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Title: Ninth Cavalry: One Hundred and Twenty-first Regiment Indiana Volunteers


Author: Daniel Webster Comstock

Release date: September 26, 2019 [eBook #60363]

Language: English

Credits: David King and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NINTH CAVALRY: ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIRST REGIMENT INDIANA VOLUNTEERS ***



Produced by David King and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive.)






                             Ninth Cavalry




                             NINTH CAVALRY

                 One Hundred and Twenty-first Regiment

                          Indiana Volunteers.

                        Daniel Webster Comstock

                            RICHMOND, IND.:
                        PUBLISHED BY J. M. COE.
                                 1890.




                                PREFACE.


The papers here collected were read by the Regimental Historian, from
time to time, at Annual Re-unions of the 9th Indiana Cavalry. They are
printed at the request of the boys of the regiment, and are for their
benefit.

Combined, they give, as seen from the standpoint of the individual who
narrates, the principal events in which the regiment took part, but do
not even refer to many skirmishes in which it participated with the
forces of Wheeler, Forrest, Rhoddy, and other Confederate Cavalry
leaders, in the Department of the Cumberland, and "brushes" with
guerrillas in the Military Division of the Mississippi,--"affairs"
unimportant from the insignificance of the numbers engaged, but in which
the most soldierly qualities were often displayed.

The papers were not all prepared by the Historian: with those he did not
write he has, with the full consent of the respective authors, made such
changes as he thought proper.

The paper by J. A. Brown, corporal Co. L, on "Sulphur Branch Trestle,"
appears as written by him, without a verbal change.

The other paper upon the same subject is made up of accounts furnished
by Col. Lilly and Capt. J. B. Harrod, Co. B.

While the writer assisted in making up the detail sent upon that
unfortunate expedition, it was not his fortune to go with it.

The very able and graphic chapter upon the Hood Campaign is from the pen
of Capt. O. B. Hayden, Co. D.

The account of the Lynnville fight appears substantially as given by
Capt. Harrod.

If in these sketches it appears that too much stress is put on minor
matters, and things of importance but lightly stated, it should be
remembered that the statements are made from individual observations,
and the shading must be looked at from the observer's angle of
observation.

Hereafter, if the boys desire, the story of the regiment may be further
told.

It will be noticed that but brief mention is made of the officers,
especially in the chapter upon the Hood Campaign. There is no
intentional slight in this--a fair share of the officers were on hand
and did their duty, as is attested by the fact that four of them were
killed in action and others wounded during that campaign--but the fact
is that the privates fought the war and the officers got the pay and the
glory. It was a peculiarity found in the volunteer service--found in the
army of no other Nation--that however brave and capable the officers of
the line, a dozen privates in each company were found equally brave and
capable. The accident of rank should not affect the distribution of
credit. It is enough to participate in the glory of the boys--too much
to claim the lion's share.

D. W. COMSTOCK.




                        SULPHUR BRANCH TRESTLE.


On the afternoon of the 22d of September, 1864, the 9th was ordered to
furnish a force of mounted men to march to Elk River Bridge, on the
Nashville & Decatur Railroad.

The detail was promptly made from the mounted men of each company, and,
under command of Major Lilly, senior major of the regiment, started the
same night. The force leaving Pulaski, consisting of portions of the 9th
and 10th Indiana Cavalry, being under the command of Colonel Pace, of
the latter regiment. The command arrived at Elk River Bridge about noon
of the next day. Intelligence having been received that a rebel force
was threatening Sulphur Branch Trestle, some miles further south on the
same railroad, Major Lilly was ordered to report with his command to the
commander of that post.

Late that afternoon he arrived there and reported to Col. Lathrop,
commanding the garrison occupying the earth-work constructed with a view
of protecting the trestle at that point. The garrison consisted of two
companies of colored troops. After a brief consultation between the
officers a reconnaissance was determined upon and moved out on the
Athens road about sunset. About two miles from Sulphur Branch the
advance guard was fired upon by the pickets of the enemy. Light
skirmishing ensued, and, night coming on, by the light of the enemy's
campfires, their camp was reconnoitered, and they were discovered to be
in heavy force. The enemy thus discovered proved to be the command of
Gen. N. B. Forrest, estimated at twelve thousand men, with three
batteries of artillery. On coming from Pulaski a courier line had been
established, thus keeping open communication between Major Lilly's
command and headquarters at the latter place. The courier line was under
the command of Sergeant Anderson, of Company "B." By means of this line
the situation was reported to Rousseau at Pulaski, and, in response
thereto, came the order to "hold the fort at all hazards and to the last
extremity." Major Lilly withdrew his command to the fort and established
his picket lines. It was then 9 o'clock P. M. This fort was a small,
four-bastioned earth-work, mounting two twelve-pounder Napoleon guns. It
was located upon a knoll by the railway trestle, and was commanded by
higher points within 500 to 800 yards, while on the east side within a
few hundred feet, rose a higher hill covered with timber. The remainder
of the night was spent by the men in throwing up traverses and otherwise
strengthening the fort. Firing commenced on the picket line at midnight.
It increased as the night advanced until daylight, when it was evident
the fort was being surrounded, and before sunrise the battle was on. The
parapets were manned so far as they could be with so small a force. The
members of the 9th were in position on the south and east parapets, and
on the southeastern bastion, on their left along the east parapet, were
about sixty men of the 3d Tennessee Cavalry, under command of Col.
Minnis, who had been driven into the fort the evening before; the
remainder of the work was covered by the two companies of Col. Lathrop,
who also manned the two guns, situated on the northeast and northwest
bastions. The entire strength of the force called upon to defend the
fort may thus be fairly estimated at 450 men. The 9th was armed with
Gallagher carbines, a very ineffective weapon, and on leaving Pulaski
had but forty rounds of ammunition, and probably not more than thirty
when the real fighting began.

The attack upon the fort began before sunrise, and at the first onset of
the enemy, Col. Lathrop was killed. During the brief period in which
they knew him, Col. Lathrop impressed himself upon the officers and men
of the 9th as an intelligent and gallant officer; the manner of his
death was worthy of a soldier.

About 9 o'clock Col. Minnis, who succeeded Col. Lathrop in command, was
wounded by a piece of shell and carried unconscious into the magazine.
The command then devolved upon Major Lilly. He was with his men near the
southeast bastion; they were meeting each successive charge of the enemy
with well-delivered volleys, waiting for the command to fire; husbanding
their failing ammunition, the enemy were permitted to come within close
range, showing a good front, before the order to fire was given.
Meanwhile the enemy had gained possession of the wooded hill to the east
of the fort, and their sharp-shooters from the tree-tops had the range
of every part of the fort, except immediately under the east parapet.
The artillerymen suffered severely and the brave men of the 9th were
falling along the lines. The enemy's artillery raked the works from
every direction with great destruction. From every point except the
north, where the ground rose gently across the creek into an open plain,
the rebels were in heavy force and poured into and against the fort an
incessant fire. Eleven o'clock came, and then, in the lulls of the
artillery, the gallant defenders of the old flag were gladdened by the
sounds that told them that reinforcements were engaging the enemy to the
north toward Elk River bridge, but the sounds grew fainter and died in
the distance and they knew that from that quarter no help would come.
Still they hoped for relief and still held the fort. Suddenly across the
open ground to the north appeared a heavy line of the enemy. Major Lilly
sent two messengers, one after another, across the fort to warn the
officer in command of the colored troops and to inspire his men with
coolness and firmness to meet the impending assault. Both messengers, in
making the perilous journey, were killed. Lieut. Jones, of Company M,
then volunteered to go, and in making the attempt was wounded. Placing
Captain Nation, of Company G, in command of the battalion, Major Lilly
went himself across the bloody space in safety.

The rebel line halted out of range; within the fort the ground was
strewn with the dead and wounded. The men of the 9th Cavalry were out of
ammunition; for two hours they had been whitling Springfield musket
balls to fit their carbines. The Tennesseeans were out of ammunition;
thus two-thirds of the line was left without defense. Twelve o'clock
came, and along the rebel line the bugle sounded "cease firing," and
from the north across the open plain was borne a flag of truce. It is
likely that not a member of the 9th had ever seen one before; it is more
than probable that it was now looked upon with satisfaction. Every man
had done his whole duty; they had fought like heroes; they had held a
brave army under a skillful and fighting general in check for a day,
thus giving Gen. Rosseau time to concentrate at Pulaski, and had
literally at a great cost, "held the fort at all hazards, and to the
last extremity."

Major Lilly answered the flag of truce, taking with him the Adjutant of
the 3d Tennessee, and, meeting Major Strange, Adjutant General of
Forrest's staff, after the formal salutations, Major Strange handed
Major Lilly a paper, which read:

"General Forrest demands the immediate and unconditional surrender of
the United States forces, with all materials and munitions of war, at
Sulphur Branch Trestle. In case this demand is not instantly complied
with, General Forrest can not be held responsible for the conduct of his
men."

After reading this paper Major Lilly said to Major Strange, that Sulphur
Branch Trestle would never surrender under a threat; that it was a
humiliation his command would not bear and one that should never be
asked by a soldier; that it was true his forces had suffered heavily,
but they had undoubtedly inflicted greater damage upon the enemy; that
they were still capable of inflicting greater damage; that
notwithstanding this he felt that they had done their whole duty, and on
honorable terms he would counsel a surrender. Major Lilly then rode back
toward the fort, but had not reached it when he was halted by Major
Strange, who galloped after him, saying that General Forrest wanted an
interview. He returned and met Generals Forrest and Buford. He then
repeated to General Forrest what he had said to Major Strange, and
added, that he did not believe that General Forrest could not control
his men, and if he did not he would be held responsible. In reply to
this General Forrest handed him a paper, which read in substance:

"General Forrest demands the immediate surrender of the United States
forces and materials of war at Sulphur Branch Trestle. All United States
officers and soldiers will be treated as prisoners of war.

"All officers and soldiers shall retain and be protected in the
possession of personal property.

"Officers to retain their horses, if personal property, and also to
retain their side-arms.

"All officers and soldiers to be taken to some point in the States of
Mississippi or Alabama, and there held for exchange and parole so soon
as communication can be had with General Washburne at Memphis."

Major Lilly then demanded one hour before giving an answer, meanwhile
the troops on both sides to remain status quo. The hour was given, and
he returned to the fort. Colonel Minnis had by this time recovered
sufficiently to resume command, and a counsel of war was held. The
counsel was a unit, with the exception of Colonel Minnis, in favor of
surrender. While the subject was being considered it was reported that
the enemy were moving troops, and our white flag was immediately taken
down and firing was reopened; there was a slight reply from the enemy,
the troops moved back, the bugles on the other side sounded "cease
firing," and the truce was resumed. Colonel Minnis, on being fully
informed of the condition of things in the fort, and especially of the
insufficient supply of ammunition, yielded to the opinion of the
majority. Major Lilly then returned to the post of the rebel flag of
truce, accepted the terms offered, and the surrender was made complete.
The remnants of companies were ordered into line, then stacked arms,
and, after preparing for the burial of the dead comrades, and the care
of those who were wounded, marched sadly away.

About twenty-four hours after the surrender the captured troops crossed
the Tennessee River at Mussel Shoals, some four miles above Florence,
Ala. The first rations issued to them were issued on the night of
September 27th, and consisted of old corn on the cob. This was burnt or
roasted over fire and eaten by those whose appetites were sufficiently
keen.

On the 28th of September the C. S. A. issued rations to the prisoners
the second time--this was at Okolona, Mississippi, and consisted of a
small quantity of flour and an abundance of good water. On the evening
of that day Capt. Buchanan, of the 15th Tennessee Cavalry, C. S. A.,
furnished Lieut. Harrod, of Company B, with stationery and kindly
offered to send a letter through the lines for him. Acting upon the
generous offer, the Lieutenant wrote to his wife. Written under such
circumstances, and while the disaster to our regiment was so fresh, the
letter is certain to be interesting to the 9th. It reached its
destination after some delay, is still preserved by the wife of the
general as a precious memento of the war, and is as follows:

    OKOLONA, Miss., Sept. 28, 1864.

    _Dear Wife_--I address you this note as a prisoner of war. One
    hundred and eighty-seven men of the 9th Indiana Cavalry and three
    hundred mostly 3d Tennessee Cavalry, were sent to Sulphur Branch
    September 24th. Gen. Forrest attacked the place the 25th with about
    12,000 men. We were about 500. The engagement lasted about four
    hours after we were surrounded. Our loss was heavy. I had with me
    twenty-seven of Company B. I am wounded in right leg. I will get
    over it in a few weeks. The killed are: Wm. Harvey and Joseph
    Hutton; mortally wounded: Corporal Kirkhoff; severe: Sergeant M. B.
    Walker and Private James Hook; slightly: J. J. Winn and G. S.
    Bailey. Prisoners and well are: Orderly J. V. Hinchman, Sergeant Wm.
    Foster, Sergeant A. E. Anderson, Corporal Blessinger, Privates C. H.
    Sears, W. V. Robinson, John Stewart, J. Craining (blacksmith), W. C.
    Warner, R. Scott, J. Holloway, W. Parman, Joseph Grey, B. F. Waller,
    G. B. Wilson, W. P. Read, M. Chauncy and J. Mooney Church; and no
    man of Company B failed to do first-class work. In our capitulation
    it was agreed that we should all be paroled soon. I have no money
    with me and have on my old uniform. It is reported in camp to-night
    that General Forrest has taken Pulaski with 2,000 or 3,000
    prisoners. If true, all the 9th has gone up. We have eighteen miles
    to go yet to the railroad--Cherokee Station. Then it is said we go
    to Meridian, Miss. You will probably not hear from me again until
    paroled. It may be some weeks, and it may be months.

    I send this by the kindness of Capt. Buchanan, 15th Tennessee
    Confederate Cavalry.

    J. B. HARROD,
    Lt. Company B.

Although by the terms of the capitulation, the officers were allowed to
retain their horses and side-arms, the real advantage of this
arrangement was practically not very great. Every night some horses were
missing, and when Cherokee Station (on the railroad) was reached, there
were few, if any, officers who knew where their horses were.

The day after leaving Okolona it rained heavily, and the troops encamped
for the afternoon and night in the open field. Here was issued a little
fresh beef without salt.

The boys, from the three issues--first of corn, then of flour, then of
beef,--by this time realized that the commissary of the C. S. A. was not
liberally supplied, or that those who controlled it were illiberal in
distribution.

They reached Cherokee Station the next day (29th of September),
remaining there about thirty hours. At this point all officers and
soldiers captured at Sulphur Branch Trestle and at Athens, Alabama, on
the day before, were placed on board two trains of box cars, to be taken
to Meridian, Lauderdale County, Mississippi. The 9th Indiana and 3d
Tennessee were loaded on the last train, which was some hours behind the
first. To each train a guard of about 150 men were detailed. When not
far from Iuka, the track being wet and the grade heavy, the locomotive
not of sufficient power to pull the train up, a stop was made to allow
the track to dry. The officers in charge put out guards and had fires
made on both sides of the track. The guards were tired and soon became
sleepy, and there was but one at each fire. Major Lilly conceived the
idea of capturing the guard, taking possession of and running the train
to Corinth, and then marching the guards to Memphis under a flag of
truce as prisoners.

The officers of the 9th Indiana and 3d Tennessee entered cordially into
the plan and were willing to take the boys' places at the guns. The
major then going to the officers of the colored troops, awakened up
their officers and explained his plan to them. They were afraid to
engage in the enterprise, for lack of confidence in their colored
troops. Without their co-operation the result seemed too doubtful to
justify the attempt, and it was not made.

The next day raw "sow-belly" was issued to the boys on the train. At the
stations sometimes small purchases were made of something to eat. Lieut.
Harrod remembers buying a piece (3 × 4 inches) of wheat bread of a
variety he had not seen before, heavy and solid, for which he paid $5
Confederate money. Arriving at Meridian, they were placed in a small
stockade, where they remained for a week, from which place the officers
were moved to Enterprise, Clark County, Miss., and the enlisted men and
non-commissioned officers to Cahaba, Dallas County, Ala.

The rations at Enterprise consisted of one pint of coarse corn meal to
each man daily, without salt, and a small piece of "sow-belly." Each
mess of eight was furnished a skillet and lid to bake bread in. As a
rule each mess baked twice a day, those of the mess who were well taking
their turn for a day as cook. It was a part of the duties of the cook to
divide the bread, taking the last piece for himself. The preparation of
this bread did not require any special skill nor long experience. The
art was soon acquired. It was only necessary to mix the water and corn
meal thoroughly and to grease the skillet with small bits of meat, that
the bread might be got out without being broken too much.

In October permission was given to buy such eatables as were wanted, but
not many of the officers could avail themselves of the liberty for want
of money. Salt was bought for $3 a pound; coffee, $24 a pound; molasses,
$10 a quart--Confederate money. In the stores, calico sold for $12 and
$15 a yard; muslin, $15; good boots, $500 a pair; paper of pins, $6.
These goods had been brought into Mobile through the blockade.

During the latter part of their imprisonment, after the guards had been
taken off, an invalid Confederate soldier came into the camp with a jug
of what he called "pine top whisky," and a tin cup. He offered the
whisky at 50 cents a pint. There was only one colonel in the camp. He
was an Ohio man. He bought a pint and drank it. He soon passed into an
unconscious state, in which he remained for forty hours. The "pine top"
could be depended upon. Some of the boys bought a sample pint, but
finding it to be so much inferior to the apple jack of Tennessee,
promptly discarded it.

The prisoners received some courtesies from Major Ward, Commander of the
Post, and his Adjutant. Upon one occasion, in the absence of the Major,
his Adjutant felt called upon to show some of the officers of the
regiment special attention. He invited them to headquarters, extended to
them the freedom of the establishment, which they accepted with such
good will that the fun soon become fast and furious. The Adjutant set
the pace, after a number of healths had been pledged on the absent
Major's whisky, by breaking a camp stool. This example was followed by
the invited guests, who joined in demolishing every article of furniture
in sight. The Adjutant was not in a condition to escort his guests back
to their camp, but they found their way without difficulty and knew the
reason for the issuing of an order, which was read to them next morning,
to the effect that no prisoner should visit headquarters without
permission of the Major in command.

The monotony and weariness of confinement was sometimes relieved by the
drollery of those whose love of fun could not easily be suppressed. The
prisoners were often indebted for a good laugh to Captain Nation, of
Company G, and Lieut. J. M. Jones, of Company M. A small boy rode into
the camp the smallest mule our men had ever seen under saddle. Captain
N.. who was about six feet tall, expressed a desire to ride the
"critter." The boy dismounted, and the captain, letting out the stirrups
to their full length, got into the saddle, his feet almost touching the
ground. After putting the mule through the various paces he announced
his intention of recruiting a "critter gang" for the Confederacy. Those
who heard the captain's speech on the occasion will not soon forget its
general tenor and the impression it made upon them. The speech was made
from the back of the mule to the Union prisoners, Confederate guards and
soldiers, citizens and negroes, who were attracted to the place by the
captain's voice. It is greatly to be regretted that no phonographer was
present to have taken it down literally as it came from the lips of the
Hoosier orator, that it might be incorporated in this true history. He
called for volunteers to uphold the flag of the Confederacy. He said he
was going to raise a "critter gang company." No one would be required to
walk and only to ride when it suited him; that the pay would not be any
object; that each private would be furnished with a "critter" in size
and color like the one he then rode, and should have a nigger to feed
and care for him; that this variety was superior to all others and had
been bred especially for the Confederate service, easy to mount and not
dangerous to fall from; that only a limited number of volunteers would
be received, and that now was the time to subscribe. The captain held
the undivided attention of his audience, surprising and entertaining
them with his wit and humor for a half hour, and dismounted and retired
amid great applause.

While at Enterprise our men were almost entirely shut out from the
world. The Mobile Register, costing 50 cents a copy, was occasionally to
be had, and, unrelished and unsatisfactory as it was, yet was sought and
read with great eagerness.

The privates and non-commissioned officers were marched from Meridian,
Miss., to Cahaba, Ala. This was a violation of the spirit if not the
letter of the terms of the surrender. On the march some ten days were
consumed. They were placed in a pen or stockade and were subjected to
the usual process of searching, and anything of any value found on their
persons appropriated by their captors. They were not the first occupants
of the pen. It already contained Union prisoners, literally
half-clothed, some having only a shirt, some pantaloons without shirt,
and some only a part of pantaloons, and all alive with grey-backs. The
rations issued were substantially the same as those issued to the
officers, consisting of one pint of corn meal a day and a piece of fresh
pork, one inch square every other day, although some times the
authorities forgot or failed to issue the rations for a day or two, very
much to the disgust of the boys. If the prisoners had been fastidious or
over-particular they might have complained of the custom to the prison
authorities, which cut up the meats for distribution on the same log on
which the dead soldiers were placed before burial. A Dutch skillet was
allowed to each mess of ten men, as the only cooking utensil. During the
time of their imprisonment the rains were frequent and heavy, and the
cooking being done out of doors, our men were obliged often to partially
shelter the fire with their bent bodies while cooking, to prevent the
fires from being put out. The wood used for fuel was green white pine.
The Alabama River overflowed its banks and for two weeks the pen was
flooded, the water standing from two to four feet in depth. Cord-wood
was floated in, out of which scaffolding was constructed by the
prisoners to keep themselves out of the water. During this time the
rations were eaten raw. It is needless to say that under such
conditions, without shelter, exposed to the rain, but poorly fed, men
died every day from exposure and want, and that those who survived were
weak as children. Their imprisonment which seemed so long to them, at
last was ended. The officers were sent North on parole December 10,
1864, but the enlisted men not until April, 1865, at which date they
were started North, and in their enfeebled condition, although buoyed up
by the hope of meeting friends and seeing home, it took them five days
to march from Jackson to Black River bridge, a distance of forty miles,
and when they came into the camp of their old regiment these brave
fellows looked so gaunt, famished and woe-begone that they were but
counterfeits of their former selves.

The terms of the surrender may be said to have been fairly observed,
except that the colored soldiers were sent to Mobile to labor at the
salt-works. Their officers shared the fortunes of the officers of the
white troops. Most of the prisoners of this expedition took passage soon
after their arrival at Vicksburg on the steamer Sultana, an account of
the wreck of which is given hereafter.

During their imprisonment, the officers were treated fairly well. They
were kept in prison at Meridian, Miss., about a week. The prison was a
stockade made of poles with the ends in the ground and a scaffolding
around the outside, near the top, on which the vigilant Johnny sentinel
paced his beat. There was a dead line within the stockade, to which our
boys paid marked respect. There were two log cabins in the centre of the
stockade, entirely destitute of furniture, paved with sand and the
steady companion of the boys--the gray-back. There were probably more
gray-backs than grains of sand. They kept the boys employed when
otherwise time would have lagged most slowly. The boys were not without
money (I speak of the officers). They had dead loads of Confederate New
Issue. They sold their horses for $600 to $1,000 a piece. It was a poor
scrub that would not bring $600 in the market of Meridian. Watches
brought from $500 to $1,500; knives and cork-screws from $50 to $100,
and other articles in proportion. The people had the money and wanted to
get rid of it. They were permitted to buy what the town afforded--not
furnished in their rations, which were liberal in bacon, corn meal, and
salt. After a week at Meridian, they were sent to Enterprise, a village
fifteen miles below Meridian. When unguarded, they were put on their
parole of honor not to leave the limits of the town. They took
possession of a big tobacco warehouse, converting it into a dormitory
and headquarters, but took their meals at the houses of the citizens in
town, they being glad to take the rations of the boys, with what else
they could buy, and a consideration in New Issue, in exchange for table
board. Early in December they marched from Enterprise to Memphis. There
they were ordered to report at Camp Chase, Columbus, Ohio, where they
were exchanged and reported to the regiment at Gravelly Springs, Ala.,
late in January, 1865.

The following officers of the regiment were in the action of Sulphur
Branch Trestle:

    Major Eli Lilly.
    Captain Nation.
    Lieutenant Harrod.
    Lieutenant J. W. Watts.
    Lieutenant Dunlevy.
    Lieutenant Canfield.
    Lieutenant Leisure.
    Lieutenant Riley.
    Lieutenant Jones.
    Acting Adjutant Geo. Armstrong.
    Assistant Surgeon E. W. Magann.

    Lieutenant Leisure, wounded, but not taken prisoner.

Surgeon Magann was left to care for the wounded. They were not made
prisoners, the enemy leaving them behind in their march. Lieut. Jones
was slightly wounded by concussion of a shell, being insensible for a
portion of the battle, but recovered before it ended.

The following is a list of those who were either killed or mortally
wounded:

    Chauncey Kimball, Co. A.
    William Harvey, Co. B.
    Joseph Hutton, Co. B.
    Charles A. Kirkhoff, Co. B.
    Andrew J. McGahey, Co. B.
    Charles Beckly, Co. H.
    Cassander T. Houston, Co. B.
    Stephen A. Woodruff, Co. B.
    Henry Dorman, Co. K.
    Abram S. Foreman, Co. K.
    Curtis W. Hancock, Co. K.
    George Myers, Co. K.
    Josiah Saucer, Co. K.
    William Torney, Co. L.
    William S. Peckham, Co. L.
    John J. Maple, Co. M.
    Levi Maple, Co. M.
    George H. McGee, Co. M.
    Lewis Pickering, Co. M.
    Sergeant Peckham, Co. M, killed.
    Henry G. Hiatt, Co. G, killed.

The following are the names of those who were made prisoners and died in
rebel prisons:

    Henry A. Rariden, Co. A, starvation.
    John Robert, Co. A, starvation.
    Clay Trahune, Co. A, exposure and starvation.
    W. J. Foster, Co. B, exposure and starvation.
    George O. Houston, Co. D.
    Kelita Mendenhall, Co. E, exposure and starvation.
    Lewis Jones, Co. G, exposure and starvation.
    George W. Bowers, Co. G, exposure and starvation.
    John R. Williams, Co. H, exposure and starvation.
    Henry Brown, Co. M, exposure and starvation.
    Columbus Jessup, Co. M, exposure and starvation.

The following were made prisoners at Sulphur Branch Trestle and lost by
the explosion and burning of the steamer Sultana, on the Mississippi
River, a few miles above Memphis, on the morning of April 27th, 1865:

    Daniel Curtis, Co. A.
    Patrick Day, Co. A.
    Frederick Blessinger, Co. B.
    Charles E. Church, Co. B.
    Ephraim Parman, Co. B.
    John Stenarl, Co. B.
    John M. Englehart, Co. C.
    Warren A. Huckens, Co. C.
    Wm. H. H. Wood, Co. D.
    John Bonner, Co. F.
    Charles W. Clevenger, Co. G.
    Jonathan R. Downing, Co. G.
    George Downing, Co. G.
    William H. Graves, Co. G.
    William C. Hooper, Co. G.
    Charles W. M. King, Co. G.
    John M. Maynard, Co. G.
    Enoch T. Nation, Co. G.
    James C. Olon, Co. G.
    Martin V. Rodeporch, Co. G.
    John R. Reasoner, Co. G.
    Nathan Thornburg, Co. G.
    Franklin Ballenger, Co. H.
    James Bell, Co. H.
    Alonzo Dunham, Co. H.
    George W. Delano, Co. H.
    Josiah Pratt, Co. H.
    John W. Shull, Co. H.
    Hiram Bailey, Co. K.
    John W. Emmons, Co. K.
    George S. Fisher, Co. K.
    Jacob Hurald, Co. K.
    Henry Newton, Co. K.
    William F. Rea, Co. K.
    Joseph Survaul, Co. K.
    George H. Shockley, Co. K.
    Darius Stevens, Co. K.
    Matthew Zix, Co. K.
    James N. Christian, Co. L.
    Robert A. Morehouse, Co. L.
    Leander McCartney, Co. L.
    John M. Armstrong, Co. M.
    Joseph D. Alexander, Co. M.
    William Brigg, Co. M.
    George W. Blake, Co. M.
    Nathan E. Gruell, Co. M.
    Enos Halloway, Co. M.
    William H. Huffman, Co. M.
    James M. Isentrager, Co. M.
    Samuel King, Co. M.
    Franklin Ridley, Co. M.

              Total killed at Sulphur Branch Trestle,  21
              Died in prison,                          11
              Lost on the Sultana,                     51
                                                       --
                                                       83

    NOTE.--The last dispatch sent out of the fort the day of the
    surrender was carried by John McCorkle, of Company B, and a member
    of the 3d Tennessee Cavalry. They left the fort about 7 o'clock A.
    M., and accomplished the feat by their coolness and "bold riding."




                        SULPHUR BRANCH TRESTLE.
                    BY CORPORAL J. A. BROWN, CO. L.


On Sunday, the 25th day of September, 1864, the mounted portion of the
9th Indiana Cavalry, about two hundred in number, were called to do
battle at Sulphur Branch Trestle, Alabama. Firing began on the skirmish
lines at 5 o'clock in the morning, and was kept up at a lively rate
until about 8 o'clock, when the battle began in earnest. There were with
us about one hundred of the Third Tennessee Cavalry, and there were also
about three hundred colored troops that were stationed in the fort. We
were ordered to dismount and corral our horses and climb the hill and
enter the fort, except myself and ten men, who were ordered to guard the
horses, until the battle became so hot that it was considered unsafe to
remain outside of the fort. We remained with the horses until a
cannon-ball or slug or something of the kind--anyhow, it was something
from a rebel gun--landed in about fifteen feet of us. It tore a hole in
the ground large enough to bury a small-sized cow, and threw dirt all
over us. We then thought it was time to desert the horses and let them
take care of themselves, and climb the hill and get into the fort as
soon as we could conveniently without hurting ourselves, and up the hill
we went, and when we arrived at the entrance to the fort we asked where
the 9th Indiana Cavalry was stationed. We were told that they were on
the opposite side of the fort. So we had to go through the center of the
fort to get to where our boys were stationed. That was the most
dangerous trip I ever experienced in my life. There were a lot of
barracks in the fort and the rebel cannon were playing on them and
knocking them all to pieces, and throwing the loose boards in every
direction. It made the hair raise on our heads as we went dodging
through the barracks among the flying boards and shell and cannon ball,
but we finally got to our men in safety.

The colonel commanding the fort was killed in the beginning of the
battle, and Major Lilly, of our regiment, took command, and, by the way,
Major Lilly was a hustler. He was one of the bravest officers that ever
went to the front. During the hottest of the battle one of our men got
scared so badly that he wanted to surrender. So he pulled off his shirt
and placed it upon the end of his bayonet and held it up as a flag of
truce. That got the enemy excited and they went for us hotter than ever.
They made charge after charge, but some of our boys pulled that old
dirty shirt down and made the fellow put it on again. We kept the rebs
at bay as long as we had ammunition, but at 1 o'clock we were out of
ammunition, and there we were about 800 strong, with no ammunition and
surrounded by ten thousand rebels. So we surrendered. We were then
conducted out of the fort and taken to the woods and a rebel guard
placed around us until they got ready to start to Dixie with us. While
we were waiting there a rebel captain that some of our boys had shot in
the heel in the fight rode around among us and cussed us for an hour. He
swore that if he knew which one of us damned Yanks it was that shot him
in the heel he would shoot his heart out. But we did not tell who it
was, and I don't think he has found out to this day.

Well, along towards night the rebs got ready to start with us for Dixie.
Then fun began; we marched nearly all night through the mud and under
rebel guard. Sometime after midnight we were halted and allowed to lie
down in the woods on the ground without undressing, but before daylight
we were rousted out and on the go again. This kind of business was kept
up for three long days, until we had marched something over one hundred
miles, with about enough to eat to make one good square meal. With the
Alabama red mud enough sticking to each foot to make about three brick
we finally arrived at Tuscumbia, Ala., where the rebs were operating a
kind of a one-horse railroad. There they piled us into a couple of
freight trains and we were hauled around over half of the State of
Mississippi and back again into Alabama, and were finally landed at
Cahaba, Ala., at the end of ten days from the time we were made
prisoners. We were then stripped and examined, and robbed of everything
that we possessed that was of any value. We were then marched into the
prison pen. The prison pen was a large cotton warehouse, surrounded by a
stockade with an elevated walk around the outside of the building. On
this walk the rebel guards were stationed about every forty feet with
loaded guns ready and anxious to kill any poor Yankee who might see fit
to set a foot across the dead line. There was also a walk on the inside
of the building around next to the wall, and a rebel guard was stationed
there about forty feet apart. The dead line was a mark they made about
eight feet from the inside wall, all around the inside of the building,
and no prisoner was allowed to step across that line. If he did the
orders were to shoot him on the spot, and the order was obeyed to the
letter, but we were generally careful to keep off of that dead line.

I shall never forget the morning that we were first marched inside of
that prison. The old prisoners that were there before us on seeing us
march in all seemed glad to see us, and yelled at the top of their
voices, "Fresh fish! fresh fish! Hands on your pocket-books," just as if
we had not already been robbed of everything we had by the rebs. But we
soon got used to that for we had not been there long until we yelled
"fresh fish" to other new prisoners that kept coming in every few days.
There were on an average about three thousand of us there during the six
months that we were there. Sometimes there were as many as thirty-five
hundred of us. When there was that many we could not all lie down at one
time inside of the prison. There was a cook yard in front of the prison
about seventy-five feet square, enclosed with a stockade. We were
allowed to pass out into the cook yard during the day so that we could
cook the little grub that was allowed us. Our rations consisted of one
pint of corn meal per day and a piece of fresh pork, about one inch
square, every other day, but that was not issued to us very regular.
Sometimes they would forget to issue rations to us for a day or so at a
time. It did not seem to disturb the rebels in the least to forget to
issue rations to us. We were divided into messes consisting of ten men
to the mess, and every ten men were allowed one old-fashioned Dutch
skillet and lid. In this we did the entire cooking for the ten men or
mess. So we were engaged in cooking all day, if we happened to have
enough to cook to keep the skillet going. It rained nearly the entire
time we were there. It seemed to us that it rained at least forty days
in each month, consequently we had to do the most of our cooking in the
rain. I have stood in a stooping position over the skillet for hours at
a time to keep the rain from drowning out the fire while cooking. Our
wood that we used for cooking with was generally green white pine,
nearly as hard to burn as green buckeye. We were allowed to go outside
of the prison to carry the wood in. They would let five of us out to the
wood-pile at a time; we would rush out and chop a load of wood and then
carry it in. We would form what we called the wood line, and go out as
our turns would come. I have stood in the wood line many times for a
half day at a time in the rain, and then perhaps I would not get to go
out after wood. We would do this work by turns and when we were not busy
in this way were busy fighting "gray-backs." That part of the business
we had to attend to whether we got dinner or not, for if we had
neglected to kill off the "gray-backs" once a day at least we were in
danger of being eaten up alive.

We had a regular police force of our own men. It consisted of about
thirty men. It was their duty to keep order in the prison and to punish
any one who did not conduct himself in a proper manner. If any two got
into a fight the police would at once form a ring and let them fight it
out. They would make it their business to see fair play. There were
three or four fights in the prison every day. That was a natural
consequence where there were so many men huddled in together that it was
almost impossible for them all to lie down at one time, and
half-starved, it was natural for some of them to get cross and be ready
to get up and fight at a moment's notice; but they were so weak and in
such a famished condition that they seldom ever hurt one another in a
fight. We also had a few dishonest men in the prison; they would steal
anything they could get their hands upon. The police would sometimes
punish them very severely for their misdemeanors--such as stealing, but
there was no punishment for a fair fist fight.

We undertook to break out of the prison one morning about 4 o'clock, and
captured all the rebel guards inside the prison. We took their guns from
them and put them in the privy and placed a guard over them and kept
them there nearly an hour, but the rebels on the outside got wind of it
a little too soon for us, and there happened to be more rebel soldiers
there at that time than they usually kept at that point; they rolled a
big cannon up to the door of the prison and scared us out of the notion
of breaking out at that time. The rebs called that a mutiny and issued
an order that we should have nothing to eat until we delivered up the
leaders of the mutiny. Then we thought that starvation stared us in the
face sure, for we had no idea that there was one among our number that
would give away the leaders; but alas! the leaders were sadly
disappointed, for after three days of starvation, some one--I never
could find out who he was--got so hungry that he gave the plot away and
informed on about twenty of the leaders. The rebs took the informer out
of the prison at once and gave him his freedom for his information. If
they had not taken him out of the prison he would have fared badly among
the prisoners for being a traitor.

They took the leaders of the mutiny out and punished them in various
ways. Some they put in dungeons, some in chains, and one fellow was
sentenced to be put in a four-foot square box for one hundred days. Some
of them were never heard of by us after they were taken out. We supposed
that they were killed. We were always scheming for some place to get
out. So the next thing we were up to was tunneling out. We had a tunnel
dug about fifty feet, and in a few more days our tunnel would have let
us out on the bank of the river, when the river raised and filled our
tunnel full of water, so that was all work for nothing. I had two
special friends as fellow prisoners--George W. Addington and William
Collins. We three stuck together like brothers. One day the rebs took
Addington out. Myself and Collins did not know what had become of him.
We thought that, perhaps, they had killed him for some imaginary
offence. Well, things went on as usual for about a week when a reb came
in and took Collins out, and no explanation was given, so we thought
that he was gone up also, but in another week the same reb came in and
called for me. That scared me nearly out of my boots, for I thought my
time had come sure, but to my surprise he took me to the hospital where
I found my friends Addington and Collins busily engaged in washing
clothes for the hospital. I will say now before I go further that the
hospital was for Federal prisoners only, and they required prisoners to
do all the work about the hospital. Addington had managed in some way to
get the job of washing for the hospital, and as soon as he could make an
excuse for calling in help he sent for Collins and myself. We got that
washing business down to a regular system. We would wash sheets and
pillow-slips on Monday, shirts and drawers on Tuesday, colored clothes
on Wednesday, odds and ends on Thursday, and on Friday we would boil
"gray-backs," that is, we would wash the clothes of prisoners that came
out to the hospital sick. When a prisoner was brought out of the prison
sick they would take him to an out house, strip him of his prison
clothes, and take him to another room and put hospital clothes on him,
and every Friday we had to boil and wash all clothes that accumulated in
that way. Sometimes it would be a sickening job, but it was far better
than lying in prison. We three had to work about four hours each day.
This gave us about half work and we received about half enough to eat at
the hospital, except occasionally we got something extra. We got it in
this way: The managers of the hospital were all rebs and aristocrats,
and they had negro women to carry their meals to their private rooms. Of
course they got plenty to eat and sometimes there was something left.
This the waiters always saved for us, and about two or three times a
week, after dark, our door would be pushed open and we would see a tin
pan slip in and it always had something in it good to eat, such as cold
biscuits and cold beef-steak, and it was always good, and we felt very
thankful to the colored people that run such risk in furnishing it to
us, for if they had been caught at it they would have been punished
severely for it. We were not allowed to speak to any of the colored
attendants about the hospital, but we often talked to them when there
were no rebs in sight. I once saw a prisoner that was sick but
convalescing so that he was able to walk about some, come out of the
ward in search of a fresh drink of water. He asked a colored woman for a
tin cup to drink out of, and the rebel doctor happened to hear him, and
he was sent to the prison for the offence. The next morning the poor
fellow was brought back on a stretcher dead. About the first of March,
1865, the Alabama river raised and overflowed and spread itself all over
the town and was from two to four feet deep inside of the prison. Our
boys had a terrible time of it then for about two weeks. The rebs
floated wood inside the prison for the prisoners to roost on. Our boys
had to eat what little grub they got raw, and sleep while sitting on a
pile of wood. This happened while I was at the hospital, consequently I
missed the fun of having to sit on a wood pile for two weeks and eat raw
grub. While at the hospital we always had hash for dinner. I remember
one day the hash had soured, and we liked it better, because it made a
change. About the time the river went down to its proper level we were
all paroled; then we started for Vicksburg by rail until we got to
Jackson, Miss., about fifty miles south of Vicksburg; there we had to
take it afoot. It took me just eight days to walk from Jackson, Miss.,
to Black River, forty miles. When I got there, there was just one man
with me, about twenty behind us, the others being ahead of us. At Black
River there was a pontoon bridge--a rebel guard on the south side and a
Yankee guard on the north side. We arrived there about sundown and had
to stay on the rebel side all night. Our boys on the north side were
allowed to bring us over some coffee and hard-tack, which we enjoyed
very much, as it was the first coffee that we had tasted for six long
months. The next morning we were transferred to the north side and
amongst friends. We staid at the hospital in Vicksburg a few days and
then took a hospital boat for St. Louis, and from there home.




                               LYNNVILLE.


While stationed at Pulaski, Tenn., details from the regiment were
frequently ordered out upon reconnoitering parties, and upon these
occasions generally met Roddy, Duke, Wheeler, or other cavalry
commanders in that department, in skirmishes, which, as a rule, were
bloodless. They were all exciting, however, and accustomed the boys to
the use of their carbines. Of these affairs, what was termed in the
regiment as "The Lynnville Fight," was the most sensational, and
resulted in more racket than was ever raised by the same number of men
in so short a time.

On Sunday, September 2, 1864, at 8 o'clock A. M., pursuant to orders,
the regiment marched out on the Nashville Pike, Companies B and L in the
advance. The movement was occasioned by reports to the effect that
Wheeler with a considerable body was in the neighborhood with the
purpose of destroying the railroad. After advancing about six miles a
message was received by courier from Capt. Owings, of Co. F, occupying
with his company the block house near Lynnville, for the purpose of
protecting the railroad, to the effect that the rebels were in town in
heavy force, and that he would not be able to hold his position long.

Major Lilly was ordered to go to his relief with seventy men of
Companies B and L. Advancing at a gallop, Lieut. Harrod, with sixteen
men of Company B, leading the column, within one-half or three-quarters
of a mile of the town, from a slight elevation, a full view was obtained
of the rebels. Halting for a moment, Major Lilly ordered a charge to be
made with the sabre. Harrod, with his sixteen men in advance, supported
by the fifty-five B and L men, under command of the Major, forming
quickly, were soon observed by the rebels. The advance was formed in
double, the support in single rank. The orders "forward," "trot,"
"gallop," "charge," were given in quick succession, and in a moment all
were hidden in a cloud of dust. The rebels in the town proved to be the
3d and 4th Georgia Cavalry. The attack was a surprise to them. Lieut.
Harrod, being at the front and right of his platoon, had a fair view of
the town and the enemy, and as the charge was made, says the Georgia
boys began to run when our advance was fully a quarter of a mile away,
and when they reached the south side of the town the Johnnies were going
out of the north side in great haste and apparent confusion. For the
next five minutes the race was lively. Our boys returned their sabres to
their scabbards and drawing their carbines and revolvers began firing.
The rebels threw away in their haste guns, blankets, haversacks, muster
rolls, and whatever encumbered them; and between the discharge of
fire-arms, the shouts of our men and the clatter of the horses' hoofs,
the natives were thoroughly aroused. The pursuit was kept up for about
five miles, the fleeing Johnnies making a stand upon coming up to the
main force of Wheeler's rear guard. Two of the enemy were killed and
eight captured. The wounded, if any there were, made their escape.

Corporal George R. Parsons, Co. B, mounted on a fast horse, was said to
have got nearer the body of the enemy's forces than any other man. Capt.
Nation, who was with the regiment without his company, by special
permission, with a blow of his sabre delivered upon the side of the
head, after a command to halt, unseated a Confederate, mounted upon a
large mule. The mule got away. William Johnson was slightly cut by a
ball, and the horse of Sergt. Foster was badly shot. Capts. Wall, Nation
and Moorehouse took part in the charge. The boys, in the presence of
Wheeler's rear guard, and so near his main body of perhaps 8,000 men,
did not care to push matters further, and so quietly withdrew to
Lynnville for refreshments, and to rest their horses.

General Rousseau was near Wheeler's rear and left flank. Wheeler was
between us with only one way open to the South. During the after part of
the night Wheeler moved in the direction of Lawrenceburg, and the 9th
was ordered back to Pulaski. On Monday evening, September 3d, the 9th
was ordered to Lawrenceburg to head off Wheeler if possible. Rousseau
was pressing him with between 2,000 and 4,000 infantry and artillery.
Wheeler's forces were estimated at 8,000--nearly all mounted, with a
battery of light artillery. His artillery was used very little. The 9th
reached Lawrenceburg about 7 o'clock on the morning of the 4th, just in
time to see the 9th Ohio Cavalry assist Wheeler's rear guard out of
town. About 8 o'clock A. M. the 10th Indiana Cavalry was ordered to the
front and became engaged with a strong rear guard of the enemy in a
thick wood. They drove them back two or three miles, when the 10th was
in turn pressed back. Major Lilly, who was with Gen. Granger when it was
reported to him that the 10th Indiana had been driven back, requested of
the general that he be permitted to take his battalion to the front. The
general, who had heard of the efficient manner in which the Lynnville
affair had been conducted, granted the request. Col. Jackson received
permission to lead the remainder of the regiment.

By order the troops on the road for a mile withdrew to the right and
left, and the 9th was given free passage. The position occupied by the
10th Cavalry was soon reached. They were in a narrow valley; the rebels
on the ridge above them--the 9th on the opposite hill. It was fortunate
for the 9th that the rebels made the mistake so often made in
engagements--shot too high--the balls rattling in the tree-tops above
their heads. A rapid fire at will was ordered and the lines were closed.
The 9th advanced steadily, firing over the 10th Indiana, which soon
moved out of the way by the flank, giving the 9th an open field. The
Confederates did not long await the coming of the 9th, but, after a few
volleys, fell back. Again making a stand and forming, the 9th hurries
without a halt or hesitation, steadily presses them hard, beating them
back from occasional stands for a distance of four miles, when Wheeler
corraled his train, threw down the fences and brought his artillery into
position. The boys were hot and tired, and concluded they did not want
to take his artillery and rested. The offer of battle thus made by
Wheeler to Granger was not accepted for reasons not known to the world.
The opportunity was a good one and those generals had been ostensibly
looking for Wheeler. Wheeler had the advantage, to be sure, in numbers,
of perhaps 2,000 men, and these generals did not know at that time the
superior material they had under their command. Wheeler began to move,
and the 10th and 12th Tennessee Cavalry relieved the 9th. After some
desultory firing, Wheeler was permitted without further serious
annoyance to cross the Tennessee River. There is where the Federal
generals desired to drive him, and so the object of the expedition was
successful and Wheeler's attempt to destroy the railroad a failure.

The loss to the enemy was 25 killed and 150 wounded. The 9th lost none
killed and none seriously wounded.

September 5th the regiment reached Athens, Ala. September 6th returned
by Elk River to Mussel Shoals and Shoal Creek, going into camp at night
on the bank of the stream, with the other bank held by a Confederate
force under command of a Col. Anderson. The bridge spanning the stream
being unsafe for horses, on the 7th the regiment crossed by a dangerous
ford, Companies B and L in advance, and soon engaged with Anderson, who
was driven to Florence, Ala., a distance of seven miles, in about four
hours, near which place he succeeded in crossing the Tennessee River.




                         THE REPUBLIC OF JONES.


While held at Enterprise, our men learned of the existence of a
government within the State of Mississippi, of which most readers of
history are to this day ignorant. They were informed that early in the
days of secession Jones County, which touches Clarke County on the
southwest, by its leading citizens, withdrew from the Confederacy,
declaring themselves a free and independent people, organized a special
and distinct government, under the name of the "Republic of Jones,"
adopted a constitution modeled after that of the United States, elected
a President and officers of State, and refused to contribute men or
money to the cause of the Rebellion. The census of 1860 gives the
population of Jones County at 3,323. So that the standing army of Jones
could not, if made up of the able-bodied males, have been very
formidable.

The cause which compelled the brave people of Jones to sever their
connection with the most of mankind, seems to have been plunder. In the
absence of C. S. A. troops, marauding parties sallied forth, capturing
mules, horses, cotton, grain, and whatever else could be easily
transferred, and when pursued or upon the approach of troops, hastily
retreated and disbanded, seeking safety in swamps or other places
difficult of access, remaining in hiding until the apparent danger had
passed. It is stated that the Republic did not in any manner contribute
to the cause of the C. S. A.

While the prisoners never became thoroughly posted in the principles of
that Republic it looked at one time as if they would get, in an
unpleasant manner, a knowledge of its practical workings. Enterprise was
about forty miles from the seat of government of Jones. Held at
Enterprise were about 100 officers of various regiments, (some of
colored troops,) besides the officers of the 9th Cavalry and 3d
Tennessee Cavalry captured at Sulphur Branch Trestle. The commander of
the post was a Major Edward Ward, a resident of Indiana before the war,
who had gone South in 1858, engaged in business, became identified with
the people and interests of that section, and united his fortunes with
those of the Confederacy at the breaking out of the war. He had not been
so long away from the North as to have grown indifferent to his old
home--he still had a soft place in his heart for Indiana. He invited the
officers of the 9th to his headquarters and treated them as hospitably
as his position and condition would allow. At roll-call at 10 o'clock,
October 15, 1864, Major Ward informed the prisoners that he had just
received information through his scouts that the Republic of Jones was
threatening to capture the prison camp and massacre the prisoners, for
the alleged reason that the imprisoned officers had commanded negro
troops. He said he would not be able to protect them against the
superior force and did not know what to do. The proposition of Major
Lilly, following the announcement of the commander of the post, must
have been in the nature of a surprise: "If you can not protect us allow
us to protect ourselves." Major Ward asked what he meant by that. Major
Lilly explained that he meant that the commander should place arms and
ammunition in the hands of the prisoners, and then if they were murdered
no blame could attach to him. Major Ward said that the arming of
prisoners was without precedent, and would certainly be dangerous when
they were numerically stronger than their guard. Major Lilly admitted
that the proceeding was unusual, but the circumstances justified the
innovation, and proposed that all the prisoners pledge their honor as
officers and men to use the arms only in defence of themselves against
the anticipated attack, and to surrender them when the danger was ended.
The pledge was taken, and in the afternoon two wagon loads of muskets
and one of ammunition were delivered to the prisoners, the guards were
taken off, and each officer selected his gun and put it in condition for
immediate use. Lieut. Harrod, who had not sufficiently recovered the use
of his leg--wounded at Sulphur Branch Trestle--to be able to walk, was
confined to the camp. Thus armed and equipped, the unwonted spectacle
was presented of the Yank and Johnny marching side by side against the
common enemy--Major Lilly, in the full uniform of the United States
Army, with his gun at a right shoulder, by the side of a rebel, marching
in the picket squad to the front. It was perhaps the earliest instance
of the fraternizing of the Blue and the Gray.

The prisoners remained on duty three days and nights without being
attacked. The enemy had learned that their plans were discovered and
preparations made to meet them. A fight upon fair terms was not what
they wanted, and they had withdrawn.

True to their pledged word the prisoners surrendered and stacked their
arms--no gun nor man missing. They had shown that they were as honorable
as brave, and from that time until they were sent North they were
allowed greater freedom of movement--the guards simply patroled the
camp. Citizens were allowed free access to camp, but the prisoners were
not permitted to talk to them or the negroes on politics or the war.




                           THE HOOD CAMPAIGN.


Atlanta had fallen. Sherman, before starting on his "march to the sea,"
detached the Fourth and Twenty-fourth Corps, under command of Schofield,
and sent them by forced march to Pulaski to watch Hood, who was at
Florence, and to retard his advance into Tennessee until Thomas, who was
at Nashville, could concentrate enough troops to--as Sherman pithily
said--"take care of him." The main body of the 9th Cavalry had shortly
before this been sent to Nashville to secure horses for mounting the
regiment; a small number of each company only remained to guard the camp
and stores.

About the 15th of November the forces from "the front" arrived, and soon
our peaceful camp was the scene of warlike preparation. The beautiful
slope which we had so long occupied was cut into rifle-pits, and just
north of regimental headquarters a breast-work was raised, commanding
the approaches from south and east.

Receiving information that indicated an advance of the enemy on Columbia
by the way of Winchester, the works were abandoned. The infantry took up
their line of march for Columbia, and the remnant of the 9th hastily
loaded the camp equipments and stores and boarded the train for
Nashville on the 23d of November, arrived on the morning of the 24th,
and rejoined the main body who were encamped across the river in
Edgefield. The remounting being completed, the cavalry forces at
Nashville were rapidly organized as the seventh division of the cavalry
corps--Gen. Knipe commanding. The first brigade, Gen. J. H. Hammond
commanding, was composed of the 9th and 10th Indiana, the 2d and 4th
Tennessee and 19th Pennsylvania.

On the 27th the first brigade moved through the city and down the
Franklin Pike a few miles and went into camp; on the 28th, passed
through Franklin to Spring Hill and went into camp, awaiting orders from
the front. On the 29th moved to the left of the Columbia Pike and were
all day in the saddle marching and counter-marching, slowly falling
back, almost constantly within hearing of the fighting at the front.

On the night of the 29th marched across to the Triune Pike to repel an
alleged flanking movement of the enemy, who failed to appear at that
point. At day-light we went into camp, and after a hasty breakfast,
snatched an hour of needed sleep. Soon the unwelcome "boots and saddles"
sounded, and we resumed our weary waiting and watching, nearly always
within sound of musketry, but not seeing the rebels nor hearing the
"zip" of the unfriendly bullet. We marched and counter-marched, always
halting nearer Nashville.

To those of us who had not yet seen a rebel under arms the suspense, the
constant expectation of battle, was more trying than actual fighting
afterwards proved. On this day when the sound of musketry drew nearer
and nearer, we were drawn up in line, and with drawn sabres awaited the
appearance of the enemy and an order to "charge." Expectation sat in a
thousand pale faces as

    "Each looked to sun and stream and plain
    As what they ne'er might see again."

Suddenly the rattle of musketry seemed to roll away and all was still.
Another time when the sound of battle approached our position, we
dismounted and in line awaited the onset.

In the evening the distant boom of cannon announced that a battle was on
somewhere, and while we sat on our horses, weary but alert, the bloody
battle of Franklin was being fought miles away. At last night fell, and
exhausted men and horses sank gratefully to sleep.

Our camp was at the base of a wooded hill, in a field adjoining the
Nolansville Pike. Next morning, December 1st, the horses, that had not
been unsaddled, were put in line and held while breakfast was prepared
and eaten. Before this was completed out-post firing was heard--a
cavalryman came galloping, saying the enemy was upon us. The command
hastily mounted and moved out on the pike, just before reaching which
Companies D and G were halted, and, under command of Major Lyon, went
into line, facing the rear. The regiment moving at a rapid walk, moved
up the pike and disappeared. In a few minutes the rebels opened an
irregular but furious fire from the brow of the hill under which we had
camped. At the first discharge a horse went down; directly a man was
shot; another horse fell. Thicker and thicker came the bullets; fiercer
and fiercer grew the rebel yell. Major Lyon rode up and down the line
shouting, "Give 'em hell, boys." It was the "baptism of fire" for the
boys, but no one faltered. When ordered to wheel to the right, by fours,
to march to the rear, behind a stone wall on the other side of the pike,
they executed the movement as deliberately as on dress parade.
Dismounted and sheltered by the stone wall the men were comparatively
safe, but the horses suffered severely. Before they could be led to the
rear, out of range, fifteen had fallen.

The rebels did not advance from the brow of the hill, but blazed away
with constantly increasing vigor. A "jackass battery" opened on us. The
boys did not flinch from this new experience, but kept steadily to their
work with the coolness of veterans. Our Maynard carbines were weak
weapons, useless at long range--our fire must have been ineffectual as
to casualty, but being breech-loaders the boys were enabled to fire with
such rapidity that the enemy over-estimated our numbers and hesitated to
advance, but began creeping round our flanks on either side. And still
the Major said "give 'em hell, boys," and held us to the work until our
ammunition was exhausted. About this time Adjutant Payne, who was on the
staff of Gen. Hammond, came back with orders to retreat. Everybody was
willing, but it was easier said than done.

Almost surrounded, no ammunition, many more men than horses, the pike in
possession of the foe, it was not a comfortable prospect. Hurrying to
the rear we mounted--some without horses, mounted behind a comrade;
again another would hold to a stirrup or a horses' tail to keep up with
the rapid trot. No one thought of dashing to safety at the expense of a
dismounted comrade. A horse was killed throwing its rider against a tree
breaking his collar bone. Instantly he was placed behind a comrade and
away again. On and on through wood and field, rushing through rail
fences, tearing down stone walls with bleeding hands and still behind,
and from either side, the rebel yell and hissing bullet.[1]

At last, most welcome sight, the guidons of a cavalry regiment drawn up
in line to receive us and check the enemy. Feeling sure of safety for
all, we dashed forward, leaving the dismounted men two hundred yards
behind. To our surprise and indignation this regiment wheeled into
column and trotted away before we reached them leaving us to follow. The
abandoned, dismounted men took to a cornfield and many of them escaped.
Two privates of Co. D, Lieut. Swayne and some enlisted men of Co. G,
were taken prisoners. Later on we reached the regiment standing in line
on the pike. From this place we moved slowly toward Nashville until
night came on. Going into camp near the road we enjoyed what we had
fairly earned--a night's repose without alarm.

As we passed through Nashville to our old camp at Edgefield next
morning, every hatless trooper of the previous day's fight will
gratefully remember how the merchants in the city came out with arm
loads of hats to supply our needs. Late in the evening the brigade was
again in the saddle, marching to Gallatin, Tenn., where we remained some
days patrolling the river from that place to Carthage to keep the enemy
from crossing. While here encamped a detachment of the 9th, under
command of Major Wall, was sent up into Kentucky "pressing in" horses
and mules. This expedition was through a rich country, comparatively
unravaged by the war, and was a pleasure trip to its participants. Not
so to the hapless citizens who had horses and mules. Desolation to
poultry yards marked the path of the party. A fine lot of animals were
secured, among them a number of blooded horses. It is possible that all
these did not receive Uncle Sam's trade mark. There was a legend current
in the regiment that one of the mules obtained at this time, that by
_accident_ was not branded, did excellent service at New Orleans in
supplying one company with the needful.[2]

On December the 8th the command returned to Nashville. The morning was
lowery and by noon began to rain. A strong northwest wind froze the
water as it fell and soon the road was a glare of ice. The horses unshod
or smooth shod had but precarious footing. Fortunately no serious
accident occurred. The men were chilled and shivering. When the column
halted for any purpose the red cedar rails on either side were soon
ablaze; but before the cheerful flame could infuse warmth in the chilled
fingers the bugle sounded "forward" and the grateful heat was left to
waste its comfort on the frosty air. We left a fiery as well as a frozen
track that day. Before nightfall we went into camp within two miles of
the city. Soon, amid the lurid flame of burning rails, the smoking hot
coffee, crisp sow-belly and luscious hard-tack, we forgot the discomfort
of our cheerless ride--the song and laugh went round until one by one
each voice was hushed and the camp was wrapped in silence.

On the morning of the 9th we moved across the river and went into camp
on the west side of Nashville, where we remained until December 15th.
While passing through the city Gen. Hatch and staff met the
regiment--Col. Jackson joined him and with him held an informal review
of the regiment as the column moved along. Our horses--fresh from their
"old Kentucky homes"--were in such contrast to the jaded steeds from the
front, with which Hatch's command was mounted, that, turning to Jackson,
he said: "Colonel, you have a magnificent mount, but my boys will steal
half of them before the battle."

"No, General," replied the Colonel, "the boys got these horses for their
own use; you can't have one of them; but we don't want to seem small and
will undertake to trade a limited number of our Maynards for your
Spencers."

On reaching camp, an order was issued doubling the stable guard, and
relieving from camp duty for a week any soldier who would secure a
Spencer carbine. No horse was lost, a dozen or two Spencers were
reported. These were organized for special service, and the zeal and
enterprise developed in securing them had ample play during the stormy
days which followed. It is possible that some members of this squad
would have willingly resigned their prospects for distinction with the
Spencer, for the more modest and less hazardous companionship of the
Maynard.

The camp was in an open field with no tree, shrub or grass, or other
covering than the sleet which fell and formed from day to day. It was a
sloppy, slippery time. The discomfort of the situation was somewhat
alleviated by remembering that the Johnnies were more unhappy than we.
They had not wherewith to cover their nakedness and depended for food on
such limited supplies as could be secured from the country. We were well
fed and clothed.

On the morning of the 15th, the ice being melted, the regiment was in
the saddle soon after daylight. Moving a short distance to the right we
halted, waiting for McArthur's division to clear the way for our passage
to the position assigned our division on the right of Smith's Corps.

About 8 o'clock A. M. the booming of the cannon on the left announced
the opening of the battle. For an hour the fight seemed to remain in one
place, but gradually the forces became engaged along the front, reaching
a point to the right of our position. The cannons roared and thundered,
and the rattle of small arms could be distinctly heard, while a dense
smoke rolled up from the field which was obscured from our view by an
intervening ridge. To get out of the ranks and climb this ridge to see
how a great battle looked was a common impulse--an impulse too strong
for those whose curiosity was stronger than their sense of duty. Two
privates of one company, thus straying away, were discovered by one of
Hammond's aids, who promptly placed them and their company commander
under arrest. This officer[3] later in the day approached the General
and obtained permission to lead his company in the coming fight, which
he did so gallantly that he never heard any more about the arrest.

Two officers of another company likewise climbed the ridge and saw the
belching of the cannon, the bursting of the shells, the great lanes torn
through the ranks of blue, which, closing up, moved steadily toward the
foe. It was a grand though awful sight. As one, sickening, turned away,
he discovered that the regiment had moved away. Informing his companion,
they descended the hill and quickly following were, fortunately for
their credit, not discovered, and regained their place in the column.

The division now reached its place on the extreme right--the first
brigade in reserve within the bend of the river. In line facing the
front we sat on our horses awaiting results. The remainder of the
division advanced toward the enemy and were soon hid from our view by
the fog and smoke of battle. Here it was that the battery on the hill
above and beyond the rebel advance opened on us with shell--all will
remember this--and none forget the peculiar shrinking sensation with
which we heard the first shell that came shrieking over our heads and
bursting in our rear. Here it was, too, that, as the smoke lifted, we
saw our troops swarm up the distant hill, and, after a short struggle in
the fort, raise the stars and stripes above the works from whose guns
had so recently come to us such unwelcome greeting. This redoubt was
carried by Coons' Cavalry (dismounted), and two brigades of Smith's
Corps. The same troop rushed gallantly on and soon carried another fort.
The mounted men rushed forward and swept Chalmer's Cavalry back,
capturing his headquarters, books and papers. The Confederate left was
completely broken and driven back by the cavalry corps. Night stopped
the pursuit.

The first brigade being in reserve, took no part in this day's fight,
but followed closely the advance of our victorious fellow-cavalrymen,
seeing on every side the evidences of the battle we had not helped to
win. We reached the six-mile post on the Charlotte Pike; thence marching
up Richland Creek three miles, bivouacked on Granny White Pike. Two
companies, (L and another), going on picket, captured a number of
prisoners during the night.

On the morning of the 16th, the first brigade returned to the Hillsboro'
Pike. The 9th was detailed to support the 14th Ohio Battery in an attack
on the rebel left and rear. Dismounted--a detail for skirmishers was
made, including the "Spencer Squad." As they disappeared in the wood we
followed. Soon a rattling volley, followed by the articulate venom of
single shots, warned us that we were approaching the enemy. Reaching a
position on a ridge thinly covered with trees, the guns were unlimbered,
placed in position, and for two hours a furious duel raged between this
and an opposing battery on the ridge a half mile away. The wooded valley
intervening was alive with skirmishers, and the continuous dropping
shots showed that they were hotly disputing possession. The occasional
bringing in of the dead and wounded from the line attested the character
of the struggle. The boys were evidently not in fun. The regiment lay in
front of the guns which fired over us. This of itself was sufficiently
exhilarating to a nervous man, but when the shells of the opposing
battery came hustling through the air, bursting in front, above and
behind us, cutting the branches above us or throwing the dirt over us,
every man became a stoic and waited with calmness the missile which
should square his account.

Strangely enough no casualty occurred in the line. Some annoyance was
felt from a house on the left front occupied by sharp-shooters. A small
squad, by permission, stole down upon them unobserved. Making a rush for
the house the gray-backs went out of the back door as the boys went in
at the front. The family were at breakfast. One of the boys sat down and
had a hearty lunch, while the others searched the house from cellar to
garret. Notifying the owner that another shot from the house would meet
with response from the cannon, the boys returned and took their place in
line.

And still the cannonade kept up. Shells passing overhead reached the
horses in the rear, carrying consternation to the boys who were holding
them. One came up to the line to get permission to trade places with one
of the boys, saying if he had to be killed he preferred to die as a
soldier, and not as a hostler.

Col. Jackson rode a white horse and, with his orderlies, remained
mounted during this action. Wherever this horse was the shells were
thickest. Upon being asked why he rode this horse he said that in battle
no one hit what he shot at. So he rode this horse for safety. The
Colonel held a fairly good place in the affections of his men, but none
cared to cultivate any closer relations with him on this occasion. It
was two sad-eyed orderlies who followed him up and down the line these
two solemn hours.

The rebel battery ceasing to return our fire, we returned to our horses
and about noon moved to the Cranny White Pike. Crossing it, we
dismounted and climbed a hill--the remainder of the brigade going into
line on our left. As we went into position the brass band of a regiment
on our immediate left was playing a melancholy piece--doubtless
expressing the feelings of the musicians, but certainly not inciting an
appetite for battle in the hearers.

For some hours we lay upon this hill exchanging shots, occasionally,
with an unseen foe, without loss. The 10th Indiana on our left lost some
killed and wounded. About 4 P. M. Knipe ordered an advance of the whole
division. The 9th did not wait, but, springing to their feet, dashed
eagerly down the hill and away after the enemy, who did not stand upon
the order of their going, but went at once.

Strict orders had been given to reserve fire until we should get in
short range, but some nervous comrade, with patriotism at his finger
ends, discharged his gun and at once a line of fire ran down the ranks.
An effort to stop the shooting was made without avail. Company K had a
man killed; a number were slightly wounded. Two Confederates were
seriously wounded in or near a house at the base of the hill, where we
discontinued the pursuit.

This could scarcely be dignified by the name of "a charge," as the enemy
practically made no resistance. With fear to lend them speed they were
further from us at the end of the race than upon the start. The day was
damp and cold; many had on overcoats and poncho blankets. The haste with
which we obeyed the order to advance did not give them time to divest
themselves of extra clothing. The charge was along through a corn-field
a foot deep in mud, intersected by several ditches and washouts, four to
six feet deep, and from three to ten feet wide. Cavalry boots and other
impediments made this a decidedly warm trip.

The rebels were now evidently badly whipped, and if the cavalry corps
had now been mounted we could certainly have cut off the retreat by the
Franklin road and practically bagged the entire game. By the time the
horses could be brought up night had come and we went into camp at the
base of the hill, from which the enemy had given us a parting shot at 5
o'clock.

The rebel army at the close of the fight on the 16th were completely
whipped; the infantry with which the cavalry corps had contended were a
demoralized and panic-stricken mob. Forrest, with his main body of
cavalry, had not been present during the battle. Two brigades had
reached the field on the evening of the 16th, and, holding the passes
through the Brentwood hills, from the Granny White Pike, enabled the
panic-stricken horde to reach the Franklin Pike and cross Little
Harpeth. Night and Forrest's cavalry alone saved Hood's army from total
capture. A strong rear guard of cavalry was formed to cover the retreat
of the broken rebel columns, and, although the battle was won our work
was but fairly begun. About midnight a heavy rain set in which continued
at intervals for some days following.

By the early dawn the First Brigade was in the saddle en route for the
Franklin Pike, the 19th Pennsylvania in advance, supported by the 10th
Indiana. On reaching the pike the whole command started down toward
Franklin at a swinging trot. Soon striking the enemy they gave way
before the impetuosity of the advance and were rapidly driven back,
losing many prisoners. At Hollow Tree Gap a considerable body of
infantry were strongly posted, who repulsed the two regiments in front
with the loss of 22 killed and wounded and 63 prisoners, principally
from the 10th Indiana. To offset this, the 10th had captured and brought
off the field two Colonels, two Lieutenant-Colonels, one Major and more
than one hundred enlisted men. The 9th, being in the rear, had all the
morning seen the evidences of the demoralization of the enemy. The guns
and other equipments strewn along the road, the apparent abandonment of
everything that impeded their flight, every door-yard filled with
illy-clad shivering prisoners, had lead us to the conclusion that we had
"a walk over." Hollow Tree Gap undeceived us.

After repulsing our advance the enemy fell back. The 9th Indiana was
ordered up and took the advance. As we moved through the Gap we saw the
saddest sight of the campaign. A trooper lay beside the road gasping his
life away, and near him with a ghastly wound in his breast, lay dead the
little curly-headed, blue-eyed boy, Duane A. Lewis, Co. B., sixteen
years old, the General's orderly, whose bright and joyous face and
fearless innocence had endeared him to the heart of every soldier in the
brigade. The pitiless rain fell upon his upturned childish face; his
eyes were open, but their light had gone out forever.

Gen. Knipe said to Hammond: "Take your command and go to Franklin; don't
skirmish with the enemy three minutes, but attack him where found and
drive him through the town."

The rain was gently falling, the heavy fog of early morning was somewhat
dissipated, yet so dense that objects could not be distinctly seen at a
distance. With a long trot we swept down the pike against a shadowy
foe--ourselves but shadows. The depressing weather and the sad scene
just passed made the lightest heart grow heavier as we swept along.
Suddenly from the woods on the left a body of Confederate horse sprang
into the road in front of us, and in a ghostly gallop lead the way to
their lines.

Debouching into the open near Franklin, the cannon from the fort opened
on us with shell. The head of the column turned to the right a short
distance and wheeled into line--the centre and left coming on "front
into line." Hammond being at the head of the column gave the command to
charge before the line was barely formed. The right sprang forward at
the command and was rapidly followed by the center. The left, under
Capt. Hobson, was not yet in line and did not hear the command. Hammond
again shouted "charge!" Hobson was looking after the alignment and did
not hear the command. Hammond galloped to him and said: "You cowardly
s-- of a b--ch! why don't you charge?" Hobson raised himself in the
stirrups and said: "Boys, we will show who are cowards! Forward! March!
Trot! Charge!!" and lead the boys right up to the fort, where he was
shot through the heart.[4] A stone wall on the left caused them to crowd
on the centre and against the fort. The right also was forced to press
in on the centre, by reason of a nursery, which, for horses, was
practically impenetrable. The centre charged right down the open grounds
on the left of the pike.

Lieut. Watts, of Company I, fell dead on the pike at the head of Company
G. Lieut. Duvall, who lead Company H, was shot in the breast--a wound
which hastened his death, occurring in 1880.

The Confederates had torn down the telegraph wire and, driving posts at
intervals, had encircled the fort with it. This was unseen by the
assaulting party until their horses tumbled over it. Encumbered by the
horses who were useless in attacking a fort, impeded by a stone wall and
wire-fence, under an awful fire of grape and canister and musketry at
short range, the regiment fell back in disorder, but not without
bringing off two stands of colors and over two hundred prisoners. These
captures were made by individual prowess, and were not the result of
concerted action.

Falling back perhaps two hundred yards from the fort and partially
sheltered from the shells and musket balls by a slight depression in the
plain, Acting Adjutant Comstock, under orders from the Colonel, planted
the regimental colors, and the line was soon formed again. This was done
quickly and well under fire. The shells were passing overhead and
bursting threw the fragments among the men in a distressingly familiar
way.

Lieut. Burroughs, of Company C, had been disabled in the charge, and, as
the men from the left were crossing the pike to form on the colors, he
asked for assistance to remount his horse, which was standing near. Two
men dismounted to assist him, but just then a fragment from a bursting
shell tore away part of his skull. He was carried to the rear in a dying
condition.

As the same party were hastening to the right, as before mentioned, a
shell passed through two horses, taking off the leg of one of the
riders. Another horse had his head taken off as with a broad-axe. In the
charge a horse was struck full in the breast with a cannon ball, passing
through and disemboweling him. The rider went headlong in the mud, where
he lay stunned until the fight was over. The charge was unwisely
ordered, but bravely and brilliantly executed. To ride down in the face
of a withering fire on a fort inaccessible to cavalry, defended by
artillery and infantry, greatly outnumbering the attacking force, was
apparently a ride to death. That it was not so we must thank Him without
whose notice no sparrow falls to the ground. No one faltered; none
turned back until all that could be done was accomplished. Bravely as
this was done, it did not show forth that true courage, born of moral
worth and a high sense of duty, as did the prompt rallying of the broken
companies, and the speedy reforming of the line, under fire, and the
patient waiting for orders among the bursting shells. This was the true
touchstone of our greatness as a regiment, and nobly did the boys stand
the test.

In his report, dated December 27th, 1864, Gen. Hammond, of this action,
says:

"The enemy, having retreated, we followed rapidly, the 9th Indiana in
advance, to near Franklin, and drove the enemy across the river into
town, capturing, it is reported, two stands of colors and near two
hundred prisoners. In this charge we lost three fine officers, among
whom was Capt. Hobson--9th Indiana Cavalry,--a man remarkable for the
prompt discharge of his duties, and his bravery. The 9th Indiana was
supported by the 10th Indiana and the 4th Tennessee. But the first
regiment deserved the principal credit of the charge and success."

For the regiment, whose heroism converted his blunder into a glorious
achievement, this praise is scant enough. For the man, at whom he had
but a few minutes before his death, hurled the most opprobrious epithet
that can be applied to the brave man who loves his mother, or reveres
her memory, this recognition comes too late.

The 4th Tennessee took the advance and pushed over the river, through
the town and out on the Lewisburg Pike, followed by the brigade.
Flanking the enemy out of a position between this and the Columbia Pike,
we moved across to this latter road, and leisurely moved down toward
Columbia. On either side of us great columns of cavalry were moving
through the fields in parallel lines. The entire cavalry corps was in
sight. The whole face of the country seemed covered with the mighty
host.

    "'T were worth ten years of peaceful life,
    One glance at their array."

A mile to the front, a range of heavily wooded hills at right angles to
the pike, rose abruptly from the plain. On the brow of this hill a
battery in the road opened on us with shell. The first shell, passing
over, bursted beyond our rear; another and another followed. The
stragglers felt an impulse of valor unfelt before, and made vigorous
efforts to get to the front. The pace of the command visibly
quickened--broke into a trot, and soon were galloping, while still above
us shrieked the shells. Alas! not all! Those in the rear could see the
column, opening and closing at frequent intervals, as the horsemen
passed on either side of the dead and wounded men and horses who had
fallen.

Reaching a break in the wall which fenced in the right side of the road,
the head of the column, turning, dashed into the field on the right.
Dismounting at the edge of the woods, which was also the base of the
hill, we advanced upon the enemy, and drove him from his position. It
was said that in this action the 4th Regulars, lead by Knipe in person,
went into line, without dismounting, charged the enemy, and, after a
sharp hand to hand fight, drove him in confusion from the field.

The whole corps was engaged in this action, and, in thirty minutes from
the discharge of the first gun, the entire rebel force, who were not
killed or prisoners, were in full retreat. It was now nearly dark.
Remounting, we moved to the right, the 10th Indiana in advance. Passing
the enemy's flank, and reaching the pike in his rear, we moved forward
to the attack. The 10th Indiana passed the enemy, who were ambushed
behind a stone fence on the left, and who permitted us to likewise get
well in the trot before springing it.

Suddenly, from out the darkness, "Halt! Who comes there?" sharply
questioned a voice. "Federal cavalry," replied Jackson. "_Fire!_" rang
out the command, and immediately from a thousand muskets in our very
faces, gushed a sheet of flame. Down went man and horse. Another volley,
and the frightened horses reared and plunged, many falling in a ditch
alongside the road, crippling the riders.

Company L was in the advance. Moorehouse went down with a ghastly wound;
Bristow fell dead; Jackson's horse went into the ditch, falling upon
him, and inflicting permanent injuries to his breast. Acting Adjutant
Comstock and another, whose name I cannot give, saved the Colonel from
capture, by mounting him upon another horse and holding him in the
saddle until a place of safety could be reached.

Color-Sergeant Ricks, of Company E, a noble boy, was killed, and, in the
darkness, the colors were lost. The rebels, protected by the wall, were
safe from sabre or bullet. The plunging of the horses, the cries of the
wounded, the shouting of the officers, the lurid flashing of guns,
fitfully lighting the scene, made a situation inadequately described by
the modified term of the "new version."

The surprise, the darkness and disorder, the impossibility of returning
the fire, left but one thing to do. A united rush was made to the right.
The rail fence, bounding the road, went down with a crash--officer and
man, with equal zeal, seeking safety in flight. The enemy pursued with
shout and yell and hissing bullet. It was not a panic. It was good, hard
sense. To get out of that hopeless hell was strictly business.

The enemy did not pursue very far. Halting in the woods, Hammond made an
effort to get the brigade in line. He was so hoarse he could not speak
above a whisper. It was found that all the officers were likewise too
hoarse to make themselves heard, and the attempt was abandoned. Each
officer and man sought sleep and rest where best it suited him. Sleep
did not at once fall upon the camp. Silence there was, but not sleep.
The chagrin of failure, the separation from comrades who might be dead
or wounded, and in the hands of the enemy, added tenfold to the horror
of the night, itself wet, cold, comfortless. At last tired nature
succumbed to the drowsy god, and all too soon the morning bugle awoke us
from slumber to the duties and dangers of another day.

On the 18th the command, encountering no enemy, marched to near Spring
Hill, and went into camp. Resuming the march on the 19th, reached
Rutherford's Creek. This stream was out of its banks, its current a
torrent, making a more effective rear guard for the defeated army than
even Forrest's brave and determined troops. The almost impassable
condition of the roads delayed the arrival of the pontoons until the
20th. Meantime the infantry had overtaken us, and gone into camp near
us.

When the infantry came from the front and began work on the defenses at
Pulaski, they did not have a very high opinion of the cavalry arm of the
service. This feeling was fairly illustrated in the remark of a bronzed
veteran visiting our camp. He said: "The artillery makes the noise, the
cavalry makes the show, and _we do the work_!" A General was heard to
express his contempt for this arm of the service by offering to pay $10
per head for each cavalryman killed in battle. These boys had now
followed our line of march and constant battle for some days. They had
seen the character of the work done, and from them now was heard only
words of warmest commendation. These were the heroes of Atlanta, and to
have thus earned their enthusiastic approval, conquering their prejudice
and compelling respect, was doubling our laurels and glory enough. Their
unstinted praise was not more grateful to our hearts than was the
generous sharing of their scant store of hard-tack to our now, for a day
or two, "strictly corn-fed" stomachs.

The bridge across Rutherford's Creek being completed, on the 21st we
crossed and moved down to Columbia. Duck River, swollen by the rains,
that for a week had almost constantly fallen, was now a wide, deep and
turbulant stream. The rain had ceased to fall, and it was snowing
instead. The wind was blowing a gale from the northwest. This greatly
increased the difficulty of bridging the stream, and it was December 23d
before we were enabled to cross the river and resume the pursuit. We had
been called up the midnight preceding, struck our tents, and, mounting,
moved down near the river, where we sat upon our horses in the wind and
flying snow--a dismal, dark, dreadful two hours--and then back to camp
again.

About 10 o'clock A. M. on the 23d, we crossed the bridge and moved some
miles down the Pulaski Pike, not encountering the enemy.

On the 24th, we moved through the fields on the right of Gen. Croxton's
brigade. We were not in advance this day, and, while always in hearing
of the guns, were not directly engaged. All this day, as we followed in
the wake of the fight, our eyes were constantly greeted with
unmistakable evidences of the struggle in front. No one will forget the
little knot of dead and dying artillerymen and horses by the road-side,
maimed and mangled by a bursting shell, a gory, ghastly sight.

Forrest, with the main body of his cavalry, had reached the line of
Hood's retreat at Columbia, and from that point interposed a force not
inferior in numbers, or discipline, to the cavalry corps pursuing. In
addition to this force, we were hourly confronted by five brigades of
infantry, under Gen. Walthall. So great a force, aided by bad roads and
swollen streams, made it impossible for us to break through their
defence. It is true that at every stand made by the enemy, we drove him
from his position, but when he fell back it was usually in good order,
and more as one who had accomplished a purpose than as a beaten and
demoralized foe.

On the 25th, we pushed on, following the advance, which drove the enemy
through Pulaski so closely, that he did not have time to destroy the
bridge over Richland Creek. The men detailed to fire the bridge were
killed or captured and the fire extinguished. Another stand was made at
Reynolds' or Anthony's Hill, south of Pulaski. Our brigade was ordered
to support the first brigade, sixth division, in an attack on this
position. The enemy made strong resistance, and for some time the battle
raged without advantage on either side. Hammond's brigade was ordered
up. The 9th Indiana, with Companies I and D as skirmishers, advanced on
the enemy's left. His skirmishers were soon met and driven back on the
main line, lying along the top of the hill. A heavy fire was opened on
these two companies, and they were compelled to fall back on the
supporting column--which, going into line, advanced upon the enemy.
Meantime the brigade in advance had been repulsed, and fell back in
confusion,--the 7th Ohio cavalry breaking through the advancing column
between the 4th Tennessee and the remainder of the brigade. The 4th
charged gallantly and drove the pursuing enemy back into his works, but
the support being delayed by the demoralized 7th Ohio, failed to come
up, and the 4th was compelled to withdraw. Now it was that our regiment
advanced with the 2d Tennessee on our left. Coming within sight of the
defences, the whole line, with a yell and mighty rush, swept up the hill
over the works and across the opening after the flying foe, who
disappeared in the woods beyond. Company I had a place in this charge.
Company D, being on the right of the skirmish line, had, in falling
back, after helping develop the enemy's position, missed the supporting
column--having to go around a precipitous hill to rejoin the regiment,
only reached the scene in time to observe, but take no part in, the
charge, which closed the day's work.

Going into camp the weary soldier found time to remember that this was
Christmas day, and fill himself with the recollection of the Christmas
feasts of former years--precious "little else" he had to fill himself
with. Mud and snow below, clouds and rain above, all night long, was not
conducive to rest, but caused the boys the more readily to resume the
march next morning--the saddle being more comfortable than the camp.

The 26th opened with a heavy fog and gently falling rain. The 2d
Tennessee in advance, supported by the 9th Indiana, struck the enemy
about five miles from camp and drove him swiftly back on the main body,
which was strongly posted on the south bank of Sugar Creek, a deep and
rapid stream, with high and steep banks. The 2d Tennessee going into
line, was soon hotly engaged. The 9th debouched from the road and went
into line in reserve, but so near the first line that we were as fully
under fire as those in front.

To remain under fire from an unseen enemy, without the stimulus of
action, is a serious tax upon the courage of the average soldier. The 2d
Tennessee, after a few minutes' exchange of courtesies with the enemy,
were moved by the right flank to make room for us. Glad to move, the
regiment took its place in the position lately occupied by the 2d
Tennessee, while the 14th Ohio battery went into position near the line
just abandoned by us. All this time the enemy's fire was unceasing. On
reaching our new position we could see under the lifting fog, the creek
with its steep banks, and beyond it the log barricades, from behind
which constantly leaped forth the flame and smoke, accentuating the
"zip" of the spiteful bullets, which constantly cut the air around us.

From here we could also see the slender thread of road leading to the
ford, across which but two horses might pass abreast. As against mounted
men the position was impregnable. The situation was not encouraging,
contemplating which, an officer of the line got somewhat excited, and,
riding to and fro in front of the regiment, constantly shouting: "Don't
run, boys; for God's sake, don't run!"

This was an unnecessary appeal. Aside from the disorder arising from
falling horses, the line stood unwavering. A sharp reprimand from
Hammond, and this officer subsided. The fire of the enemy continued with
increasing vigor. It was returned by "the boys" with interest. Protected
by log works the enemy probably suffered no loss.

Two companies, under command of Capt. Cofer, were now sent to the left
to a hill commanding the rebel right and protecting our left flank. The
regiment, at the same time, moved to the right, making place for the
balance of the brigade in line. The two companies moving to the left
reached an angle in the hill--one arm running back parallel to our line
of advance, the other, and shorter arm, projecting toward the field of
battle. Dismounting behind the shorter arm, which thoroughly protected
the horses, the two companies scaled the hill and formed in line on its
top, overlooking the rebel works in the plain below. Company D took the
position nearest the field, the other company (Company I, probably),
going to the left, were in the act of deploying to guard against
surprise from the extreme left, when the enemy left his works, crossed
the creek, and wildly yelling, charged the centre of the main line,
driving them back probably three hundred yards, leaving the led horses
in a triangle, the base and perpendicular of which was too
"perpendicular" to climb, and the high position in the hands of the
enemy. Company D hurriedly scrambled down the hill, and, remounting,
dashed out through the astonished Confederates to a place of safety,
where, reforming, they rejoined the regiment. In their ride to the rear
Company D lost four enlisted men by capture. The horses of the other
company were also successfully brought off.

Cofer, with his company, hearing the battle surging back in the centre,
also tried to get back, but by the time the deployed line could be
rallied to return, they were met by a body of the enemy, who, seeing so
many led horses going to the rear, suspected the truth, and went up the
hill to see about it. Resistance was hopeless, flight seemed impossible,
but, with a rebel prison on the one hand, and a chance for safety in a
race with death on the other, was but a moment's hesitation. Running
back up the hill and making a wide detour, Indiana put in her "best
licks," and, although the rebels had the inner and by far the shorter
line, they escaped, amidst a storm of bullets, without a scratch, and
rejoined the regiment, much to their own satisfaction and greatly to the
relief of the remainder of the regiment, who had given them up for lost.

The brigade again advanced and drove the enemy back into his works. The
14th Ohio battery was now placed in position, and soon shelled them out,
and pursuit was continued some distance by a portion of the command, the
remainder soon going into camp.

These were the last rebels in arms seen by us in this campaign.
Subsistence for men and horses was becoming a serious question. We had
received no rations since leaving Nashville, twelve days before. There
had been little time for foraging. The resources of the country were
nearly exhausted by the rebel army--men and horses were worn out and
hungry. A few days were consumed in recruiting the horses and securing
supplies. The march was resumed and continued without incident of
special interest, except a very pleasant encampment at Taylor Springs
and a very unpleasant, not to say dangerous, crossing of Elk River,
ending at Gravelly Springs, where we went into winter quarters.

It was but a remnant of the 9th Cavalry that went into camp at the close
of this long march. By death, wounds, disease and capture we had lost
heavily. Those stopping by the way, from death or exhausting of horses,
added to the other losses--not more than two hundred effectives reached
this, our final, camp in Alabama. In considering the service of the 9th
Cavalry in this campaign, we will concede that other commands may have
done more fighting, but in promptly and effectually performing the
duties assigned, no regiment could have excelled the 9th Indiana.

Hammond, in his report, says: "During this campaign I have had continual
occasion to admire the bravery of both officers and men, and to lament
want of discipline." The discipline of our regiment was fairly good; the
officers, as a rule, had the respect and confidence of their men, who
yielded prompt obedience to all orders. Gen. Hammond never issued an
order, either in battle, on the march or in camp, that we did not try to
obey, whatever we may have thought of the wisdom of it.

It is the deliberate opinion of the writer, after twenty years'
experience with all sorts of people, that no finer body of men ever
lived than served together in the 9th Indiana Cavalry, and certain it is
no braver soldiers ever marched to battle.

[Illustration: Map of battle, December 1, 1861.]

Footnote 1:

  NOTE A.--Of the affair at Wilson's Pike, December 1, 1864, Sergt.
  Holt, of Co. E, writes as follows:

  D. W. C.

  "At the fight on Wilson's Pike, December 1, 1861, Company E was
  detailed to check the advancing columns on that road. The company was
  stationed in a small yard behind a house. A line of skirmishers was
  thrown out consisting of the dismounted fourth man, placed in charge
  of a sergeant, with orders to fire once or twice and fall back to
  their horses. The advance was very rapid, the firing hot in the region
  of the company, and the men who had charge of the horses of the
  dismounted men were ordered to the rear. When our men came back from
  the skirmish line they were disappointed in not finding their horses,
  and were all captured, consisting of nearly twenty-six men of Company
  E, who were taken to Cahaba, Alabama, prison. Only about half of them
  lived through the five months they were kept there. Capt. Hobson was
  left in charge of the rear. He was ordered off the field twice by
  orderlies from Gen. Hammond, but failing to obey the order Gen.
  Hammond came himself and took the command off. The rebels were so
  close to us that I think I would almost know the color-bearer if I
  were to see him to-day. Before we left the yard, or just as we were
  leaving, Sergt. Helvie, who was sitting at the roots of a sugar tree,
  called to me to take his gun, a Henry rifle. I did so, and was so much
  excited that I only got two loads off out of the fifteen it contained.
  I believe Sergt. Helvie was the only man wounded in the engagement,
  although we stayed upon the field until the right and left wings of
  the rebel advance were considerably ahead of us, and I pointed the
  fact out to Capt. Hobson, but it didn't seem to affect him."

Footnote 2:

  It was said that Company F sold this mule in New Orleans several
  times. The plan was--as the story was told--to have one of the boys,
  in citizen's clothes, sell the animal, and before it could be got away
  a squad would come up and arrest the party for having United States
  property in possession, compromising for a greater or less amount,
  take the mule and release the purchaser. This was said to have been
  repeated a number of times. At last the mule was hid and could not be
  found, but not before a sum had been raised sufficient to put Company
  F in funds.

Footnote 3:

  Lieut. Thomas J. Cofer, Co. I.

Footnote 4:

  Accounts of the deaths of Capt. Hobson and Lieut. Watts are
  conflicting. Capt. Hayden states that Capt. Hobson was killed right at
  the fort. The account of Sergt. Holt, Co. E, of the same incident, is
  subjoined. Sergt. Holt's candor in relating his experiences is
  refreshing and worthy of all praise. Most of us, in relating army
  experiences, are apt to forget or omit our fears and remember only
  what was heroic. There was in the regiment but one opinion concerning
  Capt. Hobson, and that was that he was a brave and capable officer.
  Martin Gregg, Co. I, states that he was with Lieut. Watts when shot;
  that he was killed by the captain of the battery, who also fired at
  him.

  D. W. C.

  "Company E was the left wing, Capt. Hobson commanding the main column.
  Advancing on the pike, our company went to the left or rear of a small
  works on the pike. After we had climbed a little hill, our company had
  scattered considerably, the firing being close above us with grape. We
  formed under cover of the ravine, and then advanced down the railroad.
  Capt. Hobson was leading the company; and Sergeant Grose and myself
  were (I probably ought not to say so) in the rear. I thought I took in
  the situation and asked him how he liked the place we were going into.
  He said he didn't like it much, but he guessed we would have to go. We
  charged down the railroad until we got to the wagon road, then went
  under the railroad, the grade being so high as to permit us to go
  under. Capt. Hobson didn't seem to realize the situation until he was
  confronted on the other side by the retreating rebel column. He halted
  and turned round immediately on the retreat, and was shot just as he
  came under the railroad, falling almost against the stone abutment.
  His riderless horse came galloping past me as I turned to retreat....

  "An incident in connection with Capt. Hobson's death has always
  impressed me. During the morning Capt. Hobson and Lieut. Burroughs
  were riding together, and in their conversation Lieut. Burroughs said:
  'I would rather lose my right arm than go into a fight.' Capt. Hobson
  replied, 'The rebel bullet is not molded that will kill me.' With
  these remarks hardly cold from their lips they went into the fight and
  were both killed within at least a few minutes of each other.

  "While Capt. Hobson many times seemed rough in his remarks, his
  actions would show that he was tender in feelings. With a confidence
  that no harm can come to him, a man can go forth and fight with
  dashing courage, although danger surrounds him; but with the thought
  that as certain as he goes into battle, he will be the first to fall,
  requires a stout heart, and is offering his life upon the altar of his
  country. I never felt that I would be injured in battle, but I have
  several times wished that some one else would run, so that I might
  have some excuse to run myself. It took a braver man to make the break
  and run when every one was standing in line of battle than it did to
  stand and fight."




                         THE NINTH AT FRANKLIN.


    Those who were present will admit that Capt. Hayden's account of the
    9th at Franklin is but a conservative statement of the facts. On the
    day after the fight, while we were all feeling very well satisfied
    with ourselves and the part the regiment had taken in the affair, I
    wrote a letter to the Cincinnati Commercial, which was published in
    its issue of December 29, 1864. I think it sufficiently pertinent to
    justify the insertion of the greater part of it.

    D. W. C.

      CAMP OF THE 9TH INDIANA CAVALRY,
NEAR FRANKLIN, TENNESSEE, DECEMBER 18, 1864.

It is a lamentable fact, that, for some reason as yet ungiven, the
cavalry arm of our service has not, until quite recently, been
distinguished for any special efficiency. Its connection, however, with
the late brilliant victories in the Shenandoah Valley, have won for it
at least the respect of the country, and caused the withdrawal of Major
General Hooker's standing offer of twenty dollars for a dead cavalryman
of the Potomac Army. In the West this branch of the army, as your
readers are aware, has been organized into the corps of the Military
Division of the Mississippi, under command of Brevet Major General
Wilson, whose dash and splendid abilities, while eminently fitting him
for the responsible position he holds, have fully warranted his
promotion from Lieutenant Colonel to his present rank. The late complete
successes of his command are evinced in those sure and substantial
evidences of victory--prisoners, battle-flags and guns; and in this
department no corps can show more of them than the cavalry.

While all the troops in this command have behaved with credit to
themselves and honor to the cause in which they fight, for pluck,
coolness and promptness in the hour that tests men's courage, among all
the regiments taking part in the late move in front of Nashville, the
9th Indiana Cavalry of brigadier General Hammond's brigade, is worthy of
special and honorable mention, and, particularly, its splendid charge
upon the works and forces of the enemy at Franklin yesterday--an exploit
unsurpassed by anything written of the war, and compared to which in
point of success, Major Zagonyi's celebrated charge at Springfield,
which created such a sensation at the beginning of the war, and
interested the principal artists of the country in the face of a homely
but ordinary man, becomes tame and unimportant. Some five hundred yards,
over undulating grounds, made miry by recent rains, from the advance,
(9th Indiana Cavalry, Colonel George W. Jackson commanding), of
Hammond's brigade, and upon the north side of Big Harpeth river was a
section of a battery, supported by two regiments of infantry, strongly
entrenched behind abatis and rifle-pits; in front of them a regiment of
cavalry drawn up to receive a charge. On the south side of the river
four guns were so planted as to enfilade the road. Filing and forming to
the right and left of the road, with a coolness, which seemed utterly
regardless of the terrible accuracy with which the rebel guns were
aimed, while their shells were mangling horses and their riders, the men
seated themselves more firmly in their saddles, tightened the reins, and
"looked on sky and tree and plain" as sights they might never see again.
Led in person by Colonel Jackson, in a line which would have awakened
the admiration of Old Hardee himself, the 9th, at a walk, advanced to
victory--many of them, alas, to death. From a walk to a trot, from a
trot to a gallop, the short distance of five hundred yards was soon
traversed, and the Hoosier boys measured arms with the chivalry from
Georgia, Alabama and Texas. Overwhelmed by the celerity and boldness of
the movement, many of the enemy were sabered and captured before they
had fairly entered into the spirit of the fight. Before the impetuous
Jackson three men in gray fell in less time than it takes now to tell
it. A little Sergeant from Company K, George Leslie, with no weapon but
his sabre, took from their gun a Lieutenant and artilleryman.

To describe a real cavalry charge, however, where sabres are crossed and
skulls are cleaved, as was the case at Franklin on the 17th inst., and
do it justice, is impossible. One may tell how hundreds of well-drilled,
well-mounted men, with clean blades, seen through the clear morning air,
moving like machinery, is a sight not often seen, and a splendid
embodiment or representation of power, and in the rush of a charge may
liken it to the tornado, that must sweep the earth unless averted. This
may be said, but a hundred instances of individual prowess must
necessarily be overlooked. In fifteen minutes the field was won. Two
stands of colors, two guns and 250 prisoners were the spoils of victory.
The remainder of the enemy, in confusion, fled through Franklin, leaving
it to be taken with near 2,000 of their wounded, without further
fighting. This, with 400 men, for the other regiments, comprising the
brigade, were not formed until the enemy had been driven across the
river. Prisoners said the cavalry had never acted so before--that they
were not even given time to fight, before they were whipped, and, even
after surrendering, had difficulty in escaping the hoofs of the horses.

Rebel officers accounted for the desperate and determined fighting of
our men, by saying they had been given whisky and gun-powder. The latter
part of the statement was strictly true. A successful cavalry
charge--the capture of stands of colors, guns and prisoners, is a new
episode in the great rebellion. But the faithful historian in the annals
of the heroes and heroic deeds of the war, and glowing tributes to the
devotion of patriot soldiers, will find no theme more worthy the
beauties of our Saxon tongue, than the charge of the 9th Indiana Cavalry
at Franklin.




                             COL. JACKSON.


It has not been our purpose in these papers to make special mention of
any officer. As an exception to the general plan, I have thought that a
brief mention of Col. Jackson's name would give no offense and could not
be regarded as an unfair discrimination. Holding, by virtue of his rank,
the most conspicuous place, he is in the eyes of his old comrades the
foremost mark for blame or praise. He went west soon after the
conclusion of the war--since then but little has been known of him by
members of the regiment. The latest information concerning him, in
possession of the writer, dates back some years, at which time he was
reported as living with his family upon a farm near New Salem, Kansas,
in feeble health. If living now he would be accounted an elderly man.
His military history, briefly stated in the army records, is as follows:

Mustered as Second Lieutenant, Company C, 34th Regiment, Indiana
Volunteer Infantry, September 21, 1861.

Mustered as First Lieutenant, same Company, April 14, 1862.

Mustered Captain May 12, 1862.

Resigned October 7, 1863; promoted Colonel 118th Regiment.

Mustered Colonel 121st Regiment (9th Cavalry), 1864.

Honorably discharged June 3, 1865.

The career disclosed by this brief recital, although but the skeleton of
his gallant service in behalf of his country, is one of which his
friends may well be proud, but to stop with it would not satisfy those
who followed his leadership with confidence and recall his memory with
affectionate regard.

Having been much in personal contact with him in camp, on the march, and
in action, the writer may take a partial view of his character--but
to-day, after the lapse of many years, recollecting his strong and weak
points, and he had them both, I deem it only a just tribute to the "old
Colonel," as the boys used to call him, to say that he was a brave
soldier, an able and skillful officer, a faithful and generous friend.

He was unfortunate in a nervous organization, which sometimes affected
his temper, compelling him to do and say things which he had occasion to
regret and which unfitted him for camp life. In its monotony he grew
restive and irritable, sometimes by too violent manifestations of his
feelings, giving offense to brother officers without just cause--but
mounted and at the head of the 9th, and fronting the enemy or leading
the charge, he was always the alert, gallant and splendid leader.

The education he was possessed of, was of a solid character and was
derived more from contact with men than from books. He did not affect
learning, though he was intelligent and well informed on current
affairs. Had he begun his career in the army with higher rank than a
Lieutenancy, or with influential friends to have secured the prompter
recognition of his merits, or earlier obtained opportunities for the
display of his soldierly qualities, he would have won distinction in a
war so fruitful of able Generals. As it is, his friends must be content
with the knowledge that in the various posts assigned him he was
faithful, capable and brave, and that those esteemed him most who knew
him best.




                         WRECK OF THE SULTANA.


No single event during the war so startled and shocked the North as that
which has since been known as the "Sultana Disaster."

On the 23d day of April, 1865, the steamer Sultana left Vicksburg with a
total of passengers and crew of 2,141 persons. Of this number
thirty-five were Federal officers and 1,996 Federal soldiers, recently
having been released from Catawba, Enterprise and Andersonville prisons.
The remaining 110 were made up of the crew and passengers taken on board
at points between New Orleans and Vicksburg.

The physical condition of these officers and soldiers is well known to
those familiar with the treatment received by Federals in Southern
prisons,--long confinement in stockades, without protection from heat or
cold, or rain, without adequate food or clothing, deprived in sickness
of medical aid and the commonest comforts. All were weak and many were
absolutely helpless in the presence of danger.

The estimated capacity of the boat was 376 persons, besides the crew.
The overloading of the boat made it necessary to make any disposition of
the men practicable. They occupied all available room. They were stowed
away wherever space was found to place them. The trip up the river to
the place of the tragedy was made without the occurrence of any unusual
incident. The last stop was at Memphis, at which place the boat took on
coal. At about 3 o'clock on the morning of the 27th of April, 1865, when
opposite Fogleman's Landing, some eight miles above Memphis, the
steamer's boiler exploded. The vessel took fire immediately and was soon
burned to the water's edge.

It were idle to attempt a description of the scene that followed that
explosion. It was 3 o'clock in the morning. The water was very cold.
Many passed from the sleep of life to the sleep of death without
awakening. Others without warning found themselves rudely awakened by
contact with the icy water of the Mississippi. They saw the fierce river
lit up by the burning steamer; saw their comrades struggling with the
waves, heard their appeals for help, without the power to respond. They
fought bravely with the darkness and cold and flood for life, sometimes
even to death for the possession of a log, or boat, or other float, that
could bear but one, often cruelly, but naturally asserting Nature's
first law, when its assertion meant death to a weaker brother. Yet such
sad pictures were relieved by others of devotion and gallantry and
sacrifice not surpassed in earthly trials. Some who were able to swim,
notwithstanding the shock and chill of the waters, kept afloat for a
time, and were successful in getting hold of floating planks and rails,
and thus maintaining themselves until rescued. Many floated thus as far
as Memphis before they were picked up, and though rescued from the
water, died soon after from the scalding and burns received on the
vessel, and from long exposure to the cold and from exhaustion. An
instance is related of a mother, who clasping her babe in her arms,
floated from the wreck to Memphis, where she was taken from the water.
She lived, but the little one was dead.

The light from the burning vessel was seen, and the explosion heard for
many miles. At a later hour these evidences of disaster would have
brought greater numbers to the rescue. The time of the accident was
unfavorable to prompt assistance. As it was, vessels of all
descriptions, chiefly skiffs, put out promptly and rendered much
assistance.

A soldier passenger on the boat relates that while in the water he saw a
horse swim by him with a dozen men clinging to him; he says he saw a
soldier attempting, with the aid of a plank, to save two little girls. A
rope was thrown him, and in attempting to catch it, the children escaped
from his exhausted arms. He seemed to lose all thought of the rope; he
beat about wildly to regain his helpless charge, which were borne from
him in darkness, but he was finally rescued nearly dead from exhaustion.

Of those who were rescued, 200 died in the hospital of Memphis alone.
Near fourteen hundred were killed by the explosion or drowned. Those
able to be removed were sent North to Cincinnati, Ohio, but those
belonging to the Indiana regiments were stopped at Indianapolis, where
they received such attention as thoughtful consideration could bestow.

                  *       *       *       *       *

We give the following extracts from Memphis papers appearing within a
day or two of the disaster:


                 STATEMENT OF SERGEANT L. B. HINCKLEY.


I belong to the 9th Indiana Cavalry. I had just gone to bed and fallen
asleep, when all of a sudden I was awakened by some horrible noise. I
sprang out of bed and found the cabin full of flame and the passengers
all jumping overboard. The water for a while around was covered with
people struggling for life. I never heard such terrible and mournful
wailings. The glare of light showed a scene such as never before had
been witnessed. I happened to find a log after swimming some distance.
There was eight of us started on this log; before we reached the wood,
however, four of them gave out and sank to rise no more. I had at first
got hold of a shutter, but finding some one else who needed it worse
than I did, I gave it up. I reached the wood on the log and got on to a
tree. I was rescued from my uncomfortable position about daylight from
the little island opposite Mr. Fogleman's house. We found one who had
reached the wood, his name being Wm. Curtiss, of Company F, 1st Virginia
Cavalry. He was almost in the agonies of death, and had clutched the
limb to which he had caught, and could not be taken from his position
until the limb was cut. Mr. Fogleman's house was opened to us, and we
had every attention shown us that could be under the circumstances.


                WORK OF THE CREW OF THE GUN-BOAT ESSEX.


The officers and crew of the iron clad Essex deserve unstinted credit
and praise for the part they took in picking up the passengers of the
ill-fated steamer Sultana. Lieutenant James Perry, Ensign of the Essex,
was awakened yesterday morning about 4 o'clock, and informed that the
steamer Sultana had blown up, and was now burning; that the passengers
were floating down the river and crying for help. The Lieutenant jumped
up immediately, and was startled and horrified by the agonizing cries of
the people in the river. He said, that never in all his life, did he
hear anything so dreadful, and hopes it may never be his lot to hear
such screams again. He immediately ordered the boats to be manned, which
was done in very quick time. The morning was very dark. It was
impossible to see twenty feet ahead, and they had nothing to guide them
whatever but the shrieks and groans of the wounded and scalded men. The
first man picked up was chilled through and through, being perfectly
benumbed and unable to help himself. Lieutenant Berry, seeing the
condition the man was in, very generously divested himself of his own
coat and put it on him. The second man they took up died in a few
moments after being taken aboard. The men who had Captain Parker's gig
picked a woman up out of some drift. She was at that time just making
her last struggle for life. About the time this woman was picked up a
steamboat yawl came there and helped pick up some more who were clinging
to the drift. Lieutenant Berry said it was impossible for him to give
any description of the scene; he said it beggared all description; that
there were no words adequate to convey to the mind the horror of that
night. He continually heard the persons in the water cry out, "Oh, for
God's sake save us, we cannot hold out any longer." The boats of the
United States steamers Groesbeck and Tyler were on hand, and displayed
great vigilance and zeal in picking up the drowning men. Lieutenant
Berry, with the help of the crew, picked up over sixty men. Among those
of the crew who deserve special notice, are John Tompson, the Captain's
coxswain, who with gig, picked up twenty-six men; also John Hill and
William Quinn displayed a heroism which deserves to be rewarded by
promotion. In fact the whole crew acted in such a noble manner that too
much cannot be credited to them for their noble endeavors to save the
perishing multitude that was floating down the river, and while we
compliment the men we would not be unmindful of the part Lieutenant
Berry performed. He seemed to forget his rank, he

    "Doffed his sparkling cloak,
    And went to work with might and main,"

mingling as one of the crew in the magnanimous work of saving human
life. With commendable forethought, Captain Parker sent ten boats out to
explore the shore from Memphis to the place of the disaster. Up to half
past three o'clock yesterday only five boats have returned. They had
found a few dead bodies, but could not find any survivors along the
shore. We think by this time that all except those who sank to rise no
more, have been picked up; for all classes, both high and low, searched
hard and diligently all day yesterday in hunting up the survivors of
this calamitous disaster. Had the disaster occurred an hour or two
later, Captain Parker feels assured that the naval force here could have
saved several hundred lives instead of the sixty alluded to.
Unfortunately the night was dark, and the boats were obliged to steer in
the direction of the cries, being unable to see more than a few of those
struggling in the water. William Young, gunner's mate on the United
States iron clad Essex, distinguished himself by his courageous acts.
Mr. Young rendered invaluable aid in rescuing from watery graves many of
the sufferers by the Sultana's explosion. He is an old sailor, having
been for thirty years an active seaman, twenty-three years of that time
in the navy.

When the steamer Rose Hamilton was nearing the head of the little island
opposite Mr. Fogleman's residence, she was hailed by a skiff belonging
to some fishermen who came aboard, having discovered among the willows
the body of a young lady, apparently about twenty years of age. She was
of medium height, say about five feet five inches, with a fine head of
long brown hair, blue eyes, and had a slight scar across the chin. She
was dressed in the night attire of a respectable lady. She wore on her
bosom a neat breast pin of plain jet set in gold. She was a very
handsome lady, and had not been recognized at last accounts. Her body
was taken on board the Rose Hamilton and as decently laid out as
circumstances would permit. Unknown to those by whom she was thus cared
for, when the sorrows and cares of life were all over, who she was, what
home may be filled with mourning because she comes no more, are
questions which cannot be answered, yet, whoever she may be, her friends
could wish for no more tender care than strangers have bestowed, for
many a manly eye grew moist as they gazed on the pale form in death.


                         A VISIT TO THE WRECK.


After the explosion of her boilers, and the rapid spread of the flames,
the burning mass of what had been the fine steamer Sultana, floated
slowly down with the current until within a few hundred yards of Mr.
Fogleman's residence, when it grounded on the Arkansas shore. We visited
the wreck about 10 o'clock. It had sunk in twenty feet of water, and the
jackstaff was standing up before the black mass, as though mutely
mourning over the terrible scene, a silent witness of which it had been.
The boat was almost entirely consumed. The charred remains of several
human bodies were found, crisped and blackened by the fiery element. The
scene was sad to contemplate, and those who witnessed it can never
forget it. The Rose Hamilton, Pocahontas, Jenny Lind and Bostona were
cruising around the place ever and anon picking up the breathless body
of some unfortunate one, who "slept the sleep of death;" or some more
fortunate, who had escaped a watery grave, though exhausted by a fearful
night of agony and struggle for life.


       STATEMENT OF PRIVATE FRED ALBACK, SECOND MICHIGAN CAVALRY.


I was awakened when the explosion took place, lying on the top of the
wheel house. As soon as I discovered that the boat had exploded, I
caught hold of the fender and slid down to the water and let myself in,
having nothing on me at the time. I judge I must have swam about ten
miles. The river was alive with people crying and calling for help in
the greatest of agony. Just as I was coming down off the boat I saw two
ladies who had thrown themselves into the water, they having nothing to
keep them up, and sank, when I saw them no more. When the explosion took
place it threw the cabin into the air, and it fell back upon the shell
of the boat in one mass of ruins, crushing many of the passengers, who
were thus caught and were undoubtedly burned to death. Very many caught
hold of horses by their manes and tails, but whether they escaped or not
I cannot tell, as I never heard of them afterwards.


   STATEMENT OF PRIVATE R. H. SIMPSON, COMPANY I, NINETEENTH INDIANA.


I went to sleep about 2 o'clock and was awakened in about half an hour
by hot water falling on my face and hands. I was not struck by anything
nor scalded, but remained on the boat until the flames compelled me to
leave. I then ran up on the cabin floor, snatched off a door and then
made my way down to the lower deck and jumped into the river. By the
light of the burning steamer I could see hundreds of the passengers in
the water, all crying and wailing for help. I swam for about one mile
and a half, and when I got to the island, just opposite Mr. Fogleman's,
there I caught hold of the bushes. I saw three men drown while I was in
the water. One of them had gained the trees and was holding to the
limbs; a skiff was fast coming to his help, but being utterly exhausted
he lost his hold and sank, when the skiff was about ten steps off. The
other two had almost gained the bushes, but sank before they could reach
the trees.

                  *       *       *       *       *

An event so appalling as this could not occur even at a time when the
country was accustomed to hear of the deaths of great numbers of men,
without action upon the part of the government looking to the
investigation of its cause. A military committee and a committee upon
the part of Congress were appointed for that purpose. Both committees,
no doubt, discharged with fairness and ability the duty assigned them.
There were many theories and rumors as to the cause. Rumor charged that
the Post Quartermaster at Vicksburg, by a contract with the owners of
the vessel, received a commission of $2.00 for each soldier passenger
furnished, and for that consideration he had recklessly crowded the
vessel beyond her capacity. It was also charged that the machinery was
out of repair, and the vessel generally unseaworthy.

The investigation, however, disclosed the fact that before leaving
Vicksburg her boilers had been repaired by competent mechanics; that the
charge against the Quartermaster was untrue; that the disaster was not
due to the fact that the vessel was carrying more than her estimated
capacity. The writer has not been able to obtain the report made by
either of the committees as to the true cause of the explosion.

Among the lost were men from every company of the 9th Cavalry. The
following list may not be complete, but is believed to be correct so far
as it goes:

    Daniel Curtis, Co. A
    Patrick Day, Co. A.
    Frederick Blessinger, Corp., Co. B.
    Charles E. Church, Co. B.
    Ephraim B. Parman, Co. B.
    John Steward, Co. B.
    Warren A. Huckins, Co. C.
    John M. Englehart, Co. C.
    Edward Wood, Co. D.
    Thomas Laboyteaux, Co. E.
    John Bonner, Co. F.
    Charles W. Clevenger, Co. G.
    Jonathan R. Downing, Co. G.
    George Downing, Co. G.
    William H. Graves, Co. G.
    William C. Hoover, Co. G.
    Charles W. M. King, Co. G.
    John N. Maynard, Co. G.
    Enoch T. Nation, Co. G.
    James C. Olom, Co. G.
    Martin V. Rodepouch, Co. G.
    John R. Reasoner, Co. G.
    Nathan Thornburg, Co. G.
    Franklin Ballenger, Co. H.
    James Bell, Co. H.
    Alonzo Dunham, Co. H.
    George Delano, Co. H.
    Josiah Pratt, Co. H.
    John W. Shull, Co. H.
    Hiram Bailey, Co. K.
    John W. Emmons, Co. K.
    George S. Fisher, Co. K.
    Jacob Harold, Co. K.
    Henry Newton, Co. K.
    William F. Rea, Co. K.
    Joseph Survant, Co. K.
    George W. Shockley, Co. K.
    Darius Stevens, Co. K.
    Matthew Zix, Co. K.
    James N. Christian, Co. L.
    Robert A. Moorehouse, Co. L.
    Leander McCarty, Co. L.
    [5]Archibald Reed, Co. L.
    John M. Armstrong, Corp., Co. M.
    John D. Alexander, Co. M.
    William Brigg, Co. M.
    George W. Blake, Co. M.
    Nathan E. Gruell, Co. M.
    Enis Haloway, Co. M.
    William H. Huffman, Co. M.
    James M. Isentrager, Co. M.
    Samuel King, Co. M.
    Franklin Ridley, Co. M.
    John M. Bragg, Co. M.

Footnote 5:

  Lost by the explosion of the steamer George Fierce, below Vicksburg.




Transcriber's Notes:

Archaic and uneducated spelling and grammar has been retained.

This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects.
Italics are delimited with the underscore character as _italic_.

Footnotes have been moved to follow the chapters in which they are
referenced.

Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.

Typographical errors were silently corrected.





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