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Title: A reply to "The affectionate and Christian address of many thousands of women of Great Britain and Ireland, to their sisters, the women of the United States of America."

Author: Harriet Beecher Stowe

Release date: April 21, 2023 [eBook #70613]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: Sampson Low, Son, and Co

Credits: Bob Taylor, Charlene Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A REPLY TO "THE AFFECTIONATE AND CHRISTIAN ADDRESS OF MANY THOUSANDS OF WOMEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, TO THEIR SISTERS, THE WOMEN OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA." ***





  Transcriber’s Note
  Italic text displayed as: _italic_




[Illustration: Decoration]




A REPLY.

[Illustration: Decoration]




  A REPLY

  TO “THE AFFECTIONATE AND CHRISTIAN ADDRESS
  OF MANY THOUSANDS OF WOMEN OF GREAT
  BRITAIN AND IRELAND, TO THEIR SISTERS,
  THE WOMEN OF THE
  UNITED STATES OF
  AMERICA.”

  BY MRS. HARRIET BEECHER STOWE,

  IN BEHALF OF MANY THOUSANDS OF
  AMERICAN WOMEN.

  [Illustration: Decoration]

  LONDON:
  SAMPSON LOW, SON, AND CO.
  47, LUDGATE HILL.
  1863.




  A REPLY

  TO “THE AFFECTIONATE AND CHRISTIAN ADDRESS
  OF MANY THOUSANDS OF WOMEN OF GREAT
  BRITAIN AND IRELAND, TO THEIR SISTERS,
  THE WOMEN OF THE
  UNITED STATES OF
  AMERICA.”

  Signed by

  ANNA MARIA BEDFORD (_Duchess of Bedford_).
  OLIVIA CECILIA COWLEY (_Countess Cowley_).
  CONSTANCE GROSVENOR (_Countess Grosvenor_).
  HARRIET SUTHERLAND (_Duchess of Sutherland_).
  ELIZABETH ARGYLL (_Duchess of Argyll_).
  ELIZABETH FORTESCUE (_Countess Fortescue_).
  EMILY SHAFTESBURY (_Countess of Shaftesbury_).
  MARY RUTHVEN (_Baroness Ruthven_).
  M. A. MILMAN (_Wife of the Dean of St. Paul’s_).
  R. BUXTON (_Daughter of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton_).
  CAROLINE AMELIA OWEN (_Wife of Professor Owen_).
  MRS. CHARLES WINDHAM.
  C. A. HATHERTON (_Baroness Hatherton_).
  ELIZABETH DUCIE (_Countess Dowager of Ducie_).
  CECILIA PARKE (_Wife of Baron Parke_).
  MARY ANN CHALLIS (_Wife of the Lord Mayor of London_).
  E. GORDON (_Duchess Dowager of Gordon_).
  ANNA M. L. MELVILLE (_Daughter of Earl Leven and Melville_).
  GEORGIANA EBRINGTON (_Lady Ebrington_).
  A. HILL (_Viscountess Hill_).
  MRS. GOBAT (_Wife of Bishop Gobat of Jerusalem_).
  E. PALMERSTON (_Viscountess Palmerston_).

  and others.




[Illustration: Decoration]




A REPLY, ETC.


  SISTERS,

More than eight years ago, you sent to us in America a document with
the above heading. It is as follows:—

  “A common origin, a common faith, and, we sincerely believe, a
  common cause, urge us, at the present moment, to address you on the
  subject of that system of Negro Slavery which still prevails so
  extensively, and, even under kindly disposed masters, with such
  frightful results, in many of the vast regions of the Western world.

  “We will not dwell on the ordinary topics,—on the progress of
  civilization, on the advance of freedom everywhere, on the rights
  and requirements of the nineteenth century; but we appeal to
  you very seriously to reflect and to ask counsel of God how far
  such a state of things is in accordance with His Holy Word, the
  inalienable rights of immortal souls, and the pure and merciful
  spirit of the Christian religion. We do not shut our eyes to the
  difficulties, nay, the dangers, that might beset the immediate
  abolition of that long-established system. We see and admit the
  necessity of preparation for so great an event; but, in speaking
  of indispensable preliminaries, we cannot be silent on those laws
  of your country which, in direct contravention of God’s own law,
  ‘instituted in the time of man’s innocency,’ deny in effect to
  the Slave the sanctity of marriage, with all its joys, rights,
  and obligations; which separate, at the will of the master, the
  wife from the husband and the children from the parents. Nor can
  we be silent on that awful system which either by statute or by
  custom interdicts to any race of man or any portion of the human
  family education in the truths of the Gospel and the ordinances
  of Christianity. A remedy applied to these two evils alone would
  commence the amelioration of their sad condition. We appeal to you,
  then, as sisters, as wives, and as mothers, to raise your voices to
  your fellow-citizens, and your prayers to God, for the removal of
  this affliction and disgrace from the Christian world.

  “We do not say these things in a spirit of self-complacency, as
  though our nation were free from the guilt it perceives in others.

  “We acknowledge with grief and shame our heavy share in this great
  sin. We acknowledge that our forefathers introduced, nay, compelled
  the adoption of slavery in those mighty colonies. We humbly confess
  it before Almighty God; and it is because we so deeply feel and so
  unfeignedly avow our own complicity, that we now venture to implore
  your aid to wipe away our common crime and our common dishonour.”

This Address, splendidly illuminated on vellum, was sent to
our shores at the head of twenty-six folio volumes, containing
considerably more than half-a-million of signatures of British women.
It was forwarded to me with a letter from a British nobleman now
occupying one of the highest official positions in England, with a
request on behalf of these ladies that it should be in any possible
way presented to the attention of my countrywomen.

This Memorial, as it now stands in its solid oaken case, with its
heavy folios, each bearing on its back the imprint of the American
eagle, forms a most unique library, a singular monument of an
international expression of a moral idea.

No right-thinking person can find aught to be objected against the
substance or the form of this memorial. It is temperate, just, and
kindly, and on the high ground of Christian equality, where it
places itself, may be regarded as a perfectly proper expression of
sentiment, as between blood-relations and equals in two different
nations.

The signatures to this appeal are not the least remarkable part of
it; for, beginning at the very steps of the throne, they go down to
the names of women in the very humblest conditions in life, and
represent all that Great Britain possesses, not only of highest and
wisest, but of plain, homely common sense and good feeling. Names of
wives of cabinet-ministers appear on the same page with the names
of wives of humble labourers,—names of duchesses and countesses,
of wives of generals, ambassadors, savans, and men of letters,
mingled with names traced in trembling characters by hands evidently
unused to hold the pen and stiffened by lowly toil. Nay, so deep
and expansive was the feeling, that British subjects in foreign
lands had their representation. Among the signatures are those of
foreign residents from Paris to Jerusalem. Autographs so diverse,
and collected from sources so various, have seldom been found in
juxtaposition. They remain at this day a silent witness of a most
singular tide of feeling which at that time swept over the British
community, and _made_ for itself an expression, even at the risk of
offending the sensibilities of an equal and powerful nation.

No reply to that address, in any such tangible and monumental form,
has ever been possible. It was impossible to canvass our vast
territories with the zealous and indefatigable industry with which
England was canvassed for signatures. In America, those possessed of
the spirit which led to this efficient action had no leisure for it.
All their time and energies were already absorbed in direct efforts
to remove the great evil concerning which the minds of their English
sisters had been newly aroused, and their only answer was the silent
continuance of these efforts.

From the Slaveholding States, however, as was to be expected,
came a flood of indignant recrimination and rebuke. No one act,
perhaps, ever produced more frantic irritation or called out more
unsparing abuse. It came with the whole united weight of the British
aristocracy and commonalty on the most diseased and sensitive part
of our national life; and it stimulated that fierce excitement which
was working before, and has worked since, till it has broken out into
open war.

The time has come, however, when such an astonishing page has been
turned in the anti-slavery history of America, that the women of
our country, feeling that the great anti-slavery work to which
their English sisters exhorted them is almost done, may properly
and naturally feel moved to reply to their appeal, and lay before
them the history of what has occurred since the receipt of their
affectionate and Christian address.

Your address reached us just as a great moral conflict was coming to
its intensest point.

The agitation kept up by the anti-slavery portion of America, by
England, and by the general sentiment of humanity in Europe, had made
the situation of the slaveholding aristocracy intolerable. As one of
them at the time expressed it, they felt themselves under the ban of
the civilized world. Two courses only were open to them: to abandon
slave institutions, the sources of their wealth and political power,
or to assert them with such an overwhelming national force as to
compel the respect and assent of mankind. They chose the latter.

To this end they determined to seize on and control all the resources
of the Federal Government, and to spread their institutions through
new States and Territories until the balance of power should fall
into their hands, and they should be able to force slavery into all
the Free States.

A leading Southern senator boasted that he would yet call the roll of
his slaves on Bunker Hill; and, for a while, the political successes
of the Slave Power were such as to suggest to New England that this
was no impossible event.

They repealed the Missouri Compromise, which had hitherto stood,
like the Chinese wall, between our North-western Territories and the
irruptions of slaveholding barbarians.

Then came the struggle between Freedom and Slavery in the new
Territory,—the battle for Kansas and Nebraska, fought with fire and
sword and blood, where a race of men, of whom John Brown was the
immortal type, acted over again the courage, the perseverance, and
the military religious ardour of the old Covenanters of Scotland,
and, like them, redeemed the Ark of Liberty at the price of their own
blood, and blood dearer than their own.

The time of the Presidential canvass which elected Mr. Lincoln was
the crisis of this great battle. The conflict had become narrowed
down to the one point of the extension of slave-territory. If the
slaveholders could get States enough, they could control and rule;
if they were outnumbered by Free States, their institutions, by
the very law of their nature, would die of suffocation. Therefore,
Fugitive-Slave Law, District of Columbia, Inter-State Slave-Trade,
and what not, were all thrown out of sight for a grand rally on this
vital point. A President was elected pledged to opposition to this
one thing alone,—a man known to be in favour of the Fugitive-Slave
Law and other so-called compromises of the Constitution, but honest
and faithful in his determination on this one subject. That this was
indeed the vital point was shown by the result. The moment Lincoln’s
election was ascertained, the slaveholders resolved to destroy the
Union they could no longer control.

They met and organized a Confederacy which they openly declared
to be the first republic founded on the right and determination
of the white man to enslave the black man; and, spreading their
banners, declared themselves to the Christian world of the nineteenth
century as a nation organized with the full purpose and intent of
perpetuating slavery.

But in the course of the struggle that followed, it became important
for the new Confederation to secure the assistance of foreign powers,
and infinite pains were then taken to blind and bewilder the mind of
England as to the real issues of the conflict in America.

It has been often and earnestly asserted that slavery had nothing to
do with this conflict; that it was a mere struggle for power; that
the only object was to restore the Union as it was, with all its
abuses. It is to be admitted that expressions have proceeded from the
National Administration which naturally gave rise to misapprehension,
and therefore we beg to speak to you on this subject more fully.

And, first, the declaration of the Confederate States themselves is
proof enough, that, whatever may be declared on the other side, the
maintenance of slavery is regarded by them as the vital object of
their movement.

We ask your attention under this head to the declaration of their
Vice-President, Stephens, in that remarkable speech delivered on the
21st of March, 1861, at Savannah, Georgia, wherein he declares the
object and purposes of the new Confederacy. It is one of the most
extraordinary papers which our century has produced. I quote from the
_verbatim_ report in the Savannah _Republican_ of the address as it
was delivered in the Athenæum of that city, on which occasion, says
the newspaper from which I copy, “Mr. Stephens took his seat amid a
burst of enthusiasm and applause such as the Athenæum has never had
displayed within its walls within ‘the recollection of the oldest
inhabitant.’”

  “Last, not least, the new Constitution has put at rest _for
  ever_ all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar
  institution,—African Slavery as it exists among us, the proper
  _status_ of the negro in our form of civilization. _This was the
  immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution._
  Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the ‘rock
  upon which the old Union would split.’ He was right. What was
  conjecture with him is now a realized fact. But whether he fully
  comprehended the great truth upon which that rock _stood_ and
  _stands_ may be doubted. _The prevailing ideas entertained by him
  and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of
  the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was
  in violation of the laws of Nature, that it was wrong in principle,
  socially, morally, and politically._ It was an evil they knew not
  well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that
  day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the
  institution would be evanescent, and pass away. This idea, though
  not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at
  the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential
  guaranty to the institution, while it should last; and hence no
  argument can be justly used against the Constitutional guaranties
  thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. _Those
  ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the
  assumption of the equality of races. This was an error._ It was a
  sandy foundation: and the idea of a government built upon it—when
  ‘the storm came and the wind blew, it fell.’

  “_Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas:
  its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great
  truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery,
  subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral
  condition._ (Applause.) _This our new government is the first,
  in the history of the world, based upon this great physical,
  philosophical, and moral truth._

  “This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like
  all other truths in the various departments of science. It is so
  even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well
  that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their
  day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as
  late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to
  these errors with a zeal above knowledge we justly denominate
  fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of the mind,
  from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One of the
  most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is
  forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous premises. So
  with the _anti-slavery_ fanatics: their conclusions are right, if
  their premises are. They assume that the negro is equal and hence
  conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with
  the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions
  would be logical and just; but their premises being wrong, their
  whole argument fails.

       *       *       *       *       *

  “In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side complete,
  throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is
  upon this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted;
  and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a
  full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and
  enlightened world.

  “As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in
  development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various
  branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by
  Galileo; it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political
  economy; it was so with Harvey in his theory of the circulation
  of the blood. It is said that not a single one of the medical
  profession, at the time of the announcement of the truths made by
  him, admitted them; now they are universally acknowledged. May
  we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal
  acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests? It is
  the first government ever instituted upon principles in strict
  conformity to Nature and the ordination of Providence in furnishing
  the material of human society. Many governments have been founded
  upon the principles of certain classes; but the classes thus
  enslaved were of the same race and in violation of the laws of
  Nature. Our system commits no such violation of Nature’s laws. The
  negro, by Nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for
  that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect,
  in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the
  proper material,—the granite; then comes the brick or marble. The
  substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by Nature
  for it; and by experience we know that it is best not only for
  the superior, but the inferior race, that it should be so. It is
  indeed in conformity with the Creator. It is not safe for us to
  inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question them.
  For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another,
  as one star differeth from another in glory. The great objects of
  humanity are best attained, when conformed to His laws and decrees
  in the formation of government as well as in all things else. Our
  Confederacy is founded on a strict conformity with those laws.
  _This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, has become
  the chief stone of the corner in our new edifice!_”

Thus far the declarations of the slaveholding Confederacy.

On the other hand, the declarations of the President and the
Republican party, as to their intention to restore “the Union as it
was,” require an explanation. It is the doctrine of the Republican
party, that Freedom is national and Slavery sectional; that the
Constitution of the United States was designed for the promotion
of liberty, and not of slavery; that its framers contemplated
the gradual abolition of slavery; and that in the hands of an
anti-slavery majority it could be so wielded as peaceably to
extinguish this great evil.

They reasoned thus. Slavery ruins land, and requires fresh territory
for profitable working. Slavery increases a dangerous population, and
requires an expansion of this population for safety. Slavery, then,
being hemmed in by impassable limits, emancipation in each State
becomes a necessity.

_By restoring the Union as it was_ the Republican party meant the
Union in the sense contemplated by the original framers of it, who,
as has been admitted by Stephens, in his speech just quoted, were
from principle opposed to slavery. It was, then, restoring a _status_
in which, by the inevitable operation of natural laws, peaceful
emancipation would become a certainty.

In the meanwhile, during the past year, the Republican
Administration, with all the unwonted care of organizing an army and
navy, and conducting military operations on an immense scale, have
proceeded to demonstrate the feasibility of overthrowing slavery by
purely Constitutional measures. To this end they have instituted
a series of movements which have made this year more fruitful in
anti-slavery triumphs than any other since the emancipation of the
British West Indies.

The District of Columbia, as belonging strictly to the National
Government, and to no separate State, has furnished a fruitful
subject of remonstrance from British Christians with America. We
have abolished slavery there, and thus wiped out the only blot of
territorial responsibility on our escutcheon.

By another act, equally grand in principle, and far more important in
its results, slavery is for ever excluded from the Territories of the
United States.

By another act, America has consummated the long-delayed treaty
with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave-trade. In ports
whence slave-vessels formerly sailed with the connivance of the
port-officers, the Administration has placed men who stand up to
their duty, and for the first time in our history the slave-trader is
convicted and hung as a pirate. This abominable secret traffic has
been wholly demolished by the energy of the Federal Government.

Lastly, and more significant still, the United States Government has
in its highest official capacity taken distinct anti-slavery ground,
and presented to the country a plan of peaceable emancipation with
suitable compensation. This noble-spirited and generous offer has
been urged on the Slaveholding States by the Chief Executive with
an earnestness and sincerity of which history in after-times will
make honourable account in recording the events of Mr. Lincoln’s
administration.

Now, when a President and Administration who have done all these
things declare their intention of restoring “_the Union as it was_,”
ought not the world fairly to interpret their words by their actions
and their avowed principles? Is it not _necessary_ to infer that they
mean by it the Union as it was in the intent of its anti-slavery
framers, under which, by the exercise of normal Constitutional
powers, slavery should be peaceably abolished?

We are aware that this theory of the Constitution has been disputed
by certain Abolitionists; but it is conceded, as you have seen, by
the Secessionists. Whether it be a just theory or not is, however,
nothing to our purpose at present. We only assert that such is the
professed belief of the present Administration of the United States,
and such are the acts by which they have illustrated their belief.

But this is but half the story of the anti-slavery triumphs of this
year. We have shown you what has been done for freedom by the simple
use of the ordinary Constitutional forces of the Union. We are now
to show you what has been done to the same end by the Constitutional
war-power of the nation.

By this power it has been this year decreed that every slave of a
rebel who reaches the lines of our army becomes a free man; that all
slaves found deserted by their masters become free men; that every
slave employed in any service for the United States thereby obtains
his liberty; and that every slave employed against the United States
in any capacity obtains his liberty: and lest the army should contain
officers disposed to remand slaves to their masters, the power of
judging and delivering up slaves is denied to army-officers, and all
such acts are made penal.

By this act, the Fugitive-Slave Law is for all present purposes
practically repealed. With this understanding and provision,
wherever our armies march, they carry liberty with them. For, be it
remembered that our army is almost entirely a volunteer one, and
that the most zealous and ardent volunteers are those who have been
for years fighting with tongue and pen the Abolition battle. So
marked is the character of our soldiers in this respect, that they
are now familiarly designated in the official military despatches
of the Confederate States as “The Abolitionists.” Conceive the
results, when an army, so empowered by national law, marches through
a slave-territory. One regiment alone has to our certain knowledge
liberated two thousand slaves during the past year, and this regiment
is but one out of hundreds. We beg to lay before you some details
given by an eye-witness of what has recently been done in this
respect in the Department of the South.

  “_On Board Steamer from Fortress Monroe
  to Baltimore_, Nov. 14, 1862.

  “Events of no ordinary interest have just occurred in the
  Department of the South. The negro troops have been tested, and,
  to their great joy, though not contrary to their own expectations,
  they have triumphed, not only over enemies armed with muskets and
  swords, but over what the black man dreads most, sharp and cruel
  prejudices.

  “General Saxton, on the 28th of October, sent the captured steamer
  Darlington, Captain Crandell, down the coast of Georgia, and to
  Fernandina, Florida, to obtain recruits for the First Regiment
  South-Carolina Volunteers. Lieutenant-Colonel O. T. Beard, of
  the Forty-Eighth New-York Volunteers, was given the command of
  the expedition. In addition to obtaining recruits, the condition
  and wants of the recent refugees from slavery along the coast
  were to be looked into, and, if occasion should offer, it was
  permitted to ‘feel the enemy.’ At St. Simond’s, Georgia, Captain
  Trowbridge, with thirty-five men of the ‘Hunter Regiment of First
  South-Carolina Volunteers,’ who had been stationed there for three
  months, together with twenty-seven more men, were received on
  board. With this company of sixty-two men the Darlington proceeded
  to Fernandina.

  “On arriving, a meeting of the coloured men was called to obtain
  enlistments. The large church was crowded. After addresses had been
  made by the writer and Colonel Beard, one hundred men volunteered
  at once, and the number soon reached about one hundred and
  twenty-five. Such, however, were the demands of Fort Clinch and
  the Quartermaster’s Department for labourers, that Colonel Rich,
  commanding the fort, consented to only twenty-five men leaving.
  This was a sad disappointment, and one which some determined not
  to bear. The twenty-five men were carefully selected from among
  those not employed either on the fort or in the Quartermaster’s
  Department, and put on board. Amid the farewells and benedictions
  of hundreds of their friends on shore they took their departure,
  to prove the truth or falsity of the charge, ‘The black man can
  never fight.’ On calling the roll, a few miles from port, it was
  found our twenty-five men had increased to fifty-four. Determined
  not to be foiled in their purpose of being soldiers, it was found
  that thirty men had quietly found their way on board just at break
  of day, and had concealed themselves in the hold of the ship. When
  asked why they did so, their reply was,—

  “‘Oh, we want to fight for our liberty, and for de liberty of our
  wives and children.’

  “‘But would you dare to face your old masters?’

  “‘Oh, yes, yes! why, we would fight to de death to get our
  families,’ was the quick response.

  “No one doubted their sincerity. Muskets were soon in their hands,
  and no time was lost in drilling them. Our steamer, a very frail
  one, had been barricaded around the bow and stern, and also
  provided with two twelve-pounder Parrott guns. These guns had to
  be worked by black men, under the direction of the captain of the
  steamer. Our fighting men numbered only about one hundred and ten,
  and fifty of them were raw recruits. The expedition was not a very
  formidable one, still all seemed to have an unusual degree of
  confidence as to its success.

       *       *       *       *       *

  “_November 6._ The women and children (about fifty) taken from St.
  Simond’s on the day previous were now landed for safety in St.
  Catherine’s, as a more hazardous work was to be undertaken. Much
  of the night was spent in getting wood for the steamer, killing
  beeves, and cooking meats, rice, and corn, for our women and
  children on shore, and for the troops. The men needed no ‘driver’s
  lash’ to incite them to labour. Sleep and rest were almost
  unwelcome, for they were preparing to go up Sapelo River, along
  whose banks, on the beautiful plantations, were their fathers,
  mothers, brothers, sisters, wives, and children. Weeks and months
  before, some of the men had left those loved ones, with a promise
  to return, ‘if de good Lord jis open de way.’

  “At five o’clock on Friday morning, November 7, we were under
  way. Captain Budd, of the gun-boat Potomska, had kindly promised
  the evening before to accompany us past the most dangerous
  places. On reaching his station in Sapelo Sound, we found him in
  readiness. Our little fleet, led by the Potomska, and followed by
  the Darlington, sailed proudly up the winding Sapelo, now through
  marshes, and then past large and beautiful plantations. It was very
  affecting to see our soldiers watching intensely the coloured
  forms on land, one saying, in the agony of deepest anxiety, ‘Oh,
  Mas’r, my wife and chillen lib dere;’ and another singing out,
  ‘Dere, dere my brodder,’ or ‘my sister.’ The earnest longings of
  their poor, anguish-riven hearts for landings, and then the sad,
  inexpressible regrets as the steamer passed, must be imagined,—they
  cannot be described.

  “The first landing was made at a picket-station on Charles
  Hopkins’s plantation. The enemy was driven back; a few guns and a
  sword only captured. The Potomska came to anchorage, for lack of
  sufficient water, a few miles above, at Reuben King’s plantation.
  Here we witnessed a rich scene. Some fifty negroes appeared on the
  banks, about thirty rods distant from their master’s house, and
  some distance from the Darlington. They gazed upon us with intense
  feelings, alternately turning their eyes toward their master, who
  was watching them from his piazza, and toward our steamer, which,
  as yet, had given them no assurances of landing. The moment she
  headed to the shore, their doubts were dispersed, and they gave us
  such a welcome as angels would be satisfied with. Some few women
  were so filled with joy, that they ran, leaped, clapped their
  hands, and cried, ‘Glory to God! Glory to God!’

       *       *       *       *       *

  “After relieving the old planter of twenty thousand dollars’
  worth of humanity, that is, fifty-two slaves, and the leather of
  his tannery, we re-embarked. Our boats were sent once and again,
  however, to the shore for men, who, having heard the steam-whistle,
  came in greatest haste from distant plantations.

  “As the Potomska could go no farther, Captain Budd kindly offered
  to accompany us with one gun’s crew. We were glad to have his
  company and the services of the crew, as we had only one gun’s
  crew of coloured men. Above us was a bend in the river, and a high
  bluff covered with thick woods. There we apprehended danger, for
  the Rebels had had ample time to collect their forces. The men were
  carefully posted, fully instructed as to their duties and dangers
  by Colonel Beard. Our Parrotts were manned, and everything was
  in readiness. No sooner were we within rifle-shot than the enemy
  opened upon us a heavy fire from behind the bank and trees, and
  also from the tops of the trees. Our speed being slow, and the
  river’s bend quite large, we were within range of the enemy’s guns
  for some time. How well our troops bore themselves will be seen by
  Captain Budd’s testimony.

  “Our next landing was made at Daniel McDonald’s plantation. His
  extensive and valuable salt-works were demolished, and he himself
  taken prisoner. By documents captured, it was ascertained that he
  was a Rebel of the worst kind. We took only a few of his slaves,
  as he drove back into the woods about ninety of them just before
  our arrival. One fine-looking man came hobbling down on a crutch.
  McDonald had shot off one of his legs some eighteen months before.
  The next plantation had some five hundred slaves on it; several of
  our troops had come from it, and also had relatives there; but the
  lateness of the hour, and the dangerous points to be passed on our
  return, admonished us to retreat.

  “Our next attack was expected at the bluff. The enemy had improved
  the time since we parted from them in gathering reinforcements.
  Colonel Beard prepared the men for a warm fire. While everything
  was in readiness, and the steamer dropping down hard upon the
  enemy, the writer passed around among the men, who were waiting
  coolly for the moment of attack, and asked them if they found their
  courage failing. ‘Oh, no, Mas’r, our trust be in de Lord. We only
  want fair chance at ’em,’ was the unanimous cry.

       *       *       *       *       *

  “Most people have doubted the courage of negroes, and their ability
  to stand a warm fire of the enemy. The engagements of this day
  were not an open field fight, to be sure, but the circumstances
  were peculiar. They were taken by surprise, the enemy concealed,
  his force not known, and some of the troops had been enlisted
  only two days. Captain Budd, a brave and experienced officer, and
  eye-witness of both engagements, has kindly given his opinion,
  which we are sure will vindicate the policy, as well as justness,
  of arming the coloured man for his own freedom at least.

  “‘_United States Steamer Potomska_,
  “‘_Sapelo River, Ga., Nov. 7, 1862._

  “‘SIR,—It gives me pleasure to testify to the admirable conduct
  of the negro troops (First S. C. Volunteers) under the command of
  Lieutenant-Colonel Beard, Forty-Eighth New York Volunteers, during
  this day’s operations. They behaved splendidly under the warm and
  galling fire we were exposed to in the two skirmishes with the
  enemy. I did not see a man flinch, contrary to my expectations.

  “‘One of them, particularly, came under my notice, who, although
  badly wounded in the face, continued to load and fire in the
  coolest manner imaginable.

  “‘Every one of them acted like veterans.

  “‘Very respectfully,

  “‘WILLIAM BUDD,

  “‘_Acting-Lieutenant Commanding Potomska._

  “‘To the Rev. M. French, Chaplain, U.S.A.’

“On reaching his ship, Captain Budd led our retreat. It had been
agreed, after full consultation on the subject, that, in our
descent down the river it was best to burn the buildings of Captain
Hopkins and Colonel Brailsford. Both of these places were strong
picket-stations, particularly the latter. Brailsford had been down
with a small force a few days before our arrival at St. Catharine’s,
and shot one of our contrabands; wounded mortally, as was supposed,
another, and carried off four women and three men. He had also
whipped to death, three weeks before, a slave for attempting to make
his escape. We had on board Sam Miller, a former slave, who had
received over three hundred lashes for refusing to inform on a few of
his fellows who had escaped.

       *       *       *       *       *

“On passing among the men, as we were leaving the scenes of action,
I inquired if they had grown any to-day? Many simultaneously
exclaimed,—‘Oh, yes, Massa, we have grown three inches!’ Sam said,—‘I
feel a heap more of a man!’

“With the lurid flames still lighting up all the region behind, and
the bright rays of the smiling moon before them, they formed a circle
on the lower deck, and around the hatchway leading to the hold,
where were the women and children captured during the day, and on
bended knees they offered up sincere and heartfelt thanksgivings to
Almighty God for the mercies of the day. Such fervent prayers for the
President, for the hearing of his Proclamation by all in bonds, and
for the ending of the war and slavery, were seldom, if ever, heard
before. About one hour was spent in singing and prayer. Those waters
surely never echoed with such sounds before.

       *       *       *       *       *

“Our steamer left Beaufort without a soldier, and returned, after
an absence of twelve days, with one hundred and fifty-six fighting
coloured men, some of whom dropped the hoe, took a musket, and were
at once soldiers, ready to fight for the freedom of others.”

       *       *       *       *       *

It is conceded on all sides, that, wherever our armies have had
occupancy, there slavery has been practically abolished. The fact
was recognized by President Lincoln in his last appeal to the loyal
Slave States to consummate emancipation.

Another noticeable act of our Government in behalf of Liberty is
the official provision it makes for the wants of the thousands
of helpless human beings thus thrown upon our care. Taxed with
the burden of an immense war, with the care of thousands of sick
and wounded, the United States Government has cheerfully voted
rations for helpless slaves, no less than wages to the helpful
ones. The United States Government pays teachers to instruct them,
and overseers to guide their industrial efforts. A free-labour
experiment is already in successful operation among the beautiful
sea-islands in the neighbourhood of Beaufort, which, even under most
disadvantageous circumstances, is fast demonstrating how much more
efficiently men will work from hope and liberty than from fear and
constraint. Thus, even amid the roar of cannon and the confusion of
war, cotton-planting, as a free-labour institution, is beginning its
infant life, to grow hereafter to a glorious manhood.

The amount received by the United States Government from the sale of
cotton raised by two thousand families, is stated to exceed a million
of dollars.

Lastly, the great, decisive measure of the war has appeared,—_The
President’s Proclamation of Emancipation_.

This also has been much misunderstood and misrepresented in England.
It has been said to mean virtually this:—Be loyal, and you shall keep
your slaves; rebel, and they shall be free.

But let us remember what we have just seen of the purpose and
meaning of the Union to which the rebellious States are invited
back. It is to a Union which has abolished slavery in the district
of Columbia, and interdicted slavery in the Territories,—which
vigorously represses the slave-trade, and hangs the convicted slaver
as a pirate,—which necessitates emancipation by denying expansion
to slavery, and facilitates it by the offer of compensation. Any
Slaveholding States which should return to such a Union might fairly
be supposed to return with the purpose of peaceable emancipation. The
President’s Proclamation simply means this:—Come in, and emancipate
peaceably with compensation; stay out, and I emancipate, nor will I
protect you from the consequences.

That continuance in the Union is thus understood, is already made
manifest by the votes of Missouri and Delaware in the recent
elections. Both of these States have given strong majorities for
emancipation. Missouri, long tending towards emancipation, has
already planted herself firmly on the great rock of Freedom, and
thrown out her bold and eloquent appeal to the Free States of the
North for aid in overcoming the difficulties of her position. Other
States will soon follow; nor is it too much to hope, that before a
new year has gone far in its course, the sacred fire of Freedom will
have flashed along the whole line of the Border States responsive
to the generous proposition of the President and Congress, and that
universal emancipation will have become a fixed fact in the American
Union.

Will our Sisters in England feel no heartbeat at that event? Is it
not one of the predicted voices of the latter day, saying under the
whole heavens, “It is done: the kingdoms of this world are become the
kingdoms of our Lord, and of His Christ?”

And now, Sisters of England, in this solemn, expectant hour, let
us speak to you of one thing which fills our hearts with pain and
solicitude.

It is an unaccountable fact, and one which we entreat you seriously
to ponder, that the party which has brought the cause of Freedom thus
far on its way during the past eventful year has found little or no
support in England. Sadder than this, the party which makes Slavery
the chief corner-stone of its edifice finds in England its strongest
defenders.

The voices that have spoken for us who contend for Liberty have been
few and scattering. God forbid that we should forget those few noble
voices, so sadly exceptional in the general outcry against us! They
are, alas, too few to be easily forgotten. False statements have
blinded the minds of your community, and turned the most generous
sentiments of the British heart against us. The North are fighting
for supremacy and the South for independence, has been the voice.
Independence? for what? to do what? To prove the doctrine that all
men are _not_ equal. To establish the doctrine that the white may
enslave the negro.

It is natural to sympathize with people who are fighting for their
rights: but if these prove to be the right of selling children by the
pound, and trading in husbands and wives as merchantable articles,
should not Englishmen think twice before giving their sympathy? A
pirate-ship on the high seas is fighting for _independence_! Let us
be consistent.

It has been said that we have been over-sensitive, thin-skinned. It
is one inconvenient attendant of love and respect, that they do
induce sensitiveness. A brother or father turning against one in the
hour of trouble, a friend sleeping in the Gethsemane of our mortal
anguish, does not always find us armed with divine patience. We loved
England; we respected, revered her; we were bound to her by ties of
blood and race. Alas! must all these declarations be written in the
past tense?

But that we may not be thought to have over-estimated the popular
tide against us, we shall express our sense of it in the words of an
English writer, one of the noble few who have spoken the truth on our
side. Referring to England’s position on this question, he says:—

“What is the meaning of this? Why does the English nation, which has
made itself memorable to all time as the destroyer of negro slavery,
which has shrunk from no sacrifices to free its own character from
that odious stain, and to close all the countries of the world
against the slave-merchant,—why is it that the nation which is at the
head of Abolitionism, not only feels no sympathy with those who are
fighting against the slaveholding conspiracy, but actually desires
its success? Why is the general voice of our press, the general
sentiment of our people bitterly reproachful to the North, while for
the South, the aggressors in the war, we have either mild apologies
or direct and downright encouragement,—and this not only from the
Tory and anti-Democratic camp, but from Liberals, or _soi-disant_
such?

“This strange perversion of feeling prevails nowhere else. The
public of France, and of the Continent generally, at all events the
Liberal part of it, saw at once on which side were justice and moral
principle, and gave its sympathies consistently and steadily to the
North. Why is England an exception?”

In the beginning of our struggle, the voices that reached us
across the water said, “If we were only sure you were fighting for
the abolition of slavery, we should not dare to say whither our
sympathies for your cause might not carry us.”

Such, as we heard, were the words of the honoured and religious
nobleman who draughted this very letter which you signed and sent us,
and to which we are now replying.

When these words reached us, we said, “We can wait; our friends in
England will soon see whither this conflict is tending.” A year and
a half have passed; step after step has been taken for Liberty;
chain after chain has fallen, till the march of our armies is choked
and clogged by the glad flocking of emancipated slaves; the day
of final emancipation is set; the Border States begin to move in
voluntary consent; universal freedom for all dawns like the sun in
the distant horizon: and still no voice from England. No voice? Yes,
we have heard on the high seas the voice of a war-steamer, built for
a man-stealing Confederacy with English gold in an English dockyard,
going out of an English harbour, manned by English sailors, with
the full knowledge of English Government-officers, in defiance of
the Queen’s proclamation of neutrality. So far has English sympathy
overflowed. We have heard of other steamers, iron-clad, designed
to furnish to a Slavery-defending Confederacy their only lack,—a
navy for the high seas. We have heard that the British Evangelical
Alliance refuses to express sympathy with the liberating party, when
requested to do so by the French Evangelical Alliance. We find in
English religious newspapers all those sad degrees in the downward
sliding-scale of defending and apologizing for slaveholders and
slaveholding with which we have so many years contended in our own
country. We find the President’s Proclamation of Emancipation spoken
of in those papers only as an incitement to servile insurrection.
Nay, more,—we find in your papers, from thoughtful men, the admission
of the rapid decline of anti-slavery sentiments in England. Witness
the following:—

“The Rev. Mr. Maurice, Principal of the Working-Men’s College, Great
Ormond Street, delivered the first general lecture of the term on
Saturday evening, and took for his subject the state of English
feeling on the Slavery question. He said, ‘a few days ago, in a
conversation on the American war, that some gentlemen connected with
the College had confessed to a change in their sympathies in the
matter. On the outbreak of the war, they had been strong sympathizers
with the Government and the Northern States, but gradually they had
drifted until they found themselves desiring the success of the
seceded States, and all but free from their anti-slavery feelings
and tendencies.’ These confessions elicited strong expressions of
indignation from a gentleman present, who had lectured in the College
on the war in Kansas. He (Mr. Maurice) felt inclined to share in the
indignation expressed; but since, he could not help feeling that this
change was very general in England.”

Alas, then, England! is it so? In this day of great deeds and great
heroisms, this solemn hour when the Mighty Redeemer is coming to
break every yoke, do we hear such voices from England?

This very day the writer of this has been present at a solemn
religious festival in the national capital, given at the home of
a portion of those fugitive slaves who have fled to our lines for
protection,—who, under the shadow of our flag, find sympathy and
succour. The national day of thanksgiving was there kept by over a
thousand redeemed slaves, and for whom Christian charity had spread
an ample repast. Our Sisters, we wish _you_ could have witnessed
the scene. We wish you could have heard the prayer of a blind old
negro, called among his fellows John the Baptist, when in touching
broken English he poured forth his thanksgivings. We wish you could
have heard the sound of that strange rhythmical chant which is now
forbidden to be sung on Southern plantations,—the psalm of this
modern exodus,—which combines the barbaric fire of the Marseillaise
with the religious fervour of the old Hebrew prophet.

    “Oh, go down, Moses,
      ’Way down into Egypt’s land!
    Tell King Pharaoh
      To let my people go!
          Stand away dere,
          Stand away dere,
          And let my people go!

    “Oh, Pharaoh said he would go ’cross!
      Let my people go!
    Oh, Pharaoh and his hosts were lost!
      Let my people go!
          You may hinder me here,
          But ye can’t up dere!
          Let my people go!

    “Oh, Moses, stretch your hand across!
      Let my people go!
    And don’t get lost in de wilderness!
      Let my people go!
          He sits in de heavens
          And answers prayers.
          Let my people go!”

As we were leaving, an aged woman came and lifted up her hands in
blessing. “Bressed be de Lord dat brought me to see dis first happy
day of my life! Bressed be de Lord!” In all England is there no Amen?

We have been shocked and saddened by the question asked in an
association of Congregational ministers in England, the very
blood-relations of the liberty-loving Puritans,—“Why does not the
North let the South go?”

What! give up the point of emancipation for these four million
slaves? Turn our backs on them, and leave them to their fate? What!
leave our white brothers to run a career of oppression and robbery,
that, as sure as there is a God that ruleth in the armies of heaven,
will bring down a day of wrath and doom?

Is it any advantage to people to be educated in man-stealing as a
principle, to be taught systematically to rob the labourer of his
wages, and to tread on the necks of weaker races? Who among you
would wish your sons to become slave-planters, slave-merchants,
slave-dealers? And shall we leave our brethren to this fate? Better
a generation should die on the battle-field, that their children may
grow up in liberty and justice. Yes, our sons must die, their sons
must die. We give ours freely; they die to redeem the very brothers
that slay them; they give their blood in expiation of this great sin,
begun by you in England, perpetuated by us in America, and for which
God in this great day of judgment is making inquisition in blood.

In a recent battle fell a Secession colonel, the last remaining son
of his mother, and she a widow. That mother had sold eleven children
of an old slave-mother, her servant. That servant went to her and
said,—“Missis, we even now. You sold all my children. God took all
yourn. Not one to bury either of us. _Now_, I forgive you.”

In another battle fell the only son of another widow. Young,
beautiful, heroic, brought up by his mother in the sacred doctrines
of human liberty, he gave his life an offering as to a holy cause. He
died. No slave-woman came to tell _his_ mother of God’s justice, for
many slaves have reason to call her blessed.

Now we ask you, Would you change places with that Southern mother?
Would you not think it a great misfortune for a son or daughter to
be brought into such a system?—a worse one to become so perverted
as to defend it? Remember, then, that wishing success to this
slavery-establishing effort is only wishing to the sons and daughters
of the South all the curses that God has written against oppression.
_Mark our words!_ If we succeed, the children of these very men who
are now fighting us will rise up to call us blessed. Just as surely
as there is a God who governs in the world, so surely all the laws of
national prosperity follow in the train of equity; and if we succeed,
we shall have delivered the children’s children of our misguided
brethren from the wages of sin, which is always and everywhere death.

And now, Sisters of England, think it not strange, if we bring back
the words of your letter, not in bitterness, but in deepest sadness,
and lay them down at your door. We say to you,—Sisters, you have
spoken well; we have heard you; we have heeded; we have striven in
the cause, even unto death. We have sealed our devotion by desolate
hearth and darkened homestead,—by the blood of sons, husbands, and
brothers. In many of our dwellings the very light of our lives has
gone out; and yet we accept the life-long darkness as our own part
in this great and awful expiation, by which the bonds of wickedness
shall be loosed, and abiding peace established on the foundation of
righteousness. Sisters, what have _you_ done, and what do you mean to
do?

In view of the decline of the noble anti-slavery fire in England, in
view of all the facts and admissions recited from your own papers, we
beg leave in solemn sadness to return to you your own words:—

“A common origin, a common faith, and we sincerely believe, a common
cause, urge us, at the present moment, to address you on the subject
of that fearful encouragement and support which is being afforded by
England to a slaveholding Confederacy.

“We will not dwell on the ordinary topics,—on the progress of
civilization, on the advance of freedom everywhere, on the rights
and requirements of the nineteenth century; but we appeal to you very
seriously to reflect and to ask counsel of God how far such a state
of things is in accordance with His Holy Word, the inalienable rights
of immortal souls, and the pure and merciful spirit of the Christian
religion.

“We appeal to you, as sisters, as wives, and as mothers, to raise
your voices to your fellow-citizens, and your prayers to God, for the
removal of this affliction and disgrace from the Christian world.”

In behalf of many thousands of American women,

  HARRIET BEECHER STOWE.

  Washington,
  November 27, 1862.

       *       *       *       *       *

CHISWICK PRESS:—PRINTED BY WHITTINGHAM AND WILKINS, TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.




A LIST OF BOOKS

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  [_October, 1862._


NEW ILLUSTRATED WORKS.


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“_We give it a hearty welcome, as calculated to excite an interest
in the study of English, and to render valuable assistance in its
pursuit._”—Athenæum.

... “_We can only say that if the complete course be as remarkable
for learning, diligence, discrimination, and good sense as the
preparatory, we shall have to thank Mr. Marsh for the most perfect
philological treatise upon the English language which we can hope to
see in our generation._”—Critic.


English and Scotch Ballads, &c. An extensive Collection. Designed
as a Complement to the Works of the British Poets, and embracing
nearly all the Ancient and Traditionary Ballads both of England and
Scotland, in all the important varieties of form in which they are
extant, with Notices of the kindred Ballads of other Nations. Edited
by F. J. Child. A new Edition, revised by the Editor. 8 vols. fcap.
cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ each, uniform with Bohn’s Libraries.

Poets and Poetry of Europe; by Henry W. Longfellow. 8vo. 21_s._

Shakespeare’s Tragedy of Hamlet: 1603-1604. Being the first and
second Editions of Shakespeare’s great drama, faithfully reprinted.
8vo. cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._; morocco, 21_s._

The English Catalogue—1835 to 1862. An entirely New Work,
amalgamating the London and the British Catalogues. [_In Preparation._

Index to the Subjects of Books published in the United Kingdom during
the last Twenty Years—1837-1857. One vol. royal 8vo. Morocco, 1_l._
6_s._


Although nominally the Index to the British Catalogue, it is equally
so to all general Catalogues of Books during the same period,
containing as many as 74,000 references, under subjects, so as to
ensure immediate reference to the books on the subject required, each
giving title, price, publisher, and date.

Two valuable Appendices are also given—A, containing full lists of
all Libraries, Collections, Series, and Miscellanies—and B, a List of
Literary Societies, Printing Societies, and their Issues.


The American Catalogue, or English Guide to American Literature;
giving the full title of original Works published in the United
States of America since the year 1800, with especial reference to the
works of interest to Great Britain, with the size, price, place, date
of publication, and London prices. With comprehensive Index. 8vo.
2_s._ 6_d._ Also Supplement, 1837-60. 8vo. 6_d._

The Publishers’ Circular, and General Record of British and Foreign
Literature; giving a transcript of the title-page of every work
published in Great Britain, and every work of interest published
abroad, with lists of all the publishing houses.


Published regularly on the 1st and 15th of every Month, and forwarded
post free to all parts of the world on payment of 8_s._ per annum.

[Illustration: asterism] _Established by the Publishers of London in
1837._


The Handy-book of Patent and Copyright Law, English and Foreign, for
the use of Inventors, Patentees, Authors, and Publishers. Comprising
the Law and Practice of Patents, the Law of Copyright of Designs, the
Law of Literary Copyright. By James Fraser, Esq. Post 8vo. cloth,
4_s._ 6_d._ (Uniform with Lord St. Leonard’s “Handy-book of Property
Law.”)

A Concise Summary of the Law of English and French Copyright Law and
International Law, by Peter Burke. 12mo. 5_s._


Dr. Worcester’s New and Greatly Enlarged Dictionary of the English
Language. Adapted for Library or College Reference, comprising 40,000
Words more than Johnson’s Dictionary, and 250 pages more than the
Quarto Edition of Webster’s Dictionary. In one Volume, royal 4to.
cloth, 1,834 pp. price 31_s._ 6_d._ The Cheapest Book ever published.


“The volumes before us show a vast amount of diligence; but with
Webster it is diligence in combination with fancifulness,—with
Worcester in combination with good sense and judgment. Worcester’s is
the soberer and safer book, and may be pronounced the best existing
English Lexicon.”—_Athenæum_, July 13, 1861.

“We will now take leave of this magnificent monument of patient toil,
careful research, judicious selection, and magnanimous self-denial
(for it requires great self-denial to abstain from undesired
originality), with a hearty wish for its success. It is sad to
think that the result of so much labour, from which Hercules, had
he been intellectually inclined, would have shrunk appalled, should
be barren fame; yet we can easily believe that Dr. Worcester (as he
says) expects no adequate pecuniary compensation for his gigantic
undertaking: for it is difficult to imagine a sum which could
adequately compensate the man who has produced the completest and the
cheapest English Dictionary which the world has yet seen.”—_Critic._


The Ladies’ Reader: with some Plain and Simple Rules and Instructions
for a good style of Reading aloud, and a variety of Selections
for Exercise. By George Vandenhoff, M.A., Author of “The Art of
Elocution.” Fcap. 8vo. Cloth, 5_s._

The Clerical Assistant: an Elocutionary Guide to the Reading of the
Scriptures and the Liturgy, several passages being marked for Pitch
and Emphasis: with some Observations on Clerical Bronchitus. By
George Vandenhoff, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. Cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._

The Art of Elocution as an essential part of Rhetoric, with
instructions in Gesture, and an Appendix of Oratorical, Poetical and
Dramatic extracts. By George Vandenhoff, M. A. Third Edition. 5_s._

Latin-English Lexicon, by Dr. Andrews. 7th Edition. 8vo. 18_s._


The superiority of this justly-famed Lexicon is retained over all
others by the fulness of its quotations, the including in the
vocabulary proper names, the distinguishing whether the derivative
is classical or otherwise, the exactness of the references to the
original authors, and in the price.

“_Every page bears the impress of industry and care._”—Athenæum.

“_The best Latin Dictionary, whether for the scholar or advanced
student._”—Spectator.

“_We have no hesitation in saying it is the best Dictionary of the
Latin language that has appeared._”—Literary Gazette.

“_We never saw such a book published at such a price._”—Examiner.


The Laws of Life, with especial reference to the Education of Girls.
By Elizabeth Blackwell, M.D. New Edition, revised by the Author,
12mo. cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._

The Farm and Fruit of Old. From Virgil. By a Market Gardener. 1_s._

Usque ad Cœlum; or, the Dwellings of the People. By Thomas Hare,
Esq., Barrister-at-Law. Fcap. 1_s._

Eyes and Ears. By Henry Ward Beecher, D.D., Author of “Life
Thoughts,” &c. Crown 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._

The Charities of London: an Account of 640 Public Institutions. By
Sampson Low, Jun. With an Analysis and Copious Index. Fcap. cloth
extra, 4_s._ 6_d._


Prince Albert’s Golden Precepts: a Memorial of the Prince Consort;
comprising Maxims and Extracts from Addresses of His late Royal
Highness. Many now for the first time collected and carefully
arranged. With an Index. Royal 16mo. beautifully printed on toned
paper, cloth, gilt edges, 2_s._ 6_d._


NEW BOOKS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE.


The Boyhood of Martin Luther. By Henry Mayhew, Author of “The Peasant
Boy Philosopher.” With eight Illustrations by Absalom. Small 8vo.
cloth, 6_s._

  [_Just ready._


Life Amongst the North and South American Indians; a Book for Boys.
By George Catlin, Author of “Notes of Travel Amongst the North
American Indians,” &c. With Illustrations. Small post 8vo. cloth,
6_s._

“_An admirable book, full of useful information, wrapt up in
stories peculiarly adapted to rouse the imagination and stimulate
the curiosity of boys and girls. To compare a book with_ ‘Robinson
Crusoe,’ _and to say that it sustains such comparison is to give it
high praise indeed._”—Athenæum.


The Story of Peter Parley’s Own Life. From the Narrative of the
late Samuel Goodrich, Esq. (Peter Parley). Edited by his friend and
admirer, Frank Freeman. With six Illustrations by W. Thomas. Fcap.
8vo. cloth, 5_s._

  [_Just ready._

Paul Duncan’s Little by Little; a Tale for Boys. Edited by Frank
Freeman. With an Illustration by Charles Keene. Fcap. 8vo. cloth
2_s._; gilt edges, 2_s._ 6_d._


_Uniform Volumes, with Frontispiece, same price._

  Boy Missionary; a Tale for Young People. By Mrs. J. M. Parker.
  Difficulties Overcome. By Miss Brightwell.
  The Babes in the Basket: a Tale in the West Indian Insurrection.
  Jack Buntline; the Life of a Sailor Boy. By W. H. G. Kingston.


The Boy’s Own Book of Boats. By W. H. G. Kingston. Illustrations by
E. Weedon, engraved by W. J. Linton. Fcap. 8vo. cloth, 5_s._


“_This well-written, well-wrought book._”—Athenæum.

“_This is something better than a play-book; and it would be
difficult to find a more compendious and intelligible manual about
all that relates to the variety and rig of vessels and nautical
implements and gear._”—Saturday Review.


How to Make Miniature Pumps and a Fire-Engine: a Book for Boys. With
Seven Illustrations. Fcap. 8vo. 1_s._

Ernest Bracebridge: or, Schoolboy Days, by W. H. G. Kingston, Author
of “Peter the Whaler,” &c. Illustrated with Sixteen Engravings,
printed in Tints by Edmund Evans. Fcap. 8vo. 5_s._

The Voyage of the “Constance:” a Tale of the Arctic Seas. With
an Appendix, comprising the Story of “The Fox.” By Mary Gillies.
Illustrated with Eight Engravings on Wood, from Drawings by Charles
Keene. Fcap. 8vo. cloth, 5_s._

Stories of the Woods; or, the Adventures of Leather-Stocking: A Book
for Boys, compiled from Cooper’s Series of “Leather-Stocking Tales.”
Fcap. cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._


“_I have to own that I think the heroes of another writer, viz.
‘Leather-Stocking,’ ‘Uncas,’ ‘Hard Heart,’ ‘Tom Coffin,’ are quite
the equals of Sir Walter Scott’s men;—perhaps ‘Leather-Stocking’ is
better than any one in Scott’s lot._”—W. M. THACKERAY.


Stories of the Sea; Stirring Adventures selected from the Naval Tales
of J. Fenimore Cooper. Illustrated. 12mo. cloth, 5_s._

The Stories that Little Breeches Told; and the Pictures that Charles
Bennett drew for them. Dedicated by the latter to his Children. With
upwards of 100 Etchings on copper. 4to. cloth, 5_s._; or the plates
coloured, 7_s._ 6_d._

The Children’s Picture Book of the Sagacity of Animals. With numerous
Illustrations by Harrison Weir. Super-royal 16mo. cloth, 5_s._;
coloured, 7_s._ 6_d._


“_A better reading-book for the young we have not seen for many a
day._”—Athenæum.


The Children’s Picture Book of Fables. Written expressly for
Children, and Illustrated with Fifty large Engravings, from Drawings
by Harrison Weir. Square, cloth extra, 5_s._; or coloured, 7_s._ 6_d._

The Children’s Treasury of Pleasure Books. With 140 Illustrations,
from Drawings by John Absolon, Edward Wehnert, and Harrison Weir.
Plain, 5_s._; coloured, 7_s._ 6_d._

Snow Flakes, and what they told the Children. By the Author of
“Little Bird Red and Little Bird Blue.” Illustrated by H. K. Browne,
and beautifully printed in colours, uniform with “Child’s Play” and
“Little Bird.” Square 16mo. bevelled boards extra, 5_s._

Child’s Play. Illustrated with Sixteen Coloured Drawings by E. V.
B., printed in facsimile by W. Dickes’ process, and ornamented with
Initial Letters. Imp. 16mo. cloth extra, bevelled cloth, 5_s._ The
Original Edition of this work was published at One Guinea.

Little Bird Red and Little Bird Blue: a Song of the Woods told for
Little Ones at Home. With Coloured Illustrations and Borders by T. R.
Macquoid, Esq. Beautifully printed, with coloured Illustrations and
borders, bevelled boards, 5_s._


“_One of the most beautiful books for children we have ever seen. It
is irresistible._”—Morning Herald.


The Nursery Playmate. With 200 Illustrations, beautifully printed
on thick paper. 4to. Illustrated boards, 5_s._; or the whole, well
coloured, 9_s._

Fancy Tales, from the German. By J. S. Laurie, H. M. Inspector
of Schools, and Otto Striedinger. Illustrated by H. Sandercock
Super-royal 16mo. cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._; extra cloth, bevelled boards,
4_s._

Great Fun for Little Friends. With 28 Illustrations. Small 4to.
cloth, 5_s._; coloured, 7_s._ 6_d._

Mark Willson’s First Reader. By the Author of “The Picture Alphabet”
and “The Picture Primer.” With 120 Pictures. 1_s._


_Also by the same Author_,


The Picture Alphabet; or Child’s First Letter Book. With new and
original Designs. 6_d._

The Picture Primer. 6_d._


“_We cordially recommend these little books as amongst the very best
of their kind, and should like to see them in every nursery in the
kingdom._”—Dial, Jan. 31, 1862.

“_These two little books are among the best we ever saw of their
kind. They are clearly and beautifully printed, and the illustrative
designs are really like the things they represent, and are well
chosen to suit an infant’s comprehension, and to awaken its
curiosity._”—Globe, Jan. 30, 1862.


The Swiss Family Robinson; or, the Adventures of a Father and
Mother and Four Sons on a Desert Island. With Explanatory Notes and
Illustrations. First and Second Series. New Edition, complete in one
volume, 3_s._ 6_d._


The Child’s Book of Nature, by W. Hooker, M.D. With 180
Illustrations. Sq. 12mo. cloth, bevelled. 8_s._ 6_d._

Actea; a First Lesson in Natural History. By Mrs. Agassiz. Edited by
Professor Agassiz. Illustrated. Fcap. 8vo. 3_s._ 6_d._

Geography for my Children. By Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. Author
of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” &c. Arranged and Edited by an English
Lady, under the Direction of the Authoress. With upwards of Fifty
Illustrations. Cloth extra, 4_s._ 6_d._

The Household Library of Tale and Travel; a Series of Works specially
adapted for Family Reading, District Libraries and Book Clubs,
Presentation and Prize Books:—


1. Thankfulness; a Narrative. By Charles B. Tayler, M.A. 4th Edition.
3_s._ 6_d._

2. Earnestness; a Sequel. By the Same. Third Edition. 3_s._ 6_d._

3. Truth; or, Persis Clareton. By the Same. 2_s._ 6_d._

4. Recollections of Alderbrook. By Emily Judson. 3_s._ 6_d._

5. Tales of New England Life. By Mrs. Stowe. 2_s._ 6_d._

6. Sunny Memories in Foreign Lands. By the Same. 2_s._ 6_d._

7. Shadyside; a Tale. By Mrs. Hubbell. 3_s._ 6_d._

8. Memorials of an Only Daughter. By the Same. 3_s._ 6_d._

9. The Golden Sunset. By Miss Boulton. 2_s._ 6_d._

10. Mabel Vaughan. By the Author of “The Lamplighter.” 3_s._ 6_d._

11. The Hills of the Shatemuc. By Miss Warner. 2_s._ 6_d._

12. The Unprotected; a Narrative. By a London Dressmaker. 5_s._

13. Dred; a Tale of the Great Dismal Swamp. By Mrs. Stowe. 2_s._ 6_d._

14. Swiss Family Robinson, and Sequel. Complete edition, 3_s._ 6_d._
Illustrated.

15. Legends and Records. By Chas. B. Tayler, M.A. 3_s._ 6_d._

16. Records of a Good Man’s Life. By the Same. 3_s._ 6_d._

17. The Fools’ Pence, and other Narratives of Every-day Life.
Illustrated, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._; or in stiff cover, 2_s._ 6_d._

18. The Boy Missionary. By Mrs. J. M. Parker. 2_s._ 6_d._; or in
stiff covers, 1_s._ 6_d._


[Illustration: asterism] The above are printed in good type and on
the best paper, bound in cloth, gilt back; each work distinct and
sold separately.


HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.


The Twelve Great Battles of England, from Hastings to Waterloo. With
Plans, fcap. 8vo. cloth extra, 3_s._ 6_d._

Plutarch’s Lives. An entirely new Library Edition, carefully revised
and corrected, with some Original Translations by the Editor. Edited
by A H. Clough, Esq. sometime Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, and
late Professor of English Language and Literature at University
College. 5 vols. 8vo. cloth. 2_l._ 10_s._


“_Plutarch, we repeat, will be read—and read among ourselves for the
future, in the version of Mr. Clough. We have given that version our
cordial praise before, and shall only add that it is brought before
the world in a way which fits it admirably for general use. The print
is clear and large, the paper good, and there are excellent and
copious indices._”—Quarterly Review, Oct. 1861.

“_Mr. Clough’s work is worthy of all praise, and we hope that it will
tend to revive the study of Plutarch._”—Times.


George Washington’s Life, by Washington Irving. Library Illustrated
Edition. 5 vols. Imp. 8vo. 4_l._ 4_s._ Library Edit. Royal 8vo.
12_s._ each

Life of John Adams, 2nd President of the United States, by C. F.
Adams. 8vo. 14_s._ Life and Works complete, 10 vols. 14_s._ each.


TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE.


After Icebergs with a Painter; a Summer’s Voyage to Labrador. By the
Rev. Louis L. Noble. Post 8vo. with coloured plates, cloth, 10_s._
6_d._


“_This is a beautiful and true book, excellently suited for family
reading, and its least recommendation is not that without cant or
impertinence it turns every thought and emotion excited by the
wonders it describes to the honour of the Creator._”—Daily News.


From Calcutta to Pekin. A Personal Narrative of the Late War. By a
Staff Officer. The only Authentic Narrative of the late War with
China. In popular form, price 2_s._ 6_d._

Thirteen Months in the Rebel Army of America. By an Impressed New
Yorker. A Narrative of Facts. The personal adventures described,
while stranger than fiction, are only the simple truth. Fcap. 8vo.
cloth, with an Illustration, 3_s._ 6_d._

The Prairie and Overland Traveller; a Companion for Emigrants,
Traders, Travellers, Hunters, and Soldiers, traversing great Plains
and Prairies. By Capt. R. B. Marcey. Illustrated. Fcap. 8vo. cloth,
3_s._ 6_d._


“This is a real, carefully executed collection of information and
experiences, the which every one who takes up will hardly lay down
until he has read from A to Z.... It is not only valuable to the
special traveller, but fascinating to the general reader.... The
author is as full of matter as any old sailor who has sailed four
times round the world.”—_Athenæum._


Ten Years of Preacher Life; Chapters from an Autobiography. By
William Henry Milburn, Author of “Rifle, Axe, and Saddle-Bags.” With
Introduction by the Rev. William Arthur, Author of “The Successful
Merchant,” &c. Crown 8vo. cloth. 4_s._ 6_d._

Waikna; or, Adventures on the Mosquito Shore. By E. G. Squier, Esq.
Author of “Travels in Central America.” 12mo. boards. Illustrated
cover. Third Edition, price 1_s._ 6_d._


“_A narrative of thrilling adventure and singular beauty._”—Daily
News.


The States of Central America, by E. G. Squier. Cloth. 18_s._

Home and Abroad (_Second Series_). A Sketch-book of Life, Men, and
Travel, by Bayard Taylor. With Illustrations, post 8vo. cloth, 8_s._
6_d._

Northern Travel. Summer and Winter Pictures of Sweden, Lapland, and
Norway, by Bayard Taylor. 1 vol. post 8vo., cloth, 8_s._ 6_d._


_Also by the same Author, each complete in 1 vol., with
Illustrations._

  Central Africa; Egypt and the White Nile. 7_s._ 6_d._
  India, China, and Japan. 7_s._ 6_d._
  Palestine, Asia Minor, Sicily, and Spain. 7_s._ 6_d._
  Travels in Greece and Russia. With an Excursion to Crete. 7_s._ 6_d._


Boat-Life and Tent-Life in Egypt, Nubia, and the Holy Land, by W. C
Prime. 2 vols. Post 8vo. 17_s._

Impressions of England, by the Rev. A. Cleveland Coxe. 6_s._


INDIA, AMERICA, AND THE COLONIES.

_A Manual of Indian History, Geography, and Finance._

The Progress and Present State of British India; a Manual for general
use; based upon Official Documents, furnished under the authority of
Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for India. By MONTGOMERY MARTIN,
Esq., Author of a “History of the British Colonies,” &c. In one
volume, post 8vo. cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._


America before Europe. _Principles_ and _Interests_. By the Count de
Gasparin. Post 8vo. 9_s._

Slavery and Secession: Historical and Economical. By Thomas Ellison,
Esq., F.S.S.; Author of “A Handbook of the Cotton Trade.” With
Coloured Map, and numerous Appendices of State Papers, Population
Returns, New and Old Tariffs, &c., forming a Complete Manual of
Reference on all matters connected with the War. Second edition,
enlarged. 1 vol. post 8vo. cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._


“A succinct history of the American quarrel, with an estimate of its
probable cause and proximate issue. To the information Mr. Ellison
has already acquired, he has added a faculty of inference equal to
the occasion, and such a rational estimate of the work required of
him, that he has compiled a convenient book of reference, available
in some other respects to the journalist and politician.”—_Times._

“This book is the most useful contribution we have seen to the
history of the crisis in American affairs.”—_Edinburgh Review._

“Abounds with impartial and amply authenticated information. It
is a volume that was much wanted, and one which we can highly
recommend.”—_Daily News._


The Ordeal of Free Labour in the British West Indies. By William G.
Sewell. Post 8vo. cloth, 7_s._ 6_d._

The Cotton Kingdom: a Traveller’s Observations on Cotton and
Slavery in America, based upon three former volumes of Travels and
Explorations. By Frederick Law Olmsted. With a Map. 2 vols. post 8vo.
1_l._ 1_s._


“_Mr. Olmsted gives his readers a wealth of facts conveyed in a
long stream of anecdotes, the exquisite humour of many of them
making parts of his book as pleasant to read as a novel of the first
class._”—Athenæum.

“_This book is a compendious recast of Mr. Olmsted’s invaluable
volumes on the Slave States; volumes full of acute, pithy, and
significant delineations, which bear in every line the stamp of an
honest and unexaggerating, but close and clear-sighted study of those
States. We know of no book in which significant but complex social
facts are so fairly, minutely, and intelligently photographed; in
which there is so great intrinsic evidence of impartiality; in which
all the evidence given is at once so minute and so essential; and the
inferences deduced so practical, broad, and impressive._”—Spectator.


A History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of the Constitution
of the United States of America, with Notices of its Principal
Framers. By George Ticknor Curtis, Esq. 2 vols. 8vo. Cloth, 1_l._
4_s._


“_A most carefully digested and well-written Constitutional History
of the great Federal Republic of America._”—Examiner.

“_Mr. Curtis writes with dignity and vigour, and his work will be one
of permanent interest._”—Athenæum.


A Course of Lectures on the Constitutional Jurisprudence of the
United States, delivered in Columbia College, New York. By A. W.
Duer. Crown 8vo. Cloth, 10_s._ 6_d._


The Principles of Political Economy applied to the Condition, the
Resources, and Institutions of the American People. By Francis Bowen.
8vo. Cloth, 14_s._

A History of New South Wales from the Discovery of New Holland in
1616 to the present time. By the late Roderick Flanagan, Esq., Member
of the Philosophical Society of New South Wales. 2 vols. 8vo. 24_s._

Canada and its Resources. Two Prize Essays, by Hogan and Morris.
7_s._, or separately, 1_s._ 6_d._ each, and Map, 3_s._


SCIENCE AND DISCOVERY.

The Physical Geography of the Sea and its Meteorology; or, the
Economy of the Sea and its Adaptations, its Salts, its Waters, its
Climates, its Inhabitants, and whatever there may be of general
interest in its Commercial Uses or Industrial Pursuits. By Commander
M. F. Maury, LL.D. Tenth Edition, being the Second Edition of the
Author’s revised and enlarged Work. Post 8vo. cloth extra, 8_s._ 6_d._

_This edition, as well as its immediate predecessor, includes all the
researches and observations of the last three years, and is copyright
in England and on the Continent._

“We err greatly if Lieut. Maury’s book will not hereafter be
classed with the works of the great men who have taken the lead
in extending and improving knowledge and art; his book displays
in a remarkable degree, like the ‘Advancement of Learning,’ and
the ‘Natural History’ of Buffon, profound research and magnificent
imagination.”—_Illustrated London News._


The Kedge Anchor; or, Young Sailor’s Assistant, by William Brady.
Seventy Illustrations. 8vo. 16_s._

Theory of the Winds, by Capt. Charles Wilkes. 8vo. cl. 8_s._ 6_d._

Archaia; or, Studies of the Cosmogony and Natural History of the
Hebrew Scriptures. By Professor Dawson, Principal of McGill College,
Canada. Post 8vo. cloth, cheaper edition, 6_s._


“It is refreshing to meet with an author who has reflected deeply,
and observed as well as read fully, before he has put forward his
pages in print. He will be remembered, and perhaps read, when
incompetent writers have been forgotten. We heartily commend this
book to intelligent and thoughtful readers: it will not suit others.
Its tone throughout is good, while as much is condensed in this one
volume as will be required by the general student.”—_Athenæum._


Ichnographs, from the Sandstone of the Connecticut River,
Massachusetts, U. S. A. By James Dean, M.D. One volume, 4to, with
Forty-six Plates, cloth, 27_s._

The Recent Progress of Astronomy, by Elias Loomis, LL.D. 3rd Edition.
Post 8vo. 7_s._ 6_d._

An Introduction to Practical Astronomy, by the Same. 8vo. cloth, 8_s._

System of Mineralogy, by James D. Dana. New Edit. Revised. With
Numerous Engravings. 2 vols. 8vo. 24_s._


Manual of Mineralogy, including Observations on Mines, Rocks,
Reduction of Ores, and the Application of the Science to the Arts,
with 260 Illustrations. Designed for the Use of Schools and Colleges.
By James D. Dana, A.M., Author of a “System of Mineralogy.” New
Edition, revised and enlarged. 12mo. Half bound, 7_s._ 6_d._

Cyclopædia of Mathematical Science, by Davies and Peck. 8vo. Sheep.
18_s._


TRADE, AGRICULTURE, AND ARCHITECTURE.


The Exchange. Volume I. Comprising a complete Half-Annual Review of
Home, Colonial, and Foreign Commerce and Exchange, from April to
October, 1862. With nearly 100 Original Papers on Current Topics, by
the first writers of the day. One vol. 8vo. cloth extra, 7_s._ 6_d._

  [_Just ready._

Railway Practice, European and American; comprising the economical
generation of Steam, the adaptation of Wood and Coke-burning Engines
to Coal Burning, and in Permanent Way, including Road-bed, Sleepers,
Rails, Joint-fastenings, Street Railways, &c. By Alexander L. Holley,
Joint Author of Colburn and Holley’s “Permanent Way,” &c. Demy folio,
with 77 Engravings, half-morocco. 3_l._ 3_s._

History of the Rise and Progress of the Iron Trade of the United
States, from 1621 to 1857; with numerous Statistical Tables relating
to the Manufacture, Importation, Exportation, and Prices of Iron for
more than a Century. By B. F. French. 8vo. Cloth, 10_s._

Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine (Monthly). 2_s._ 6_d._

The Parlour Gardener; or, the House Culture of Ornamental Plants:
a Practical Handbook. With a coloured Frontispiece and numerous
Illustrations. 18mo. Cloth extra, gilt edges, 2_s._ 6_d._

Pleasant Talk about Fruits, Flowers, and Farming. By Henry Ward
Beecher, Author of “Life Thoughts.” In ornamental cloth, price 2_s._
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  Transcriber’s Notes

  pg 25 Changed: a fruitful subject of remonstrancce
             to: a fruitful subject of remonstrance

  pg 38 Changed: had some five hunded
             to: had some five hundred



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