con forconi in alto mare.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 111, 125-6; 'Use neither nets nor hooks, but a kind of lance.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 364. 'Forman los Indios redes para pescar, y para otros usos.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 52.

[858] 'Poichè le stesse donne si lavavano, e si lavano anche oggidì con essa (orina) la faccia.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 133.

[859] Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469; Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 346, 351; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 362; Kino, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. i., p. 407; Crespi, in Id., serie iv., tom. vii., p. 143. 'Si trovarono altre spezie d'armi per ferir da vicino, ma tutte di legno. La prima è un mazzapicchio, simile nella forma a una girella col suo manico tutta d'un pezzo. La seconda è a foggia d'un ascia di legnajuolo tutta anch'essa d'un sol pezzo. La terza ha la forma d'una piccola scimitara.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 124, 127.

[860] 'El modo de publicar la guerra era, hacer con mucho estruendo gran provision de cañas, y pedernales para sus flechas, y procurar, que por varios caminos llegassen las assonadas à oídos de sus contrarios.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 97-8. Referring to Venegas' work, Baegert, Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 385, says: 'All that is said in reference to the warfare of the Californians is wrong. In their former wars they merely attacked the enemy unexpectedly during the night, or from an ambush, and killed as many as they could, without order, previous declaration of war, or any ceremonies whatever.' See also: Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 424-5, and Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 127.

[861] 'In lieu of knives and scissors they use sharp flints for cutting almost everything—cane, wood, aloë, and even their hair.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, p. 363. 'Le loro reti, tanto quelle da pescare, quanto quelle, che servono a portare checchessia, le fanno col filo, che tirano dalle foglie del Mezcal.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 124. Further notice in Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 90; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 447.

[862] Vancouver, Voy., vol. ii., p. 482, speaking of Lower California says: 'We were visited by one of the natives in a straw canoe.' 'Vedemmo che vsci vna canoua in mare con tre Indiani dalle lor capanne.' Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 350-1, 343, 347, and in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii, p. 418. See further: Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 126; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 469, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 371.

[863] 'Tienen trato de pescado con los indios de tierra adentro.' Salmeron, Relaciones, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 17; also, Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 347-8.

[864] 'Su modo de contar es muy diminuto y corto, pues apénas llegan á cinco, y otros á diez, y van multiplicando segun pueden.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., p. 103. 'Non dividevano l'Anno in Mesi, ma solamente in sei stagioni.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 110-11.

[865] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 129-30. Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 79. 'Entre ellos siempre hay alguno mas desahogado y atrevido, que se reviste con el caracter de Capitan: pero ni este tiene jurisdiccion alguna, ni le obedecen, y en estando algo viejo lo suelen quitar del mando: solo en los lances que les tiene cuenta siguen sus dictámenes.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 40, 45.

[866] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 130-4; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi tom. iii., fol. 348; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 284; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1863, pp. 367-9. 'Sus casamientos son muy ridiculos: unos para casarse enseñan sus cuerpos á las mugeres, y estas á ellos; y adoptándose á su gusto, se casan: otros en fin, que es lo mas comun, se casan sin ceremonia.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 50, 40-1. 'El adulterio era mirado como delito, que por lo menos daba justo motivo á la venganza, á excepción de dos ocasiones: una la de sus fiestas, y bayles: y otra la de las luchas.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., p. 93. 'Les hommes s'approchaient des femmes comme des animaux, et les femmes se mettaient publiquement à quatre pattes pour les recevoir.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 153. This method of copulation is by no means peculiar to the Lower Californians, but is practiced almost universally by the wild tribes of the Pacific States. Writers naturally do not mention this custom, but travellers are unanimous in their verbal accounts respecting it.

[867] 'Fiesta entre los Indios Gentiles no es mas que una concurrencia de hombres y mugeres de todas partes para desahogar los apetitos de luxuria y gula.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 60-75. 'Una de las fiestas mas celebres de los Cochimies era la del dia, en que repartian las pieles à las mugeres una vez al año.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 85-6, 96; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 389; Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., pp. 103, 116.

[868] Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 59-65; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 126, 146. 'There existed always among the Californians individuals of both sexes who played the part of sorcerers or conjurers, pretending to possess the power of exorcising the devil.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 389.

[869] Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 385-7. 'Las carreras, luchas, peleas y otras trabajos voluntarios les ocasionan muchos dolores de pecho y otros accidentes.' Californias, Noticias, carta i., pp. 85-99.

[870] Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 112-13, 142-5; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 426-7; Salvatierra, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. v., p. 23; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., pp. 433-4. 'Rogaba el enfermo, que le chupassen, y soplassen de el modo mismo, que lo hacian los Curanderos. Executaban todos por su orden este oficio de piedad, chupando, y soplando primero la parte lesa, y despues todos los otros organos de los sentidos.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 117-18.

[871] Baegert says: 'It seems tedious to them to spend much time near an old, dying person that was long ago a burden to them and looked upon with indifference. A person of my acquaintance restored a girl to life that was already bound up in a deer-skin, according to their custom, and ready for burial.' Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, p. 387.

[872] 'Solevano essi onorar la memoria d'alcuni defunti ponendo sopra un' alta pertica la loro figura gossamente formata di rami, presso alla quale si metteva un Guama a predicar le loro lodi.' Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., p. 144; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 184.

[873] 'La estupidèz è insensibilidad: la falta de conocimiento, y reflexion: la inconstancia, y volubilidad de una voluntad, y apetitos sin freno, sin luz, y aun sin objeto: la pereza, y horror à todo trabajo, y fatiga à la adhesion perpetua à todo linage de placer, y entretenimiento puerìl, y brutàl: la pusilanimidad, y flaqueza de animo; y finalmente, la falta miserable de todo lo que forma à los hombres esto es racionales, politicos, y utiles para sì, y para la sociedad.' Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. i., pp. 74-9, 87-8. 'Las naciones del Norte eran mas despiertas, dóciles y fieles, ménos viciosas y libres, y por tanto mejor dispuestas para recibir el cristianismo que las que habitaban al Sur.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. lxxxix. 'Eran los coras y pericues, y generalmente las rancherias del Sur de California, mas ladinos y capaces; pero tambien mas viciosos é inquietos que las demas naciones de la península.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 252. 'Ces peuples sont d'une tres-grande docilité, ils se laissent instruire.' Californie, Nouvelle Descente, in Voy. de l'Empereur de la Chine, p. 104. Other allusions to their character may be found in Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 330; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom. ii., p. 292; Baegert, in Smithsonian Rept., 1864, pp. 378-85; Crespi, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. vii., pp. 135, 143-6; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 442; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., tom. i., pp. 113-14; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 451.

[874] Father Ribas, the first priest who visited the Yaquis, was surprised at the loud rough tone in which they spoke. When he remonstrated with them for doing so, their reply was, 'No vés que soy Hiaqui: y dezianlo, porque essa palabra, y nombre, significa, el que habla a gritos.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 285. Mayos: 'Their name comes from their position, and means in their own language boundary, they having been bounded on both sides by hostile tribes.' Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 165. 'Segun parece, la palabra talahumali ó tarahumari significa, "corredor de a pié;" de tala ó tara, pié, y huma, correr'. Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 364. 'La palabra tepehuan creen algunos que es Mexicana, y corrupcion de tepehuani, conquistador; ó bien un compuesto de tepetl, monte, y hua, desinencia que en Mexicano indica posesion, como si dijéramos señor ó dueño del monte. Otros, acaso con mas exactitud, dicen que tepchuan es voz tarahumar, derivada de pehua ó pegua, que significa duro, lo cual conviene con el carácter de la nacion.' Id., tom. ii., p. 45. 'La palabra acaxee parece ser la misma que la de acaxete, nombre de un pueblo perteneciente al estado de Puebla, ambos corrupcion de la palabra Mexicana acaxitl, compuesta de atl (agua), y de caxitl (cazuela ó escudilla), hoy tambien corrompida, cajete: el todo significa alberca, nombre perfectamente adecuado á la cosa, pues que Alcedo, [Diccion. geográf. de América] dice que en Acaxete, "hay una caja ó arca de agua de piedra de cantería, en que se recogen las que bajan de la Sierra y se conducen à Tepeaca: el nombre, pues, nos dice que si no la obra arquitectónica, á lo menos la idea y la ejecucion, vienen desde los antiguos Mexicanos."' Diccionario Universal de Hist. Geog., tom. i., p. 31.

[875] 'Las mugeres son notables por los pechos y piés pequeños.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 169. 'Tienen la vista muy aguda.... El oido es tambien vivissimo.' Arlegui, Crón. de Zacatecas, pp. 174-5. See also, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 7, 145, 285, 677; Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 142; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 416; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 184, 189; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 44, 49; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 242; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69; Hardy's Trav., pp. 289, 299; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 444, 446; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 214-15, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 419; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 345; Guzman, Rel. Anon., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., fol. 296; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 284-5; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 571, 583; Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 562; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 362.

[876] 'No alcanzan ropa de algodon, si no es algunas pampanillas y alguna manta muy gruesa; porque el vestido de ellos es de cuero de venados adobados, y el vestido que dellos hacen es coser un cuero con otro y ponérselos por debajo del brazo atados al hombro, y las mujeres traen sus naguas hechas con sus jirones que les llegan hasta los tobillos como faja.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 296, 290, 481. The Ceri women wear 'pieles de alcatras por lo general, ó una tosca frazada de lana envuelta en la cintura.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 131, 74, 153.

[877] The Temoris had 'las orejas cercadas de los zarcillos que ellos vsan, adornados de conchas de nacar labradas, y ensartadas en hilos azules, y cercan toda la oreja.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 226, 286, 472. Near Culiacan, Nuño de Guzman met about 50,000 warriors who 'traian al cuello sartas de codornices, pericos pequeños y otros diferentes pajaritos.' Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 354. The Humes, 'coronadas sus cabezas de diademas de varias plumas de papagayos, guacamayas con algunos penachos de hoja de plata batida.' Ahumada, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96. 'Los Indios de este nuevo Reyno son de diversas naciones que se distinguen por la diversidad de rayas en el rostro.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 472, 531. 'No hemos visto á ningun carrizo pintado con vermellon, tal como lo hacen otros.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 69. For further description see Hardy's Trav., pp. 289-90, 298; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 445; Combier, Voy., pp. 199-200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 362-4; Espejo, in Id., pp. 384, 390-1; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., p. 250; Castañeda, in Id., tom. ix., p. 157; Jaramillo, in Id., p. 366; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 571; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 184-5, 190; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 552; Arnaya, in Id., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 63; Descrip. Top., in Id., serie iv., tom. iv., pp. 113-14; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., pp. 574-6, 609; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25-6; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 401, 406, and ii., pp. 124, 184; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 226, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 235, 254-5; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167-8; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 241-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539.

[878] 'Todos los pueblos de los indios cobiertas las casas de esteras, á las cuales llaman en lengua de México petates, y por esta causa le llamamos Petatlan.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 296. Compare Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 49, 156; Combier, Voy., pp. 157, 160, 164, 200; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Niza, in Id., p. 366; Espejo, in Id., p. 384; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 206, 216, 227-8; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 232, 255; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 155, 222, 594; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 167, 175; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 327; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 574, 576, 609; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 396; Azpilcueta, in Id., tom. ii., p. 186; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68.

[879] 'Comian inmundas carnes sin reservar la humana.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 530, 80, 84, 533. 'Ils mangent tous de la chair humaine, et vont à la chasse des hommes.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 152, 158-9. See also, Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 150, 180-2; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 3, 6, 7, 11, 14, 175, 217, 385, 671.

[880] Poçolatl, 'beuida de mayz cozido.' Pinolatl, 'beuida de mayz y chia tostado.' Molina, Vocabulario. The Batucas 'cuanto siembran es de regadío ... sus milpas parecen todas huertas.' Azpilcueta, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 186, see also p. 184; Acaxées, mode of fishing, etc., in Id., tom. i., pp. 401-5, also 283-4, 399, 402-3; Tarahumaras, mode of fishing, hunting, and cooking. Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 310, 317, 322-3, 337, 342. The Yaquis 'fields and gardens in the highest state of cultivation.' Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 606. For further account of their food and manner of cooking, etc., see Revista Mexicana, tom. i., pp. 375-6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 54; Zepeda, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 158; Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 72, 169-70; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 465, 469; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 549-50; Jaramillo, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, in Id., tom. vii., pp. 242-3, 249-50, 265; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., tom. iii., p. 384; Coronado, in Id., pp. 363, 374; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 609; Combier, Voy., pp. 160-2, 169, 198, 200, 312; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 289; Tello, in Id., p. 353; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 286, 310; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 442; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 185; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 341-2; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., pp. 256, 260; Zuñiga, in Id., 1842, tom. xciii., p. 239; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 14-5.

[881] Of the Ceris it is said that 'la ponzoña con que apestan las puntas de sus flechas, es la mas activa que se ha conocido por acá ... no se ha podido averiguar cuáles sean á punto fijo los mortíferos materiales de esta pestilencial maniobra? Y aunque se dicen muchas cosas, como que lo hacen de cabezas de víboras irritadas cortadas al tiempo que clavan sus dientes en un pedazo de bofes y de carne humana ya medio podrida ... pues no es mas que adivinar lo que no sabemos. Sin duda su principal ingrediente será alguna raíz.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 560-1, 552. 'El magot es un árbol pequeño muy losano y muy hermoso á la vista; pero á corta incision de la corteza brota una leche mortal que les servia en su gentilidad para emponzoñar sus flechas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 215. See also Hardy's Trav., pp. 298-9, 391; Stone, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 166; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 57; Cabeza de Vaca, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., pp. 250-1; Castañeda, in Id., série i., tom. ix., pp. 209, 222-3; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, pp. 185-6, 190; Arlegui, Chron. de Zacatecas, p. 153; Tello, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 354; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Id., p. 289, 296; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 10, 110, 473, 677; De Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 285, 287, 305, 310; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., pp. 12, 25; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 68; Ramirez, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 284; Combier, Voy., pp. 198, 346; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 384, 390; Niza, in Id., p. 567; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 342-3; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 208, 228; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 234, 255; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 520; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55.

[882] 'El jóven que desea valer por las armas, ántes de ser admitido en toda forma á esta profesion, debe hacer méritos en algunas campañas ... despues de probado algun tiempo en estas experiencias y tenida la aprobacion de los ancianos, citan al pretendiente para algun dia en que deba dar la última prueba de su valor.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., pp. 218-9, 396-8, and tom. i., pp. 396-9. Examine Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 544-7; Lizasoin, in Id., pp. 684-5.

[883] As to the Mayos, 'eran estos indios en sus costumbres y modo de guerrear como los de Sinaloa, hacian la centinela cada cuarto de hora, poniendose en fila cincuenta indios, uno delante de otro, con sus arcos y flechas y con una rodilla en tierra.' Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 241. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 18, 76, 473-4; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 522; Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., pp. 301-2; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 539; Ferry, Scènes de le vie Sauvage, p. 76; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 150; Coronado, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 363; Gallatin, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1851, tom. cxxxi., p. 256.

[884] See Combier, Voy., p. 157; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 307, 335, 337; Descrip. Topog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iv., p. 114; Hardy's Trav., p. 290.

[885] 'Vsauan el arte de hilar, y texer algodon, ó otras yeruas siluestres, como el Cañamo de Castilla, o Pita.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 12, 200. For the Yaquis, see Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 73; for the Ópatas and Jovas, Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 550-2; and for the Tarahumares, Murr, Nachrichten, p. 344; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 166, 174; Id., in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 327; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, pp. 79-80.

[886] 'El indio tomando el asta por medio, boga con gran destreza por uno y otro lado.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. iii., p. 119. 'An Indian paddles himself ... by means of a long elastic pole of about twelve or fourteen feet in length.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 297, 291. See also Niza, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., pp. 366; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. vii., p. 250; Ulloa, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 342.

[887] The Carrizos 'no tienen caballos, pero en cambio, sus pueblos están llenos de perros.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 70. The Tahus 'sacrifiaient une partie de leurs richesses, qui consistaient en étoffes et en turquoises.' Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 150. Compare further, Combier, Voy., pp. 200-1; Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, p. 135; Mex. in 1842, p. 68; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 260; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 380; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, p. 167.

[888] 'Son grandes observadores de los Astros, porque como siempre duermen á Cielo descubierto, y estan hechos â mirarlos, se marabillan de qualquier nueva impression, que registran en los Cielos.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 175. Among the Yaquis, 'hay asimismo músicos de violin y arpa, todo por puro ingenio, sin que se pueda decir que se les hayan enseñado las primeras reglas.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, p. 74. See also Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 12; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 285; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 152; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 370; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 80.

[889] 'Leyes, ni Reyes que castigassen tales vicios y pecados, no los tuuieron, ni se hallaua entre ellos genero de autoridad y gouierno politico que los castigasse.' Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 11; Combier, Voy., p. 200; Ahumada, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv., tom. iii., p. 96; Espejo, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 384.

[890] The word cacique, which was used by the Spaniards to designate the chiefs and rulers of provinces and towns throughout the West Indies, Central America, Mexico, and Peru, is originally taken from the Cuban language. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 595, explains it as follows: 'Cacique: señor, jefe absoluto ó rey de una comarca ó Estado. En nuestros dias suele emplearse esta voz en algunas poblaciones de la parte oriental de Cuba, para designar al regidor decano de un ayuntamiento. Asi se dice: Regidor cacique. Metafóricamente tiene aplicacion en nuestra península, para designar á los que en los pueblos pequeños llevan la voz y gobiernan á su antojo y capricho.'

[891] 'Juntos grandes y pequeños ponen á los mocetones y mujeres casaderas en dos hileras, y dada una seña emprenden á correr éstas; dada otra siguen la carrera aquellos, y alcanzándolas, ha de cojer cada uno la suya de la tetilla izquierda; y quedan hechos y confirmados los desposorios.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 542-3. 'Unos se casan con una muger sola, y tienen muchas mancebas.... Otras se casan con quantas mugeres quieren.... Otras naciones tienen las mugeres por comunes.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 154-7. For further account of their family relations and marriage customs, see Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 11, 145, 171, 201, 242, 475; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96, p. 186; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., pp. 150, 152, 155, 158; Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, tom. ii., p. 541; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 530; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 452; Arista, in Id., p. 417; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 70; Combier, Voy., p. 201; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 409.

[892] Les Yaquis 'aiment surtout une danse appelée tutuli gamuchi ... dans laquelle ils changent de femmes en se cédant réciproquement tous leurs droits conjugaux.' Zuñiga, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1842, tom. xciii., pp. 238-9. The Sisibotaris; 'En las danzas ... fué muy de notar que aunque danzaban juntos hombres y mugeres, ni se hablaban ni se tocaban inmediatamente las manos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. ii., p. 124, and tom. i., pp. 405-7. In the province of Pánuco, 'cuando estan en sus borracheras é fiestas, lo que no pueden beber por la boca, se lo hacen echar por bajo con un embudo.' Guzman, Rel. Anón., in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. ii., p. 295. See further, Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 9, 15, 256, 672; Murr, Nachrichten, pp. 321, 343, 345; De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 287; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 519, 530; Castañeda, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. ix., p. 158; Hardy's Trav., p. 440; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 158, 160; Donnavan's Adven., pp. 46, 48; Las Casas, Hist. Indias, MS., lib. iii., cap. 168; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 167; Soc. Géog., Bulletin, série v., No. 96. p. 190; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. ii., p. 261; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 381; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 25.

[893] The Ópatas have 'grande respeto y veneracion que hasta hoy tienen á los hombrecitos pequeños y contrahechos, á quienes temen y franquean su casa y comida.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., p. 628. 'Angulis atque adytis angues complures reperti, peregrinum in modum conglobati, capitibus supra et infra exsertis, terribili rictu, si quis propuis accessisset, cæterum innocui; quos barbari vel maxime venerabantur, quod diabolus ipsis hac forma apparere consuesset: eosdem tamen et manibus contrectabant et nonnunquam iis vescebantur.' De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 284. Further reference in Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 472; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 574-5; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, p. 169; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 166-7; Sevin, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxx., p. 26.

[894] 'Quando entre los Indios ay algun contagio, que es el de viruelas el mas continuo, de que mueren innumerables, mudan cada dia lugares, y se van á los mas retirados montes, buscando los sitios mas espinosos y enmarañados, para que de miedo de las espinas, no entren (segun juzgan, y como cierto lo afirman) las viruelas.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 152-3, 182. See also, Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 431; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 70-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 399, tom. ii., pp. 213-4, 219-20; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 17, 322-3; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 411; Hardy's Trav., p. 282; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 547-8.

[895] See Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 516; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 443.

[896] 'Las mas de las naciones referidas son totalmente barbaras, y de groseros entendimientos; gente baxa.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 149. The Yaquis: 'by far the most industrious and useful of all the other tribes in Sonora ... celebrated for the exuberance of their wit.' Hardy's Trav., pp. 439, 442. 'Los ópatas son tan honrados como valientes ... la nacion ópata es pacífica, dócil, y hasta cierto punto diferente de todas los demas indígenas del continente ... son amantes del trabajo.' Zuñiga, in Escudero, Noticias de Sonora y Sinaloa, pp. 139-41. 'La tribu ópata fué la que manifestó un carácter franco, dócil, y con simpatías á los blancos ... siempre fué inclinada al órden y la paz.' Velasco, Noticias de Sonora, pp. 151, 117. The Ópatas 'son de génio malicioso, disimulados y en sumo grado vengativos; y en esto sobresalen las mujeres.' Sonora, Descrip. Geog., in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii., tom. iv., pp. 629-30. See also: Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, pp. 237, 285, 358, 369, 385; Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., pp. 442-3; Ward's Mexico, vol. i., p. 583, vol. ii., p. 606; Combier, Voy., pp. 198-201; Malte-Brun, Sonora, pp. 13-14; Browne's Apache Country, p. 248; Lachapelle, Raousset-Boulbon, p. 79; Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, pp. 169, 176; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, pp. 405, 442; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 284, 402-3, 405, 452, and tom. ii., p. 184; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 80, 84; Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, pp. 69-70; García Conde, in Album Mex., tom. i., p. 93.

[897] Otomí;—'Otho en la misma lengua othomí quiere decir nada, y mi, quieto, ó sentado, de manera que traducida literalmente la palabra, significa nada-quieto, cuya idea pudiéramos expresar diciendo peregrino ó errante.' Pimentel, Cuadro, tom. i., p. 118. Chichimecs;—'Los demas Indios les llamaban Chichimecos (que hoy lo mismo es chichi que perros altaneros) por la ninguna residencia.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 44. Speaking of Chichimecs, 'debaxo deste nombre estan muchas naciones con dierencias de lenguas como son Pamies, Capuzes, Samues, Zancas, Maiolias, Guamares, Guachichiles, y otros, todos diferentes aunque semejantes en las costumbres.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xiv. For further etymology of tribes, see Buschmann, Ortsnamen.

[898] 'Hanno d'altezza più di cinque piedi parigini.' Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. iv., p. 161. 'De pequeña estatura [cuatro piés seis pulgadas, á cinco piés cuando mas.]' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 229. In Yalisco 'casi en todo este reyno, son grandes, y hermosas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 271. 'Son de estatura alta, bien hechos y fornidos.' Ulloa, Noticias Americanas, p. 308; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 182; Burkart, Mexico, tom. i., p. 49; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 560; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 236.

[899] 'In complexion, feature, hair and eyes, I could trace a very great resemblance between these Indians and the Esquimaux.' Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 296, see also vol. ii., pp. 199, 239. 'Son de la frente ancha, y las cabezas chatas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 133, 129. See further, Prichard's Nat. Hist. Man, vol. ii., p. 511; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Almaraz, Memoria, p. 79; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 82, 86; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 280; Viollet-Le-Duc., in Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 102; Poinsett's Notes on Mex., pp. 107-8; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., pp. 73-4; Fossey, Mexique, p. 391; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 320; D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 352; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50; Figuier's Hum. Race, p. 455; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 38-40; Bullock's Mexico, vol. i., pp. 184, 192; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 142, 167, 291.

[900] In Mexico in 1698 the costume was a 'short doublet and wide breeches. On their shoulders they wear a cloak of several colours, which they call Tilma.... The women all wear the Guaipil, (which is like a sack) under the Cobixa, which is a fine white cotton cloth; to which they add another upon their back.... Their coats are narrow with figures of lions, birds, and other creatures, adorning them with curious ducks' feathers, which they call Xilotepec.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 491. Dress of a native girl of Mexico, 'enaguas blanquísimas, el quisquemel que graciosamente cubre su pecho y espalda ... dos largas trenzas color de ébano caen á los lados del cuello.' Prieto, Viajes, pp. 454, 190-1, 430-1. 'Leur costume varie selon le terrain et le climat.' Löwenstern, Mexique, pp. 176, 339.

[901] See Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. ii., pp. 346-8.

[902] 'Usan de una especie de gran paño cuadrado, que tiene en el centro una abertura por donde pasa la cabeza.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 229.

[903] 'Yuan muy galanes, y empenachados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. i. 'Señores ó principales, traían en el labio un bezote de chalchivite ó esmeralda, ó de caracol, ó de oro, ó de cobre.... Las mugeres cuando niñas, tambien se rapaban la cabeza, y cuando ya mosas dejaban criar los cabellos ... cuando alguna era ya muger hecha y habia parido, tocabase el cabello. Tambien traían sarcillos ó orejeras, y se pintaban los pechos y los brazos, con una labor que quedaba de azul muy fino, pintada en la misma carne cortándola con una navajuela.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 123-5, 133-4. 'En el Pueblo de Juito salieron muchos Yndios de paz con escapularios blancos al pecho, cortado el cabello en modo de cerquillo como Religiosos, todos con unas cruces en las manos que eran de carrizos, y un Yndio que parecia el principal ó cacique con un vestuario de Tunica talan.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 73, also, pp. 21, 44, 46, 63, 107, 150. For further description of dress and ornaments see Nebel, Viaje, plates, nos. xxvi., xxxi., xxxvi., xli., xlvi.; Thompson's Recollections Mexico, p. 29; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 250, 252, 281; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 211; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 90, 279; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., pp. 64, 198; Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, p. 162; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 210; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 10, 67; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., pp. 276, 296; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 55-6; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec. 1864, pp. 478-9; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., p. 61; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302; Burkart, Mexico, tom. i., pp. 50-1.

[904] 'Les cabanes sont de véritables cages en bambous.' Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, p. 170; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 179, 522; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 192, 195, 373, 437, 447; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 223-4; Beaufoy's Mex. Illustr., p. 258; Pagés Travels, vol. i., p. 159; Dillon, Hist. Mex., p. 47.

[905] Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 582. 'Estos Otomies comian los zorrillos que hieden, culebras y lirones, y todo género de ratones, comadrejas, y otras sabandijas del campo y del monte, lagartijas de todas suertes, y abejones y langostas de todas maneras.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 126-7, 123-5. In Jalisco 'Los indios de aquellas provincias son caribes, que comen carne humana todas las veçes que la pueden aver.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 568.

[906] In Puebla 'Los Indios se han aplicado mas al cultivo de la tierra y plantío de frutas y legumbres.' In Michoacan 'Cultivan mucho maiz, frixoles y ulgodon.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. i., pp. 494, 714. In Querétaro 'viven del cultivo de las sementeras.' Id., tom. iii., p. 320.

[907] 'They boil the Indian wheat with lime, and when it has stood a-while grind it, as they do the cacao.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. v., pp. 496, 492, 513; Walton's Span. Col., p. 305. For further account of food see Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 88-9, 156; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 295; Klemm, Cultur-Geschichte, p. 102; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 44, 53, 73, 127; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 79, 87; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Prieto, Viajes, pp. 191-2, 373; Mex. in 1842, pp. 46, 64, 68; Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 32; Albornoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc., tom. i., p. 488; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 185, 218-19; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 245, with plate; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 310; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 443.

[908] Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., pp. 268-9. 'One would think the bath would make the Indians cleanly in their persons, but it hardly seems so, for they look rather dirtier after they have been in the temazcalli than before.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 302.

[909] Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 33, 72-3; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235. 'El arco y la flecha eran sus armas en la guerra, aunque para la caza los caciques y señores usaban tambien de cervatanas.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 279. 'I saw some Indians that kill'd the least birds upon the highest trees with pellets shot out of trunks.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 512, and in Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 397.

[910] West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. i., p. 102; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 141-4, with plate; Cartas al Abate de Pradt, p. 114; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 286; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 89; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 129, 133; Lyon's Journal, vol. i., pp. 149, 293; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. ii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 378. 'Una macana, á manera de porra, llena de puntas de piedras pedernales.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 568. 'En schilden uit stijve stokjens gevlochten, van welke sick verwonderens-waerdig dienen in den oorlog.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 225-6, and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 254.

[911] 'Siempre procuran de acometer en malos pasos, en tierras dobladas y pedregosas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. vii., lib. ii., cap. xii. 'Tres mil Yndios formaban en solo una fila haciendo frente á nuestro campo.' Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 34; see further, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 572; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., p. 235.

[912] The Chichimecs 'Flea their heads, and fit that skin upon their own heads with all the hair, and so wear it as a token of valour, till it rots off in bits.' Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 513, and Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., p. 400. 'Quitandoles los cascos con el pelo, se los llevan á su Pueblo, para baylar el mitote en compañia de sus parientes con las cabezas de sus enemigos en señal del triunfo.' Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 179, 159-60. Further reference in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 133-4; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281.

[913] Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 338; Vigneaux, Souv. Mex., p. 274; Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Tylor's Anahuac, pp. 201-2; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 224-6, 241; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 224; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 252.

[914] 'The Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., lib. vii., p. 1433. The Otomís 'sabian hacer lindas labores en las mantas, enaguas, y vipiles que tejian muy curiosamente; pero todas ellas labraban lo dicho de hilo de maguéy que sacaban y beneficiaban de las pencas.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127; see also, Tylor's Anahuac, p. 201; Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 193; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243; Mex. in 1842, p. 66; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. ii., p. 341; Lyon's Journal, vol. ii., p. 43; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 63.

[915] Dale's Notes, p. 24.

[916] 'In those countreys they take neither golde nor silver for exchange of any thing, but onley Salt.' Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; compare Lyon's Journal, vol. i., p. 293, and vol. ii., p. 198; and Tylor's Anahuac, p. 85.

[917] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 98; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 316; Ward's Mexico, vol. ii., p. 237; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 131; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 243; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 6; Carpenter's Trav. Mex., p. 243. 'Les Mexicains ont conservé un goût particulier pour la peinture et pour l'art de sculpter en pierre et en bois.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 446. 'Lo particular de Michoacan era el arte de pintar con las plumas de diversos colores.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 90. 'Son muy buenos cantores y tañedores de toda suerte de instrumentos.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 308.

[918] Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 567; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., pp. 31, 68; Ottavio, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1833, tom. lix., p. 61.

[919] Mayer's Mex., Aztec, etc., vol. ii., p. 296; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 428-30. 'Tenian uso y costumbre los otomíes, de que los varones siendo muy muchachos y tiernos se casasen, y lo mismo las mugeres.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 127. Chichimecs 'casanse con las parientas mas cercanas, pero no con las hermanas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xv.

[920] Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 246-8; Bullock's Mexico, vol. i., p. 192; Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 21-2; Rittner, Guatimozin, p. 81. 'El amancebamiento no es deshonra entre ellos.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., pp. 281, 335. 'Zlingerden de kinderen in gevlochte korven aen boomtakken.' Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 219; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 246.

[921] 'La mancebía, el incesto, y cuanto tiene de mas asquerosamente repugnante el desarreglo de la concupiscencia, se ha convertido en hábito.' Prieto, Viajes, p. 379; Fossey, Mexique, p. 27; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 56.

[922] Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 97; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 160; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., p. 131; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 12; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, pp. 19, 127; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 80; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 61; Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. ii., p. 470; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 219; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 517.

[923] Arlegui, Chrón. de Zacatecas, pp. 161-2; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 175-6; Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311; Prieto, Viajes, p. 375; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 12. 'Los indios, si no todos en su mayor parte, viven ligados por una especie de masonería.' Bustamante, in Prieto, Viajes, p. 199. 'Wenn mehrere in Gesellschaft gehen, nie neben, sondern immer hinter einander und selten ruhig schreitend, sondern fast immer kurz trabend.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 39. 'L'Indien enterre son argent, et au moment de sa mort il ne dit pas à son plus proche parent oú il a déposé son trésor, afin qu'il ne lui fasse pas faute quand il ressuscitera.' Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 339.

[924] 'La petite vérole et la rougeole sont deux maladies très communes.' Chappe d'Auteroche, Voyage, p. 25. The Pintos 'marked with great daubs of deep blue ... the decoration is natural and cannot be effaced.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. See further: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 33-4, 395-6. Compare Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 66, 69-70, 88; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 250; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 282; Cassel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1830, tom. xlv., p. 340; Löwenstern, Mexique, p. 207; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 502-3; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 443; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 40.

[925] 'Los Indios son grandes herbolarios, y curan siempre con ellas.' Mendoza, Hist. de las Cosas, p. 311. 'For fevers, for bad colds, for the bite of a poisonous animal, this (the temazcalli) is said to be a certain cure; also for acute rheumatism.' Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 255; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 430; Menonville, Reise, p. 124; Murr, Nachrichten, p. 306; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 250.

[926] 'Notant barbari, folia parti affectæ aut dolenti applicata, de eventu morbi præjudicare: nam si firmiter ad hæreant, certum signum esse ægrum convaliturum, sin decidant, contra.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 271; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 438-9.

[927] The remains of one of their ancient kings found in a cave is thus described; 'estaba cubierto de pedreria texida segun su costumbre en la manta con que se cubria desde los hombros hasta los pies, sentado en la misma silla que la fingieron el solio, con tahalí, brazaletes, collares, y apretadores de plata; y en la frente una corona de hermosas plumas, de varios colores mezcladas, la mano izquierda puesta en el brazo de la silla, y en la derecha un alfange con guarnicion de plata.' Alcedo, Diccionario, tom. iii., p. 299. See also: Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 259-60; Apostólicos Afanes, p. 22; Armin, Das Heutige Mexiko, p. 249.

[928] D'Orbigny, Voy., p. 353; Calderon de la Barca's Life in Mex., vol. i., p. 200; Mayer's Mex. as it Was, pp. 170, 201; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, pp. 114, 172; Larenaudière, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1824, tom. xxiii., p. 67; Ottavio, in Id., 1833, tom. lix., p. 71; Rittner, Guatimozin, pp. 81-2; Villa, in Prieto, Viajes, pp. 446-7; Arizcorreta, Respuesta á, pp. 24, 26; Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 131, 135; Rossi, Souvenirs, p. 285; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 213; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 40-1; Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, MS., p. 10; Poinsett's Notes Mex., pp. 108, 161; Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 445; Gemelli Careri, in Churchill's Col. Voyages, vol. iv., p. 492; Berenger, Col. de Voy., tom. ii., pp. 383-4; Bonnycastle's Span. Am., vol. i., pp. 49-50. 'L'indigène mexicain est grave, mélancolique, silencieux, aussi long-temps que les liqueurs enivrantes n'ont pas agi sur lui.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., pp. 94, 96. 'The most violent passions are never painted in their features.' Mill's Hist. Mex., pp. 5-6, 10. 'Of a sharpe wit, and good vnderstanding, for what soeuer it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. iv., p. 1433.

[929] The Pintos of Guerrero are 'most ferocious savages.' Tylor's Anahuac, p. 309. The Chichimecs are 'los peores de todos y los mayores homicidas y salteadores de toda la tierra.' Zarfate, in Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus, tom. i., p. 281. See further, Almaraz, Memoria, p. 18; Kératry, in Revue des deux Mondes, Sept., 1866, p. 453; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 323; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 284; Laet, Novus Orbis, pp. 269, 280; Combier, Voy., p. 394; Biart, in Revue Française, Dec., 1864, pp. 479, 485; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. viii., lib. vi., cap. xvi.; Ribas, Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 721; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 560; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 271; Beaumont, Crón. de Mechoacan, MS., pp. 197, 235; Pagés' Travels, vol. i., p. 150.

[930] The Mayas, 'Sie selbst nennen sich heute noch Macegual, d. h. Eingeborene vom Maya-Lande, nie Yucatanos oder Yucatecos, was spanischer Ausdruck für die Bewohner des Staates ist.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 142-3. See also Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 163, 173, 176, 196; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, preface, p. clvii.; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 208; tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 140-3; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 396, 400-1; Remesal, Hist. de Chyapa, pp. 264-5; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 14.

[931] Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220, 224, 227; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-94; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 215; Macgregor's Progress of America, pp. 848, 850; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 287, 500-1; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394. Zapotecs 'bien tallados,' Mijes 'Arrogantes, altiuos de condicion, y cuerpo,' Miztecs 'linda tez en el rostro, y buena disposicion en el talle.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 271, 354, 401, tom. i., pt. ii., p. 134. 'Tehuantepec women: Jet-black hair, silky and luxuriant, enframes their light-brown faces, on which, in youth, a warm blush on the cheek heightens the lustre of their dark eyes, with long horizontal lashes and sharply-marked eyebrows.' Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269. The Soques, 'short, with large chests and powerful muscles.... Both men and women have very repulsive countenances.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 126.

[932] 'Es gente la de Yucatan de buenos cuerpos, bien hechos, y rezios'.... The women 'bien hechas, y no feas ... no son blancas, sino de color baço.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. iii., cap. iv. See further: Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 258; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 291; Tylor's Anahuac, p. 16.

[933] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 285; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 255; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 288; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. de Tehuantepec, p. 194; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Leon, in Id., p. 162; Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 555. 'Muchachos ya mayorcillos. Todos desnudos en carnes, como nacieron de sus madres.... Tras ellos venian muchos Indios mayores, casi tan desnudos como sus hijos, con muchos sartales de flores ... en la cabeza, rebuxada una toca de colores, como tocado de Armenio.' Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, p. 292.

[934] 'With their hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114. 'Muy empenachados y pintados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221-2, 226.

[935] 'Their apparell was of Cotton in manifold fashions and colours.' Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 885. The Maya woman's dress 'se reduce al hipil que cubre la parte superior del cuerpo, y al fustan ó enagua, de manta de algodon.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 158. Of the men 'un calzoncillo ancho y largo hasta media pierna, y tal vez hasta cerca del tobillo, de la misma manta, un ceñidor blanco ó de colores, un pañuelo, y un sombrero de paja, y á veces una alpargata de suela, con sus cordones de mecate.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 177-8. See further: Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59; Wilson's Amer. Hist., pp. 88, 114; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 147, 179.

[936] 'Tous portaient les cheveux longs, et les Espagnols ont eu beaucoup de peine à les leur faire couper; la chevelure longue est encore aujourd'hui le signe distinctif des Indiens insoumis.' Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 40. 'Las caras de blanco, negro, y colorado pintadas, que llaman embijarse, y cierto parecen demonios pintados.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 6. Compare above with Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 262.

[937] 'The buildings of the lower class are thatched with palm-leaves, and form but one piece, without window or chimney.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 544. 'Cubrense las casas de vna cuchilla que los Indios hazen de pajas muy espessas y bien assentadas, que llaman en esta tierra jacales.' Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 549. See also: Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 554; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 221, 225, with cut; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 252; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 197.

[938] The Chochos and Chontales 'no tenian Pueblo fundado, si no cobachuelas estrechas en lo mas escondido de los montes.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336. The Chinantecs lived 'en rancherias entre barrancas, y espessuras de arboles.' Burgoa, Palestra, Hist., pt. i., fol. 102; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 438.

[939] Zapotecs; 'Se dan con gran vicio sus sementeras.' Miztecs, 'labradores de mayz, y frizol.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 36, 143 and 47, 165-6, 184, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 199-200, 202, 228, 282, 396, 398, 400. Zapotecs, 'grande inclinacion, y exercicio á la caza, y monteria de animales campesinos en especial de venados.' Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 110. See further: Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-2, 225-6; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93-4; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 56, 61; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 59.

[940] Tabasco: 'Comen a sus horas concertadas, carnes de vaca, puerco, y aues, y beué vna beuida muy sana, hecha de cacao, mayz, y especia de la tierra, la qual llaman Zocolate.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. Tortillas, 'When they are baked brown, they are called "totoposti," and taste like parched corn.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. The Chontales, 'su alimento frecuente es el posole ... rara vez comen la carne de res.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 161-2; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 112-14; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 543-4.

[941] Sr Moro, speaking of the chintule, says: 'Una infusion de estas raices comunica su fragancia al agua que los tehuantepecanos emplean como un objeto de lujo sumamente apreciado, tanto para labar la ropa de uso, como para las abluciones personales.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 180. 'Toutes les parties de leur vêtement sont toujours nouvellement blanchies. Les femmes se baignent au moins une fois par jour.' Fossey, Mexique, p. 24. At Chiapas, 'Tous ces Indiens, nus ou en chemise, répandaient dans l'atmosphère une odeur sui generis qui soulevait le cœur.' Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 457. The women are 'not very clean in their habits, eating the insects from the bushy heads of their children.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'No son muy limpias en sus personas, ni en sus casas, con quanto se laban.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148.

[942] 'Peleauan con lanças, armadas las puntas con espinas y huessos muy agudos de pescados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi. 'Usaban de lanzas de desmesurado tamaño para combatir.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 187. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 461; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 336; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5-6, 11, 77; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 58-59; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 179.

[943] 'Tienen enfrente deste Pueblo vn cerro altissimo, con vna punta que descuella soberviamente, casi entre la Region de las nubes, y coronase con vna muy dilatada muralla de lossas de mas de vn estado de alto, y quentan de las pinturas de sus characteres historiales, que se retiraban alli, para defenderse de sus enemigos.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 167. 'Començaron luego á tocar las bozinas, pitos, trompetillas, y atabalejos de gente de guerra.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and lib. iv., cap. xi. Also see Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, pp. 5, 77-8; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 60-3; Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 263.

[944] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 110; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 196; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, p. 454. 'Sobre vna estera si la tiene, que son muy pocos los que duermen en alto, en tapescos de caña ... ollas, ó hornillos de tierra ... casolones, ò xicaras.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 294, 393.

[945] 'Los zoques cultivan ... dos plantas pertenecientes á la familia de las bromelias, de las cuales sacan el ixtle y la pita cuyas hebras saben blanquear, hilar y teñir de varios colores. Sus hilados y las hamacas que tejen con estas materias, constituyen la parte principal de su industria y de su comercio'.... The Zapotecs, 'los tejidos de seda silvestre y de algodon que labran las mugeres, son verdaderamente admirables.' Moro, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 170, 180. Of the Miztecs it is said that 'las mugeres se han dado á texer con primor paños, y huepiles, assi de algodon como de seda, y hilo de oro, muy costosos.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 143, and tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 400. Further reference in Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 226-7; Chilton, in Hakluyt's Voy., vol. iii., p. 459; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., p. 163; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., p. 49; Gage's New Survey, p. 236; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., pp. 198, 209.

[946] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ii., lib. iv., cap. xi.; Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 2; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 179, 214; Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 123. 'Their canoes are formed out of the trunk of a single mahogany or cedar tree.' Dale's Notes, p. 24. When Grijalva was at Cozumel 'vino una canoa.' Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 56. The Huaves 'no poseyendo embarcaciones propias para arriesgarse en aguas de algun fondo, y desconociendo hasta el uso de los remos, no frecuentan mas que los puntos que por su poca profundidad no ofrecen mayor peligro.' Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 90.

[947] Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Palacios, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 547; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Voy. Tehuantepec, p. 108; Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. ii., p. 394; Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., p. 849; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 93; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., p. 14.

[948] 'Les seigneurs de Cuicatlan étaient, au temps de la conquête très-riches et très-puissants, et leurs descendants en ligne directe, décorés encore du titre de caciques.' Fossey, Mexique, pp. 338-9. At Etla 'Herren des Ortes waren Caziken, welche ihn als eine Art von Mannlehen besassen, und dem Könige einen gewissen Tribut bezahlen mussten.' Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 188. The Miztecs 'tenian señalados como pregoneros, officiales que elegian por año, para que todas las mañanas al despuntar el Sol, subidos en lo mas alto de la casa de su Republica, con grandes vozes, llamasen, y exitasen á todos, diziendo salid, salid á trabajar, á trabajar, y con rigor executivo castigaban al que faltaba de su tarea.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, also Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.

[949] 'Estava sujeta á diuersos Señores, que como Reyezuelos dominaban diuersos territorios ... pero antes auia sido toda sujeta á vn Señor, y Rey Supremo, y asi gouernada con gouierno Monarquico.' Cogolludo, Hist. de Yucathan, p. 60. 'En cada pueblo tenian señalados Capitanes a quienes obedecian.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. ii.-iv. For old customs and new, compare above with Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 168, and Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 267.

[950] 'With other presents which they brought to the conqueror were twenty female slaves.' Helps' Span. Conq., vol. ii., p. 264.

[951] 'Vbo en esta juridicion grandes errores, y ritos con las paridas, y niños recien nacidos, lleuandolos á los rios, y sumergiendolos en el agua, hazian deprecacion á todos los animales aquatiles, y luego á los de tierra le fueran fauorables, y no le ofendieran.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329. 'Consérvase entre ellos la creencia de que su vida está unida á la de un animal, y que es forzoso que mueran ellos cuando éste muere.' Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5. 'Between husband and wife cases of infidelity are rare.... To the credit of the Indians be it also said, that their progeny is legitimate, and that the vows of marriage are as faithfully cherished as in the most enlightened and favored lands. Youthful marriages are nevertheless of frequent occurrence.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. Women of the Japateco race: 'their manners in regard to morals are most blameable.' Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. Moro, referring to the women of Jaltipan, says: 'Son de costumbres sumamente libres: suele decirse ademas que los jaltipanos no solo no las celan, sino que llevan las ideas de hospitalidad á un raro exceso.' Garay, Reconocimiento, p. 116; Ferry, Costal L'Indien, pp. 6-7; Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 166.

[952] 'Iuntauanse en el Capul, que es vna casa del comun, en cada barrio, para hazer casamientos, el Cazique, el Papa, los desposados, los parientes: estando sentados el señor, y el Papa, llegauan los contrayentes, y el Papa les amonestaua que dixessen las cosas que auian hecho hasta aquella hora.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xi.

[953] Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 114; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 50; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. ii., pp. 15-16; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 272; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 256; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 166.

[954] 'Their amusements are scarcely worthy of note ... their liveliest songs are sad, and their merriest music melancholy.' Barnard's Tehuantepec, p. 222. 'Afectos á las bebidas embriagantes, conocen dos particulares, el chorote, y el balché ó guarapo, compuesto de agua, caña de azúcar, palo-guarapo y maiz quemado.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 162. See also: Fossey, Mexique, pp. 343, 364; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., p. 115; Stephens' Yucatan, vol. i., pp. 144-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 496-7.

[955] 'Provinciæ Guazacualco atque Ylutæ nec non et Cueztxatlæ indiginæ, multas ceremonias Iudæorum usurpabant, nam et circumcidebantur, more à majoribus (ut ferebant) accepto, quod alibi in hisce regionibus ab Hispanis hactenus non fuit observatum.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 261. 'They appear to regard with horror and avoid with superstitious fear all those places reputed to contain remains or evidences of their former religion.' Shufeldt's Explor. Tehuantepec, p. 125. See further: Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 265, 286; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 281-2, 290, 313, 332, 335-6, 397; Id., Palestra Hist., fol. 110; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 90, 93; Dicc. Univ., tom. iv., p. 257.

[956] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 329; Baeza, in Registro Yucateco, tom. i., p. 168; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 313; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543. 'Ay en esta tierra mucha diuersidad de yeruas medicinales, con que se curan los naturales.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. vii., cap. iii. The Maya 'sabe las virtudes de todas las plantas como si hubiese estudiado botánica, conoce los venenos, los antídotos, y no se lo ocultan los calmantes.' Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 158, 162, 178.

[957] Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., p. 51; Museo Mex., tom. ii., p. 554. 'En Tamiltepec, los indios usan de ceremonias supersticiosas en sus sepulturas. Se les ve hacer en los cementerios pequeños montones de tierra, en los que mezclan víveres cada vez que entierran alguno de ellos.' Berlandier y Thovel, Diario, p. 231.

[958] The Miztecs 'siempre de mayor reputacion, y mas políticos.' Zapotecs 'naturalmente apazibles, limpios, lucidos, y liberales.' Nexitzas 'astutos, maliciosos, inclinados á robos, y desacatos, con otros Cerranos supersticiosos, acostumbrados á aleuosias, y hechizeros.' Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. i., pt. ii., fol. 151, tom. ii., pt. ii., fol. 202, 312, also fol. 204, 211, 228, 271, 282, 294, 335, 400. Choles, 'nacion ... feroz, guerrera é independiente.' Balbi, in Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 167. 'Siendo los Indios Mixes de natural feroz, barbaro, y duro, que quieren ser tratados con aspereza, y rigor.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. i., p. 224. See further: Burgoa, Palestra Hist., pt. i., fol. 101; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, pp. 161-2, 186-7; Torres, in Id., p. 179; Museo Mex., tom. ii., pp. 554-5; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 269; Hermesdorf, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 543; Barnard's Tehuantepec, pp. 220-7; Charnay, Ruines Américaines, pp. 258-9, 287; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 439; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. ii., pt. i., p. 200; Dampier's Voyages, vol. ii., pt. ii., pp. 115-16; Dávila Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., p. 294; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 325.

[959] 'Es el indio yucateco un monstruoso conjunto de religion é impiedad, de virtudes y vicios, de sagacidad y estupidez ... tiene ideas exactas precisas de lo bueno y de lo malo.... Es incapaz de robar un peso, y roba cuatro veces dos reales.... Siendo honrado en casi todas sus acciones ... se puede decir que el único vicie que le domina es el de la embriaguez.' Registro Yucateco, tom. i., pp. 291-3; Baeza, in Id., tom. i., pp. 166-8, 174; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 148; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iv.; Mill's Hist. Mex., p. 158; Moro, in Garay, Reconocimiento, pp. 89-34; Müller, Reisen, tom. ii., p. 371.

[960] The Lacandones are of one stock with the Manches, and very numerous. They were highly civilized only one hundred and fifty years ago. Boyle's Ride, vol. i., preface, pp. 14-17. 'The old Chontals were certainly in a condition more civilised.' Id., pp. 286-95, 265-70. 'Die Chontales werden auch Caraiben genannt.' Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-8, 265, 283-90, 311, 321, 326, 330, 335. It seems there existed in Nicaragua: Chorotegans, comprising Dirians, Nagrandans, and Orotiñans; Cholutecans and Niquirans, Mexican colonies; and Chondals. Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 309-12. Examine further: Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 454; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 285-92; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 69; Benzoni, Hist. del Mondo Nuovo, fol. 104; Malte-Brun, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clviii., p. 200; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 40; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 357-8, 370; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18-19; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 202, 208, 272, tom. ii., pp. 49, 125, 313; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 79, 110-11; Valois, Mexique, pp. 288, 299-300; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., pp. 89-97.

[961] Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 40-1; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 268, 278-9; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 33-4; Dunn's Guatemala, pp. 277-8; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 338; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 260, tom. ii., pp. 126, 197; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; Belly, Nicaragua, tom. i., pp. 200-1; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 52-3; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 104. Round Leon 'hay más indios tuertos ... y es la causa el contínuo polvo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 64. In Guatemala, 'los hombres muy gruessos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., caps. xi., xii., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv. 'Ceux de la tierra fria sont petits, trapus, bien membrés, susceptibles de grandes fatigues ... ceux de la tierra caliente sont grands, maigres, paresseux.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47, 21. 'Kurze Schenkel, langen Oberleib, kurze Stirne und langes struppiges Haar.' Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 78. 'The disproportionate size of the head, the coarse harsh hair, and the dwarfish stature,' of the Masayas. Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 8-9.

[962] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 407, 414. In Salvador, the women's 'only garment being a long straight piece of cotton cloth without a seam.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 103-4. The Nicaraguans 'se rasent la barbe, les cheueux, et tout le poil du corps, et ne laissent que quelques cheueux sur le sommet de la teste.... Ils portent des gabans, et des chemises sans manches.' D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 93. 'The custom of tattooing, it seems, was practiced to a certain extent, at least so far as to designate, by peculiarities in the marks, the several tribes or caziques ... they flattened their heads.' Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., pp. 341, 345; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 273-4; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 566; Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 363-5, 368; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19-20, 46-9, 56-60; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 193-5; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 278-9; Gage's New Survey, pp. 316-8; Montgomery's Guatemala, pp. 98-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 102, 126, 145, 171, 227, 245, 253; Galindo, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1834, tom. lxiii., p. 149; Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 166; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 263.

[963] The Lacandones have 'floating gardens which can navigate the lagoons like bolsas,' and are often inhabited. They have stone sepulchres highly sculptured. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. 'In these ancient Chontales villages the houses were in the centre, and the tombs, placed in a circle around.... The Indians who before the Spanish conquest inhabited Nicaragua did not construct any large temples or other stone buildings.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 126-7. They live like their forefathers 'in buildings precisely similar ... some huts of a single room will monopolise an acre of land.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 6-8; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-19; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 75, 430, 496; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 69-70; Valois, Mexique, p. 278; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86, 102; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 89, 96; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 19, 55; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept., 1867, p. 425; West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. ii., pp. 380, 390; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 566.

[964] They 'vivent le plus souvent de fruits et de racines.' Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47, 20-2, 69. 'Tout en faisant maigre chère, ils mangent et boivent continuellement, comme les animaux.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 104, 92, 102, 132, 134, 145, 240, tom. i., pp. 205-6. Nicaraguans 'essen auch Menschenfleisch ... alle Tag machet nur ein Nachbar ein Fewer an, dabei sie alle kochen, vnd dann ein anderer.' West und Ost Indischer Lustgart, pt. i., p. 390. 'Perritos pequeños que tambien los comian, y muchos venados y pesquerías.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 413-14, 407. Hunting alligators: a man dives under, and fastens a noose round the leg of the sleeping monster; his companions then haul it on shore and kill it. Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 139, 130. Compare further: Findlay's Directory, vol. i., p. 253; Gage's New Survey, pp. 319-23; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 412-13, 494; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 103-4; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 196-7; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii.-ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 320; Waldeck, Voy. Pitt., pp. 42-3.

[965] Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 337; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 173.

[966] The Lacandones 'emploient des flèches de canne ayant des têtes de cailloux.' Galindo, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. ii., p. 67. See also, Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-80; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 305; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195, 278; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 413, 430; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 358.

[967] Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 31; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 14, 1862.

[968] Valois, Mexique, pp. 278, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 130; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 430; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 279; Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 272-3; Valenzuela, in Id., Cent. Amer., p. 567. The Lacandon hut contained 'des métiers à tisser, des sarbacanes, des haches et d'autres outils en silex.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 79, 104, 197, 211. 'Duermen en vna red, que se les entra por las costillas, o en vn cañizo, y por cabecera vn madero: ya se alumbran con teas.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. xiv., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi. At Masaya, 'Leur mobilier se compose de nattes par terre, de hamacs suspendus, d'un lit de cuir et d'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' Belly, Nicaragua, tom. i., pp. 197-8.

[969] 'Le principe colorant est fixé an moyen d'une substance grasse que l'on obtient par l'ébullition d'un insecte nommé age.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 130, 197. Consult further, Squier's Nicaragua, pp. 269-73; Baily's Cent. Amer., pp. 124-5; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vii., ix., lib. x., cap. xiv.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 44; Squier, in Hist. Mag., vol. v., p. 215; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 47; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., p. 338; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 274.

[970] Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 241-2; Lafond, Voyages, tom. i., p. 317; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 31; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-8. In their trade, the Lacandones 'are said to have employed not less than 424 canoes.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 271.

[971] The Quichés 'portent jusqu'au Nicaragua des hamacs en fil d'agave.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 145, 92, 130-1, 198, tom. i., pp. 260, 318, 320; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 18, 60; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 68, 271, 475; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 248, 345; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 319; Hardcastle, in Hist. Mag., vol. vi., p. 153; Gage's New Survey, p. 319.

[972] Among the Nahuatls 'mechanical arts are little understood, and, of course, the fine arts still less practiced.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 320; Id., Nicaragua, pp. 270-3. The Masayans have 'une caisse en cèdre, quelquefois ornée d'incrustations de cuivre.' Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 197-8. See also, Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 130; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 134; Gage's New Survey, p. 329; Valois, Mexique, pp. 287, 420-6; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 127, 295; Funnell's Voy., p. 113; Dunn's Guatemala, p. 281; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[973] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 20, 49-51; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 134; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 398; Gage's New Survey, pp. 318-9, 417; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862. 'Chacun d'eux vint ensuite baiser la main du chef, hommage qu'il reçut avec une dignité imperturbable.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 245-6, 134.

[974] 'Leur dernier-né suspendu à leurs flancs.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 198, 126, tom. i., pp. 204-5, 318. In Salvador, the 'bridegroom makes his wife's trousseau himself, the women, strange to say, being entirely ignorant of needlework.' Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 103. Further reference in Valois, Mexique, pp. 280, 288; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 200-1, 253; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 303-4; Revue Brit., 1825, in Amérique Centrale, p. 23; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 80; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 272; Gage's New Survey, p. 319; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 195-6; Tempsky's Mitla, p. 365; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 20, 47; Scherzer, Wanderungen, p. 66; Id., Die Indianer von Istlávacan, p. 11.

[975] Gage's New Survey, pp. 323, 347-50; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 415; Valois, Mexique, pp. 279-80, 420-6; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 48; Froebel's Cent. Amer., pp. 78-81; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 306, 312; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 567; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 447-9; Coreal, Voyages, tom. i., pp. 88-9; Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 34; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 320-2; Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. 'Les Indiens ne fument pas.' Belly, Nicaragua, p. 164. 'Ihr gewöhnliches Getränke ist Wasser.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 304. 'Je n'ai entendu qu'à Flores, pendant le cours de mon voyage, des chœurs exécutés avec justesse.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 42-4, 325, tom. i., p. 196.

[976] The Lacandon chief received me with 'the emblem of friendship (which is a leaf of the fan-palm).' Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 14, 1862. See Tempsky's Mitla, pp. 364-5; Valois, Mexique, pp. 407-8; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Thümmel, Mexiko, p. 394; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 197; Foote's Cent. Amer., p. 122; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 48-9; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 7-15; Reichardt, Nicaragua, pp. 106, 234; Valenzuela, in Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 566-7; Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 206, tom. ii., pp. 58, 101-2, 104, 197; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 293-4, vol. ii., pp. 11-12, 48.

[977] At Masaya, 'The death-rate among children is said to be excessive.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., p. 10. 'Alle Glieder der Familie hatten ein äusserst ungesundes Aussehen und namentlich die Kinder, im Gesicht bleich und mager, hatten dicke, aufgeschwollene Bäuche,' caused by yucca-roots. Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 494, 173-4; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-10, 152; Gage's New Survey, p. 318; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 49; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 345-6; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 302, 398; Escobar, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 91; Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 10-11.

[978] Scherzer, Die Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 11-12; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p. 63; Valois, Mexique, p. 408.

[979] 'La somme des peines est donc limitée comme celle des jouissances; ils ne ressentent ni les unes ni les autres avec beaucoup de vivacité.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., pp. 205-7, 196, tom. ii., pp. 104, 132, 198, 200, 253. 'When aroused, however, they are fierce, cruel, and implacable ... shrewd ... cringing servility and low cunning ... extreme teachableness.' Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 42-3. 'Melancholy ... silent ... pusillanimous ... timid.' Dunn's Guatemala, p. 278. 'Imperturbability of the North American Indian, but are a gentler and less warlike race.' Foote's Cent. Amer., pp. 104-5. Nicaraguans 'are singularly docile and industrious ... not warlike but brave.' Squier's Nicaragua, p. 268. For further reference concerning these people see Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 555; Bülow, Nicaragua, pp. 79-81; Juarros' Hist. Guat., pp. 197-8; Belly, Nicaragua, pp. 109, 160; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, pp. 70, 135-6; T' Kint, in Id., pp. 157-8; Fossey, Mexique, p. 471; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xiv., and p. 75; Gage's New Survey, pp. 311-12, 333; Valois, Mexique, pp. 238-9, 277, 288, 299, 430; Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, pp. 47-9, 69; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 35; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; Scherzer, Wanderungen, pp. 53, 61, 455, 464-5; Dunlop's Cent. Amer., pp. 211, 337-8. The Lacandones are very laconic, sober, temperate and strict. Pontelli, in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 7, 1862.

[980] The name Mosquito is generally supposed to have arisen from the numerous mosquito insects to be found in the country; others think that the small islands off the coast, "which lie as thick as mosquitoes," may have caused the appellation; while a third opinion is that the name is a corruption of an aboriginal term, and to substantiate this opinion it is said that the natives call themselves distinctly Misskitos. Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 134, 19-23. The Carib name is pronounced "Kharibees" on the coast. Macgregor's Progress of America, vol. i., pp. 770, 775. 'Il existe chez eux des langues très différentes, et nous avons remarqué qu'à cent lieues de distance ils ne se comprennent plus les uns les autres.' Varnhagen, Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci, p. 40. See further: Stout's Nicaragua, p. 113; Squier's Nicaragua, vol. ii., p. 308; Id., Cent. Amer., pp. 241, 244-7; 252-3; Bülow, Nicaragua, p. 77; Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 346; Galindo, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. iii., p. 290; Bell, in Id., vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 123, 201-2, 243; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 395-6; Young's Narrative, pp. 36, 86; Wappäus, Geog. u. Stat., pp. 243-7, 303, 347-50; Henderson's Honduras, p. 216; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. xii-xiii., 269, 287; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 179-80, 287-8.

[981] 'Die Backenknochen treten nicht, wie bei andern amerikanischen Stämmen, auffallend hervor ... starke Oberlippe.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 134-6, 59, 70, 151. Consult also: Squier's Cent. Amer., pp. 230, 251, 597-8; Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 388-9; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 397-8; Varnhagen, Prem. Voy. de Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 40-1. The pure type has 'schlichte, gröbere, schwarze Haare und feinere Lippen.' Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 74, 177, 180, 287-8; Young's Narrative, pp. 26, 28-9, 72, 75, 79, 82, 87, 123; Uring's Hist. Voy., p. 226; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 256-9; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248, 305, 403; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 104; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298, 317; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329. The natives of Corn island are 'of a dark copper-colour, black Hair, full round Faces, small black Eyes, their Eye-brows hanging over their Eyes, low Foreheads, short thick Noses, not high, but flattish; full Lips, and short Chins.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 31-2, 7-8.

[982] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 412; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-50, 280, 308, 403, 415; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 772; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 11, 32; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 253-6, 298; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 116-17, 136-7; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 256-60; Young's Narrative, pp. 12, 26, 29, 32, 72, 77, 83, 122, 133. 'Alcuni vsano certe camiciuole com'quelle, che vsiamo noi, lunghe sino al belico, e senza manche. Portano le braccia, e il corpo lauorati di lauori moreschi, fatti col fuoco.' Colombo, Hist. del Ammiraglio, pp. 403-5.

[983] Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 334; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 185; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 660; Id., in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 613; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 13, 77, 98-9, 125; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 279, 295, 415-6; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 258-9; Bard's Waikna, pp. 293-4, 318-9; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 20, 137-9; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 167, 178; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 23, 55-7.

[984] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.-v.; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., pp. 774-5; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 613; Young's Narrative, pp. 14, 18, 21, 61, 74-7, 96, 98, 106; Bard's Waikna, pp. 100-11, 132-6, 297-303, 320; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 75-6, 87, 168-74. The Woolwas had fish 'which had been shot with arrows.' Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 403, 248-50, 300-1, 407, 412-13; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 9-13, 35-7.

[985] Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. 18; Young's Narrative, pp. 76, 99, 133; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335.

[986] Of the people of Las Perlas islands it is said; 'Aen't endt van haer geweer een hay-tandt, schieten met geen boogh.' Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 71, 150. Also see: Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 105; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. ix., cap. x., and dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 7-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 120, 128.

[987] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 153; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 8; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 331.

[988] 'Hammocks, made of a Sort of Rushes.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 64, 23. 'El almohada vn palo, o vna piedra: los cofres son cestillos, aforrados en cueros de venados.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v. Consult also: Young's Narrative, pp. 76-7; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 85; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 660; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 100, 116, 123, 138, 173.

[989] Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 167; Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 298-9. 'Auf irgend eine Zubereitung (of skins) verstehen sich die Indianer nicht.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 190, 148. 'They make large Jars here, one of which will hold ten Gallons, and not weigh one Pound.' Cockburn's Journey, p. 83.

[990] Young's Narrative, pp. 11, 19, 76, 160-1; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., pp. 155-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 35, 85. 'Der Tuberose tree der Engländer liefert die stärksten Baumstämme, deren die Indianer sich zur Anfertigung ihrer grössten Wasserfahrzeuge bedienen.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 116, 70, 147.

[991] The Mosquitos have 'little trade except in tortoise-shells and sarsaparilla.' Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 659. Compare Bard's Waikna, p. 317; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 252; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 337; Young's Narrative, pp. 16, 82, 86-7, 91, 126; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 148, 171-4, 190.

[992] The Mosquitos 'divisaient l'année en 18 mois de 20 jours, et ils appellaient les mois Ioalar.' Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog., tom. vi., p. 472. 'Dit konense reeckenen by de Maen, daer van sy vyftien voor een jaer reeckenen.' Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 152. 'Für die Berechnung der Jahre existirt keine Aera. Daher weiss Niemand sein Alter.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142, 267-8. See also Bard's Waikna, pp. 244-5; Young's Narrative, p. 76; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. vi.

[993] Bard's Waikna, pp. 292-3; Cockburn's Journey, p. 37; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 63. The natives of Honduras had 'pedaços de Tierra, llamada Calcide, con la qual se funde el Metal.' Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 104.

[994] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.; Cockburn's Journey, p. 45; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10-11; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 150; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 406; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 184; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 49; Winterfeldt, Mosquito-Staat, p. 22; Bard's Waikna, pp. 231, 297-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., pp. 258-9; Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., p. 614; Id., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1858, tom. clx., p. 134; Young's Narrative, pp. 71, 98; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 171-2. 'Sie stehen unter eignen Kaziken, die ihre Anführer im Kriege machen und welchen sie unbedingt gehorchen.' Poyas, 'Ihre Regierungsform ist aristokratisch.' Hassel, Mex. Guat., pp. 388, 390. Mosquito 'conjurers are in fact the priests, the lawyers and the judges ... the king is a despotic monarch.' Bonnycastle's Span. Amer., vol. i., p. 174.

[995] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335.

[996] Bard's Waikna, pp. 127, 129-30, 202-11, 236, 243, 299-300, 321-3; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, pp. 332, 336; Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 137; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 216. 'They marry but one Wife, with whom they live till death separates them.' Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 9. 'Doch besitzen in der That die meisten Männer nur ein Weib.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 144-6, 133-9; Salazar y Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., tom. ii., p. 312.

[997] Esquemelin relates that the natives on the Belize coast and adjacent islands carried the new-born infant to the temple, where it was placed naked in a hole filled with ashes, exposed to the wild beasts, and left there until the track of some animal was noticed in the ashes. This became patron to the child who was taught to offer it incense and to invoke it for protection. Zee-Roovers, pp. 64-9, 149. The genitals are pierced as a proof of constancy and affection for a woman. Id., pp. 151-3. Compare Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii.-vi.; Young's Narrative, pp. 73, 75, 123, 125; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 251, 254-5, 257-8; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 249, 306-8; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 335; Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 409; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 245-7.

[998] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iii., vi.; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255-6. The Woolwas 'haben gewisse Jahresfeste bei welchen weder ein Fremder noch Weiber und Kinder des eignen Stammes zugelassen werden. Bei diesen Festen führen sie mit lautem Geschrei ihre Tänze auf, "wobei ihnen ihr Gott Gesellschaft leistet."' Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., pp. 407-8.

[999] Squier, in Harper's Mag., vol. xix., pp. 603-6, 613; Sivers, Mittelamerika, pp. 171-2, 174-6; Martin's West Indies, vol. i., p. 155; Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 337; Uring's Hist. Voy., pp. 223-5; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 10, 127; Bard's Waikna, pp. 205-9, 226-9, 232-3, 299; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 108, 141-2, 146-7, 196, 201-2, 267; Crowe's Cent. Amer., p. 247; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 306, 405; Young's Narrative, pp. 30-3, 72, 77-8, 125, 132-5; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 150-1. The natives of Honduras kept small birds which 'could talk intelligibly, and whistle and sing admirably.' Cockburn's Journey, pp. 52-3, 46, 70-2, 88-90.

[1000] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.-vi.; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 36, 45-6; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., pp. 8-9, 86; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 142-3; Martin's Brit. Col., vol. ii., p. 413; Bard's Waikna, pp. 228-32, 239-43, 256-8, 273-4. Sivers was thought possessed of the devil, and carefully shunned, because he imitated the crowing of a cock. Sivers, Mittelamerika, p. 178.

[1001] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v., dec. v., lib. i., cap. x.; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 245-7; Young's Narrative, pp. 23, 26, 28, 73, 82; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 253, 260-1; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 132, 148-51; Bard's Waikna, pp. 243-4.

[1002] The dead 'are sewed up in a mat, and not laid in their grave length-ways, but upright on their feet, with their faces directly to the east.' Amer. Span. Settl., p. 46. 'Ein anderer Religionsgebrauch der alten Mosquiten war, dass sie bey dem Tode eines Hausvaters alle seine Bedienten mit ihm begruben.' Delaporte, Reisen, tom. x., p. 408. Bard's Waikna, pp. 68-73, 245-6; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 136, 143-4; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 307-8; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 255; Froebel, Aus Amerika, tom. i., p. 407; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.-vi.; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, pp. 152-3.

[1003] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. viii., cap. vii., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi., lib. viii., cap. iii., v.; Young's Narrative, pp. 78-82, 85, 87, 122, 133; Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 250-2, 257-8; Bard's Waikna, pp. 245, 317, 324; Mosquitoland, Bericht, pp. 135, 139-40, 144-5, 236; Strangeways' Mosquito Shore, p. 329; Puydt, Rapport, in Amérique Centrale, p. 71; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 248-9, 279, 308-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. 13, 18; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 240, 289, 302; Crowe's Cent. Amer., pp. 49, 243.

[1004] The Guatusos 'are said to be of very fair complexion, a statement which has caused the appellation of Indios blancos, or Guatusos—the latter name being that of an animal of reddish-brown colour, and intended to designate the colour of their hair.' Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Id., Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 244. Speaking of Sir Francis Drake's mutineers and their escape from Esparsa northward, he says: 'It is believed by many in Costa Rica that the white Indians of the Rio Frio, called Pranzos, or Guatusos ... are the descendants of these Englishmen.' Boyle's Ride, vol. ii., pp. 210, 27, and vol. i., pref., pp. xx-xxii. 'Talamanca contains 26 different tribes of Indians; besides which there are several neighbouring nations, as the Changuenes, divided into thirteen tribes; the Terrabas, the Torresques, Urinamas, and Cavecaras.' Juarros' Hist. Guat., p. 373; Squier's Cent. Amer., p. 413; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., pp. 331-3.

[1005] 'The indians who at present inhabit the Isthmus are scattered over Bocas del Toro, the northern portions of Veraguas, the north-eastern shores of Panama and almost the whole of Darien, and consist principally of four tribes, the Savanerics, the San Blas Indians, the Bayanos, and the Cholos.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 317. 'At the time of the conquest of Darien, the country was covered with numerous and well-peopled villages. The inhabitants belonged to the Carribbee race, divided into tribes, the principal being the Maudinghese, Chucunaquese, Dariens, Cunas, Anachacunas, &c. On the eastern shore of the Gulf of Uraba dwelt the immense but now nearly exterminated tribe of the Caimans,—only a few remnants of the persecutions of the Spaniards, having taken refuge in the Choco Mountains, where they are still found.... The Dariens, as well as the Anachacunas, have either totally disappeared or been absorbed in other tribes.' Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 91-2; Fitz-Roy, in Id., vol. xx., pp. 163-4; Roquette, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1855, tom. cxlvii., p. 30; Bateman, in N. Y. Century, 6th Decem., 1860; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 406; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, introd., p. ccii. See Tribal Boundaries.

[1006] Savanerics, 'a fine athletic race.' Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 318. 'Tienen los cascos de la cabeça gruessos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 138. 'The Chocós are not tall nor remarkable in appearance, but always look well conditioned.' Michler's Darien, p. 65. 'Son apersonados.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., fol. 56; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 77, 87; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 36; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 107; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-7; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vi; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Cockburn's Journey, p. 235; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. ii., p. 98; Winthrop's Canoe and Saddle, p. 365; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., vol. i., p. 823; Fransham's World in Miniature, p. 25. 'Afirmaua Pasqual de Andagoya, auer visto algunos tan grandes, que los otros hombres eran enanos con ellos, y que tenian buenas caras, y cuerpos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. vi.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 412; Gage's New Survey, p. 174; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 69-70; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 67.

[1007] Golfo Dulce. 'Modicæ sunt staturæ, bene compositis membris, moribus blandis et non invenustis.' Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 329. 'It is a universal belief along the Atlantic coast, from Belize to Aspinwall, that the Frio tribe have white complexions, fair hair, and grey eyes.' Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pp. 20, 236, and pref., pp. xxi-xxii.; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., pp. 6, 12; Id., in Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 62; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 131-7.

[1008] 'El miembro generativo traen atado por el capullo, haçiéndole entrar tanto adentro, que á algunos no se les paresçe de tal arma sino la atadura, que es unos hilos de algodon allí revueltos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 109-11, 179. See also: Cockburn's Journey, pp. 181-3, 188; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 557-9; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., p. 251. Referring to Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, 'La gente que hallo andaua en cueros, sino eran señores, cortesanos, y mugeres.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 66, 87. Urabá; 'Ex gentibus ijs mares nudos penitus, fœminas uero ab umbilico gossampina contectas multitia repererunt.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. i., also dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. vi., viii.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles (Balboa), p. 9; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37, 87, 102, plate, 132-4, 138-48, plate; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Warburton's Darien, p. 322; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 26; Andagoya, in Id., pp. 307-8, 407, 412; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., vi., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 43, 65-6, 86.

[1009] Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316; Porras, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 285; Colon, in Id., p. 298; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 240-1; Gage's New Survey, p. 191; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 88, 284; and Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 99, 319; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95-8; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Cullen's Darien, pp. 67-8; Esquemelin, Zee-Roovers, p. 142; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii.-ccxliv. The women of Cueba 'se ponian una barra de oro atravessada en los pechos, debaxo de las tetas, que se las levanta, y en ella algunos páxaros é otras figuras de relieve, todo de oro fino: que por lo menos pessaba çiento é çinqüenta é aun dosiçentos pessos una barreta destas.... Destos caracoles grandes se haçen unas conteçicas blancas de muchas maneras, é otras coloradas, é otras negras, é otras moradas, é cañuticos de lo mesmo: é haçen braçaletes en que con estas qüentas mezclan otras, é olivetas de oro que se ponen en las muñecas y ençima de los tobillos é debaxo de las rodillas por gentileça: en espeçial las mugeres.... Traen assimesmo çarçillos de oro en las orejas, é horádanse las nariçes hecho un agugero entre las ventanas, é cuelgan de allí sobre el labio alto otro çarçillo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126, 138.

[1010] Their hair 'they wear usually down to the middle of the Back, or lower, hanging loose at its full length.... All other Hair, except that of their Eye-brows and Eye-lids, they eradicate.' Wafer's New Voy., pp. 132-3; Gisborne's Darien, p. 155; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 824; D'Avity, L'Amérique, tom. i., p. 98.

[1011] Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 86; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1836, tom. cli., p. 9; Froebel, Aus Amer., tom. i., p. 246; Id., Cent. Amer., p. 26; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 253.

[1012] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 95; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 319, 321-2; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 151; Michler's Darien, p. 84; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 149-52; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 234-5. On the banks of the Rio Grande, the Spaniards under Johan de Tavira found 'muchas poblaçiones en barbacoas ó casas muy altas, fechas é armadas sobre postes de palmas negras fortíssimas é quassi inexpugnables'.... 'Hay otra manera de buhíos ó casas en Nata redondos, como unos chapiteles muy altos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 50, 131, 8, 46. 'En otras muchas partes hacian sus casas de madera y de paja de la forma de una campana. Estas eran muy altas y muy capaces que moraban en cada una de ellas diez y mas vecinos.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. 43.

[1013] 'Hallaron muchos pueblos cercados, con palenques de madera.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. ix., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii., vi. 'Tengano le lor case in cima de gli alberi.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 160. See also: Irving's Columbus, vol. iii., p. 176; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 75; Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 108.

[1014] Of Comagre's palace it is said, 'Longitudinem dimensi passuum centum quinquaginta, latitudinem uero pedum octoginta, in uacuo dinumerarunt: laquearibus et pauimentis arte eximia laboratis.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii. Compare further: Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64-5, 87; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71-2, 98; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, p. 81.

[1015] Squier, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 11; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., pp. xii., xxiii.; Hassel, Mex. Guat., p. 407; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 204, 224-5; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 558-9. On the Chara Islands, 'comen los indios en estas islas muchos venados é puercos, que los hay en grandissima cantidad, é mahiz, é fésoles muchos é de diversas maneras, é muchos é buenos pescados, é tambien sapo ... é ninguna cosa viva dexan de comer por suçia que sea.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 110.

[1016] 'Hanno la maggior parte di questa costiera per costume di mangiar carne humana e quando mangiauano de gli Spagnuoli, v'erano di coloro che ricusauano di cibarsene, temendo ancora che nel lor corpo, non gli facessero quelle carni qualche danno.' Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 49. On the coast 'they live principally upon fish, plantains, and bananas, with Indian corn and a kind of cassava.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10, 20. Compare Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 308; Balboa, in Id., tom. iii., pp. 364-5; Alcedo, Dicc., tom. v., p. 293; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65, 68-9; Colombo, Hist. Ammiraglio, p. 412; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 20-2.

[1017] 'Cogen dos y tres vezes al año maiz, y por esto no lo engraneran.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 82, 88. 'Seguian mucho la caça de venados, y de aquellos puercos con el ombligo al espinazo.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., xv. For further details see Michler's Darien, pp. 65, 68, 81; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 403, 407; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 71; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 79; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 315, 319; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vii.; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 132-3, 136, 139; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 88, 101, 106-7, 129-130, 152-6, 170-7.

[1018] Michler's Darien, p. 65; Cockburn's Journey, p. 236. 'Tienen por costumbre, assi los indios como las indias, de se bañar tres ó quatro veçes al dia, por estar limpios é porque diçen que descansan en lavarse.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 135-6.

[1019] In Cueva, 'no son flecheros, é pelean con macanas é con lanças luengas y con varas que arrojan, como dardos con estóricas (que son cierta manera de avientos) de unos bastones bien labrados.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 127, 129. 'Sunt autem ipsorum arma, non arcus, non sagittæ uenenatæ, uti habere indígenas illos trans sinum orientales diximus. Cominus hi certant ut plurimum, ensibus oblongis, quos macanas ipsi appellant, ligneis tamen, quia ferrum non assequuntur: et præustis sudibus aut osseis cuspidibus, missilibus etiam ad præluim utuntur.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., also, dec. iv., lib. x., dec. v., lib. ix. Compare further, Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. vi., lib. x., cap. i.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 403; Parras, in Id., tom. i., p. 285; Cockburn's Journey, p. 225; D'Avity, L'Amérique., p. 98; Otis' Panamá, pp. 77-8; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., pp. 95, 98.

[1020] 'The pipe was made of two pieces of reed, each forming a half circle; these being placed together left a small hole, just large enough for the admission of the arrow.... The arrows are about eight inches long ... the point very sharp, and cut like a corkscrew for an inch up.... This is rolled in the poison.... The arrow will fly one hundred yards, and is certain death to man or animal wounded by it; no cure as yet having been discovered. A tiger, when hit, runs ten or a dozen yards, staggers, becomes sick, and dies in four or five minutes. A bird is killed as with a bullet, and the arrow and wounded part of the flesh being cut out, the remainder is eaten without danger.' Cochrane's Journal in Colombia, vol. ii., pp. 405-7. 'That poyson killeth him that is wounded, but not suddenly.... Whoso is wounded, liues a miserable and strict life after that, for he must abstaine from many things.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. 'Some woorali (corova) and poisoned arrows that I obtained from the Indians of the interior were procured by them from Choco ... their deadly effect is almost instantaneous.' Cullen's Darien, p. 67. 'We inquired of all the Indians, both men and boys, at Caledonia Bay and at San Blas for the "curari" or "urari" poison ... they brought us what they represented to be the bona-fide poison.... It turned out to be nothing but the juice of the manzanillo del playa. So, if this is their chief poison, and is the same as the "curari", it is not so much to be dreaded.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 136-7. See further, Fitz-Roy, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xx., p. 164; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi.; Michler's Darien, p. 77; Dampier's Voyages, vol. i., p. 41.

[1021] Acosta, N. Granada, p. 6; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., p. 17. 'Traian suscoseletes fechos de algodon, que les llegaban é abaxaban de las espaldas dellos, é les llegaban á las rodillas é dende abaxo, é las mangas fasta los codos, é tan gruesos como un colchon de cama, son tan fuertes, que una ballesta no los pasa.' Pacheco, Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. ii., p. 516.

[1022] 'Cuando iban á la guerra llevaban coronas de oro en las cabezas y unas patenas grandes en los pechos y braceletes y otras joyas en otros lugares del cuerpo.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxv., ccxliv. 'El herido en la guerra es hidalgo, y goza de grandes franquezas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. 'A los que pueden matar matan, é á los que prenden los hierran é se sirven dellos por esclavos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 129, 126. See further: Quintana, Vidas Españoles (Balboa), p. 8; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 399, 403, 412; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 133.

[1023] 'La manta de la hamaca no es hecha red, sino entera é muy gentil tela delgada é ancha.... Hay otras, que la manta es de paja texida é de colores é labores.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 131, 136, 138, 142, 181. 'Muy buenas redes con anzuelos de hueso que hacen de concha de tortuga.' Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'Tenian los Reyes y Señores ricos y señalados vasos con que bebian.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. lxv. Compare further: Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. i., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. i.; Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. i., dec. vii., lib. x.; Michler's Darien, pp. 66, 77; Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 21-2.

[1024] Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 348; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., p. 320; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 29; Cockburn's Journey, pp. 172-3, 243-4; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 92-4, 160-2. Referring to Chiriquí earthen relics; 'The vessels ... are neatly and sometimes very gracefully formed of clay.... Several bear resemblance to Roman, Grecian, and Etruscan jars.... Dr. Merritt mentioned that the natives of the Isthmus now make their rude earthen utensils of a peculiar black earth, which gives them the appearance of iron.' Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 176. In Veragua 'vide sábanas grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras pintadas muy sútilmente a colores con pinceles.' Colon, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. i., p. 308.

[1025] 'En estas islas de Chara é Pocosi no tienen canoas, sino balsas'.... In the Province of Cueba 'tienen canoas pequeñas, tambien las usan grandes ... hay canoa que lleva çinquenta ó sessenta hombres é mas.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 110, 159. See also: Michler's Darien, pp. 48, 66-7; Wafer's New Voy., p. 96; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 67; and Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 75; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Acosta, N. Granada, p. 43.

[1026] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 74, 88; Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 364-5; Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. vi.; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. x., cap. iii.; Belcher's Voyage, vol. i., p. 250; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99; Gisborne's Darien, p. 154; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6. 'Quando los indios no tienen guerra, todo su exerciçio es tractar é trocar quanto tienen unos con otros ... unos llevan sal, otros mahiz, otros mantas, otros hamacas, otros algodon hilado ó por hilar, otros pescados salados; otros llevan oro.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 140, tom. ii., p. 340.

[1027] 'Este cacique Davaive tiene grand fundicion de oro en su casa; tiene cient hombres á la contina que labran oro.' Balboa, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 364-5. 'Hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas, fundidas, soldadas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y los crisoles.' Colon, in Id., tom. i., p. 308. In Panamá, 'grandes Entalladores, y Pintores.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., fol. 56. Compare further: Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nuovo, fol. 88; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x.; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, pp. 29-30; Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.; Bidwell's Isthmus, p. 37.

[1028] Wafer's New Voy., pp. 178-86; Lussan, Jour. du Voy., p. 46; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 99.

[1029] 'Besan los pies al hijo, o sobrino, que hereda, estando en la cama: que vale tanto como juramento, y coronacion.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255-6, 88. 'Todos tenian sus Reies, y Señores, á quien obedecian.' Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 346. 'Los hijos heredauan a los padres, siendo auidos en la principal muger.... Los Caziques y señores eran muy tenidos y obedecidos.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. See also, Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 129-30, 142, 156-7; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 9; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 399; Wafer's New Voy., p. 163; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 73; Wallace, in Miscellanea Curiosa, vol. iii., p. 418; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Funnell's Voyage, pp. 131-2; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 20.

[1030] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 8, 126, 129; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 77; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, p. 66; Dapper, Neue Welt, p. 74.

[1031] Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 98; Macgregor's Process of Amer., pp. 823-5, 829; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliv. 'Casauanse con hijas de sus hermanas: y los señores tenian muchas mugeres.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. x. 'De las mugeres principales de sus padres, y hermanas ó hijas guardan que no las tomen por mugeres, porque lo tienen por malo.' Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 402-3. Of wives: 'They may haue as many as they please, (excepting their kindred, and allies) vnlesse they be widdowes ... in some place a widdow marryeth the brother of her former husband, or his kinsman, especially if hee left any children.' Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.

[1032] The women 'observe their Husbands with a profound Respect and Duty upon all occasions; and on the other side their Husbands are very kind and loving to them. I never knew an Indian beat his Wife, or give her any hard Words.... They seem very fond of their Children, both Fathers and Mothers.' Wafer's New Voy., pp. 156-66. 'Tienen mancebias publicas de mugeres, y aun de hombres en muchos cabos.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 87. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 18, 20, 133-4; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), pp. 9-10.

[1033] 'Pipes, or fluites of sundry pieces, of the bones of Deere, and canes of the riuer. They make also little Drummes or Tabers beautified with diuers pictures, they forme and frame them also of gourdes, and of an hollowe piece of timber greater than a mannes arme.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., lib. viii. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 127, 130, 137, 156; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Darien, Defence of the Scots' Settlement, pp. 72-3; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., pp. 825, 832; Warburton's Darien, p. 321; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxliii.

[1034] In Comagre, 'vinos blancos y tintos, hechos de mayz, y rayzes de frutas, y de cierta especie de palma, y de otras cosas: los quales vinos loauan los Castellanos quando los beuian.' Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. ii. 'Tenia vna bodega con muchas cubas y tinajas llenas de vino, hecho de grano, y fruta, blanco, tinto, dulce, y agrete de datiles, y arrope.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 73. 'Hacian de maiz vino blanco i tinto.... Es de mui buen sabor aunque como unos vinos bruscos ó de gascuña.' Las Casas, Hist. Ind., MS., tom. ii., cap. xxvi. See also: Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 136-7, 141-2; tom. iv., pp. 96-7; Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, pp. 64, 285; Dapper, Neue Welt, pp. 71, 321; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 87, 102-3, 153-5, 164, 169-70; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96.

[1035] 'Quando hablan vno con otro, se ponen do espaldas.' Colon, Hist. Almirante, in Barcia, Historiadores, tom. i., p. 111; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 177-9.

[1036] Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255; Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. viii.; Wafer's New Voy., pp. 37-9; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11; Vega, Hist. Descub. Amer., p. 145. 'Deste nombre tequina se haçe mucha diferençia; porque á qualquiera ques mas hábil y experto en algun arte, ... le llaman tequina, que quiere deçir lo mesmo que maestro: por manera que al ques maestro de las responsiones é inteligencias con el diablo, llámenle tequina en aquel arte, porque aqueste tal es el que administra sus ydolatrías é çerimonias é sacrifiçios, y el que habla con el diablo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 127. 'Tenian ó habia entre estas gentes unos sacerdotes que llamaban en su lengua "Piachas" muy espertos en el arte mágica, tanto que se revestia en ellos el Diabolo y hablaba por boca de ellos muchas falsedades, conque los tenia cautivos.' Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.

[1037] The priests 'comunmente eran sus médicos, é conosçian muchas hiervas, de que usaban, y eran apropriadas á diversas enfermedades.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126, 138-9, 141, tom. i., pp. 56-7. 'According to the diuers nature, or qualitie of the disease, they cure them by diuers superstitions, and they are diuersly rewarded.' Peter Martyr, dec. viii., cap. viii. Compare further; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlv.; Wafer's New Voy., p. 28; Selfridge's Darien Surveys, p. 10; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 97; Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 893.

[1038] 'Quédame de deçir que en aquesta lengua de Cueva hay muchos indios hechiçeros é en espeçial un çierto género de malos, que los chripstianos en aquella tierra llaman chupadores.... Estos chupan á otros hasta que los secan é matan, é sin calentura alguna de dia en dia poco á poco se enflaquesçen tanto, que se les pueden contar los huesos, que se les paresçen solamente cubiertos con el cuero; y el vientre se les resuelve de manera quel ombligo traen pegado á los lomos y espinaço, é se tornan de aquella forma que pintan á la muerte, sin pulpa ni carne. Estos chupadores, de noche, sin ser sentidos, van á haçer mal por las casas agenas: é ponen la boca en el ombligo de aquel que chupan, y están en aquel exerçiçio una ó dos horas ó lo que les paresçe, teniendo en aquel trabaxo al paçiente, sin que sea poderoso de se valer ni defender, no dexando de sufrir su daño con silençio. É conosçe el assi ofendido, é vee al malhechor, y aun les hablan: lo qual, assi los que haçen este mal como los que le padesçen, han confessado algunos dellos; é diçen questos chupadores son criados é naborias del tuyra, y quél se los manda assi haçer, y el tuyra es, como está dicho, el diablo.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 159-60.

[1039] 'Ay muchos, que piensan, que no ay mas de nacer, y morir: y aquellos tales no se entierran con pan, y vino, ni con mugeres, ni moços. Los que creen la immortalidad del alma, se entierra: si son Señores, con oro, armas, plumas, si no lo son, con mayz, vino, y mantas.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 255, 88. 'Huius reguli penetrale ingressi cameram reperiunt pensilibus repletam cadaueribus, gossampinis funibus appensis. Interrogati quid sibi uellet ea superstitio: parentum esse et auorum atauorumque Comogri regulea cadauera, inquiunt. De quibus seruandis maximam esse apud eos curami et pro religione eam pietatem haberi recensent: pro cuiusque gradu indu, menta cuique cadaueri imposita, auro gemmisque superintexta.' Peter Martyr, dec. ii., lib. iii., dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. vii., lib. x., dec. viii., lib. ix. 'Viendo la cantidad é número de los muertos, se conosçe qué tantos señores ha avido en aquel Estado, é quál fué hijo del otro ó le subçedió en el señorio segund la órden subçesiva en que están puestos.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 155-6, 142. For further accounts see Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, pp. 556, 560; Cockburn's Journey, p. 183; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. i., pp. 314, 316, 319; Pim and Seemann's Dottings, p. 30; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., lib. ix., cap. ii., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi.; Quintana, Vidas de Españoles, (Balboa), p. 10; Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., pp. 401-2; Carli, Cartas, pt. i., pp. 105-6; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. ccxlii., ccxlvii.; Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. v., p. 894.

[1040] The Terrabas 'naciones ... las mas braves é indómitas de todas ... Indios dotados de natural docilidad y dulzura de genio.' Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 19. Speaking of the natives of Panamá; 'muy deuotos del trabajo, y enemigos de la ociosidad.' Dávila, Teatro Ecles., tom. ii., p. 56. Darien: 'Son inclinados a juegos y hurtos, son muy haraganes.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 88. San Blas tribes: 'They are very peaceable in their natures'.... Chucunas and Navigandis: 'The most warlike' ... Coast tribes, 'from contact with foreigners, are very docile and tractable'.... The Sassardis: 'As a whole, this tribe are cowardly, but treacherous.' Selfridge's Darien Surveys, pp. 10-11, 36. Compare further, Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 24; Squier, in Nouvelles Annales Voy., 1856, tom. cli., p. 6; Boyle's Ride, vol. i., pref., p. xii.; Wagner and Scherzer, Costa Rica, p. 557; Gage's New Survey, p. 426; Michler's Darien, p. 26; Alcedo, Dicc., tom. ii., p. 413; Puydt, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxviii., p. 96; Macgregor's Progress of Amer., p. 830; Otis' Panamá, p. 77; Cullen's Darien, pp. 65-6, 68-9.

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 1, Wild Tribes

THE NATIVE RACES.

Vol. I. WILD TRIBES.

PREFACE.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II.
HYPERBOREANS.

CHAPTER III.
COLUMBIANS.

CHAPTER IV.
CALIFORNIANS.

CHAPTER V.
NEW MEXICANS.

CHAPTER VI.
WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER VII.
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

CHAPTER I.

ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II.

HYPERBOREANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER III.

COLUMBIANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER IV.

CALIFORNIANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER V.

NEW MEXICANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VI.
WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VII.
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

FOOTNOTES

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 1, Wild Tribes

THE NATIVE RACES. Vol. I. WILD TRIBES.

PREFACE.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I. ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II. HYPERBOREANS.

CHAPTER III. COLUMBIANS.

CHAPTER IV. CALIFORNIANS.

CHAPTER V. NEW MEXICANS.

CHAPTER VI. WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER VII. WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

CHAPTER I. ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II. HYPERBOREANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER III. COLUMBIANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER IV. CALIFORNIANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER V. NEW MEXICANS.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VI. WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

CHAPTER VII. WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

TRIBAL BOUNDARIES.

FOOTNOTES

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

THE NATIVE RACES.

Vol. I. WILD TRIBES.

CHAPTER I.
ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II.
HYPERBOREANS.

CHAPTER III.
COLUMBIANS.

CHAPTER IV.
CALIFORNIANS.

CHAPTER V.
NEW MEXICANS.

CHAPTER VI.
WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER VII.
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

ETHNOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER II.

HYPERBOREANS.

CHAPTER III.

COLUMBIANS.

CHAPTER IV.

CALIFORNIANS.

CHAPTER V.

NEW MEXICANS.

CHAPTER VI.
WILD TRIBES OF MEXICO.

CHAPTER VII.
WILD TRIBES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.