Domestic life in New England in the seventeenth century
Date: 2025-05-11T00:00:00+00:00

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Domestic life in New England in the seventeenth century

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Domestic life in New England in the seventeenth century

Author: George Francis Dow

Release date: May 11, 2025 [eBook #76065]

Language: English

Original publication: Topsfield, Massachusetts: The Perkins Press, 1925

Credits: Steve Mattern and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOMESTIC LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ***

DOMESTIC LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND

IN THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

PARSON CAPEN HOUSE, TOPSFIELD

Built in 1683

Domestic Life
in
NEW ENGLAND
in the
Seventeenth Century

A Discourse

Delivered in the Lecture Hall of the

Metropolitan Museum of Art in New

York City, it being one of a

Series designed to mark
the Opening of the

American Wing

By GEORGE FRANCIS DOW

TOPSFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS: Printed
for the Author at The Perkins Press,
just off the Main Street, 1925.

COPYRIGHT, 1925, GEORGE FRANCIS DOW

FIVE HUNDRED COPIES PRINTED

THE PREFACE

The publication of the following paper in its present form, became possible when the Trustees of the Metropolitan Museum of Art found it necessary to abandon their intention to publish a volume containing the lectures given on the occasion of the opening of the American Wing. The other lectures delivered in the course were devoted to the architecture and arts of New England during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and it therefore seemed fitting that some account of the domestic life of the period should also have a presentation. Within the limitations of time and space it was only possible to touch lightly upon so far-reaching a subject and the reader will soon discover that the following pages may be somewhat over-loaded with facts gleaned from original records. It also should be borne in mind that the public records that have come down to us preserve a chronicle of the offences of the day and generation while the uneventful lives of the honest and the just frequently rest in oblivion.

The evil that men do lives after them
The good is oft interred with their bones.

Nevertheless, there were fully as many sinners as saints living within the control of the Puritan autocracy in the Massachusetts Bay and it is to be hoped that the contemporaneous data here presented may aid in bringing about a readjustment of values in the mind of some reader.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Parson Capen House, Topsfield | Frontispiece
Front Door of Capen House | 2
Front Entry and Stairs of Capen House | 4
Overhang of the Capen House | 6
Parlor of the Capen House | 8
John Ward House, Salem | 12
Parlor of Ward House | 16
Kitchen of Ward House | 20
Dresser in Kitchen of Ward House | 24
Wellcurb and Sweep, Ward House | 28

DOMESTIC LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND IN
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

To picture the life in the homes of the colonists in the years immediately following the settlement would require many screens. Then as now life had its contrasts and utmost poverty existed but shortly removed from comparative wealth. In 1657 an apprentice to a stone-mason in the town of Newbury, Massachusetts, testified that it was a long while before “he could eate his master’s food, viz. meate and milk, or drink beer, saying that he did not know that it was good, because he was not used to eat such victualls, but to eate bread and water porridge and to drink water.”[1] A few miles away, in the town of Ipswich, lived Madam Rebecka Symonds, writing in her sixtieth year to her son in London to send her a fashionable “lawn whiske,” for her neckwear. In due time he replied that the “fashionable Lawn whiske is not now worn, either by Gentil or simple, young or old. Instead where of I have bought a shape and ruffles, which is now the ware of the gravest as well as the young ones. Such as goe not with naked necks ware a black wifle over it. Therefore, I have not only Bought a plaine one y’t you sent for, but also a Luster one, such as are most in fashion.” The dutiful son also purchased for his mother’s wear a feather fan; but he writes, to her “I should also have found in my heart, to have let it alone, because none but very grave persons (and of them very few) use it. Now ’tis grown almost as obsolete as Russets, and more rare to be seen than a yellow Hood.” When the feather fan reached Ipswich it was found to have a silver handle and with it came “two tortois fans, 200 needles, 5 yds. sky calico, silver gimp, a black sarindin cloak, damson leather skin, two women’s Ivorie Knives, etc.”[2]

Fine clothing surrounded itself with fine furnishings, according to the standards of the period, and as the wealth of the Colonies increased with the successful exportation of fish, lumber, beaver, and peltry, it supplied them with all kinds of luxuries and refinements to be found in the shops of London, Plymouth, or Bristol. The ships were crossing frequently and the Colonies kept pace with the mother country much as the country follows the city at the present time. All the while, however, primitive living and also poverty existed everywhere. The inventories of numerous estates show meagre household furnishings, and many families of eight or more persons lived in houses only eighteen by twenty-four feet in size, possibly with a shed attached. Alexander Knight, a pauper in a Massachusetts town, was provided in 1659 with a one-story house sixteen feet long and twelve feet wide having a thatched roof and costing only £6 to build, which no doubt was typical of the simple dwellings occupied by the poorer colonists in the early days following the settlement.

When Governor Winthrop arrived at Charlestown in 1630 with the first great emigration he found a house or two and several wigwams—rude shelters patterned after the huts built by the Indians—and until houses could be erected in Boston many lived in tents and wigwams, “their meeting-place being abroad under a Tree.” Deacon Bartholomew Green, the printer of the Boston News-Letter, related that when his father arrived at Boston in 1630, “for lack of housing he was vain to find shelter at night in an empty cask,” and during the following winter many of the poorer sort still continued to live in tents through lack of better housing.

PARSON CAPEN HOUSE, TOPSFIELD

Front Door

There is a wide-spread misconception that the colonists on reaching New England proceeded immediately to build log houses in which to live. Historians have described these log houses as chinked with moss and clay and as having earth floors, precisely the type of house built on the frontier and in the logging camps at a much later period. A well-known picture of Leyden street, at Plymouth, shows a double row of log houses reaching up the hillside, which the Pilgrims are supposed to have constructed. In point of fact, no contemporary evidence has been found that supports the present-day theory. The early accounts of what took place in the days following the settlements along the coast are full of interesting details relating to day-by-day happenings but nowhere do we find allusion to a log house such as modern historians assume existed at that time.[3]

What happened at the Plymouth Colony after the Mayflower came to anchor? The wind blew very hard for two days and the next day, Saturday, December 23, 1620, as many as could went ashore: “felled and carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for building,” and the following Monday “we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry; so no man rested all that day.”[4] Bradford writes “that they builte a forte with good timber” which Isaac de Rasieres described in 1627 as “a large square house, made of thick sawn planks, stayed with oak beams.” The oldest existing houses in the Plymouth Colony are built in the same manner and some half dozen or more seventeenth-century plank houses may yet be seen north of Boston. Moreover, when the ship Fortune sailed from Plymouth in the summer of 1621 part of her lading consisted of “clapboards and wainscott,” showing clearly that the colonists soon after landing had dug saw pits and produced boards in quantity suitable for the construction of houses and for exportation.

In the summer of 1623 Bradford mentions the “building of great houses in pleasant situations” and when a fire broke out in November of the following year it began in “a shed yt was joyned to ye end of ye storehouse, which was wattled up with bowes.” It will be seen that this shed was not crudely built of logs or slabs but that its walls were wattled and perhaps also daubed with clay, in precisely the same manner with which these colonists were familiar in their former homes across the sea. An original outer wall in the old Fairbanks house at Dedham, Massachusetts, still has its “wattle and daub” constructed in 1637. What can be more natural and humanly probable than to find English housewrights who had learned their trade overseas, building houses and outbuildings on this side of the Atlantic in the same manner they had been taught through a long apprenticeship in their former homes? Can we of today assume that they, upon the spur of the moment, invented a new type of building—a log house—a construction they had never seen in England—a building also unknown to the Indians?

The houses of the Indians were “verie little and homely, being made with small Poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the tops, and on the side they are matted with Boughes and covered with Sedge and old mats.”[5] These were called “wigwams” and as they were easily constructed and the materials were readily at hand many of the poorer colonists built for themselves imitations of these rude huts of the Indians. Governor Winthrop records in his “Journal,” in September, 1630, that one Fitch of Watertown had his wigwam burnt down with all his goods, and two months later John Firman, also of Watertown, lost his wigwam by fire.

PARSON CAPEN HOUSE, TOPSFIELD

Front entry and stairs

Thomas Dudley writing to the Countess of Lincoln, in March, 1631, relates: “Wee have ordered that noe man shall build his chimney with wood nor cover his house with thatch, which was readily assented unto, for that divers houses have been burned since our arrival (the fire always beginning in the wooden chimneys) and some English wigwams which have taken fire in the roofes with thatch or boughs.”[6] It was Dudley who was taken to task by the Governor in May, 1632, “for bestowing so much cost on wainscotting his house and otherwise adorning it,” as it was not a good example for others in the beginning of a plantation. Dudley replied that he had done it for warmth and that it was but clapboards nailed to the walls. A few months later this house caught fire “the hearth of the Hall chimney burning all night upon the principal beam.”

The frequent references to the English wigwam seem to indicate that some such temporary construction was usual among many of the colonists at the outset. Settlers were living at Salem as early as 1626 and Endecott, with a considerable immigration, arrived in 1628. Marblehead, just across the harbor, was settled early and yet when John Goyt came there in 1637, he “first built a wigwam and lived thar till he got a house.”[7] The rude buildings also put up by the planters at Salem must have been looked upon at the time as temporary structures for they had all disappeared before 1661.[8] The town clerk of Woburn, Massachusetts, writing in 1652, mentions the rude shelters of the first settlers “which kept off the short showers from their lodgings, but the long rains penetrated through, to their grate disturbance in the night season: yet, in these poor wigwams, they sing Psalms, pray and praise their God, till they can provide them homes, which ordinarily was not wont to be with many till the Earth, by the Lord’s blessing, brought forth bread to feed them, their wives and little ones.”[9]

“Before you come,” wrote Rev. Francis Higginson, the first minister at Salem, “be careful to be strongly instructed what things are fittest to bring with you for your more comfortable passage at sea, as also for your husbandry occasions when you come to the land. For when you are once parted with England you shall meete neither markets nor fayres to buy what you want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with things fitting to be had before you come: as meale for bread, malt for drinke, woolen and linnen cloath, and leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters tools, and a great deale of iron and steele to make nails, and locks for houses, and furniture for ploughs and carts, and glasse for windows, and many other things which were better for you to think of there than to want them here.”[10] Elsewhere the good pastor set down “A catalogue of such needfull things as every Planter doth or ought to provide to go to New England” in which he enumerated the necessary victuals per person for the first year, viz:

“8 Bushels of meale, 2 Bushels of pease, 2 Bushels of Otemeale, 1 Gallon of Aquavitae, 1 Gallon of Oyle, 2 Gallons of Vinegar, 1 Firkin of Butter; also Cheese, Bacon, Sugar, Pepper, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Nutmegs and Fruit.”

The household implements listed were:—“1 Iron pot, 1 Kettel, 1 Frying pan, 1 Gridiron, 2 Skellets, 1 Spit, Wooden Platters, Dishes, Spoons and Trenchers.”

Clothing, arms, and tools of all kinds of course must be taken and the natural resources of New England and the fruits of their husbandry and of the sea were expected to supply the rest of those things necessary to life and comfort. Those who settled along the shore line north of Boston found much “fat blacke earth” that yielded bountiful crops. The soil to the southward of Boston Bay was lighter and less productive, but the valley of the Connecticut was found to be of unsurpassed richness.

PARSON CAPEN HOUSE, TOPSFIELD

Overhang and one of the “drops”

Pastor Higginson wrote enthusiastically of the natural abundance of the grass that “groweth verie wildly with a great stalke” as high as a man’s face and as for Indian corn—the planting of thirteen gallons of seed had produced an increase of fifty-two hogsheads or three hundred and fifty bushels, London measure, to be sold or trusted to the Indians in exchange for beaver worth above £300. Who would not share the hardships and dangers of the frontier colony for opportunity of such rich gain?

But the housewives in the far-away English homes were more interested in the growth of the vegetable gardens in the virgin soil, and of these he wrote: “Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter than is ordinary to be found in England. Here are stores of pumpions, cucumbers, and other things of that nature I know not. Plentie of strawberries in their time, and penny-royall, winter saverie, carvell and water-cresses, also leeks and onions are ordinary.” Great lobsters abounded weighing from sixteen to twenty-five pounds and much store of bass, herring, sturgeon, haddock, eels, and oysters. In the forests were several kinds of deer; also partridges, turkeys, and great flocks of pigeons, with wild geese, ducks, and other sea fowl in such abundance “that a great part of the Planters have eaten nothing but roast-meate of divers Fowles which they have killed.”

These were some of the attractive natural features of the new colony in the Massachusetts Bay, as recounted by the Salem minister. Of the hardships he makes small mention, for his aim was to induce emigration. There was much sickness, however, and many deaths. Higginson himself lived only a year after reaching Salem. The breaking up of virgin soil always brings on malaria and fever. Dudley wrote “that there is not an house where there is not one dead, and in some houses many. The naturall causes seem to bee in the want of warm lodgings, and good dyet to which Englishmen are habittuated, at home; and in the suddain increase of heate which they endure that are landed here in somer * * * those of Plymouth who landed in winter dyed of the Scirvy, as did our poorer sort whose howses and bedding kept them not sufficiently warm, nor their dyet sufficiently in heart.”[11] Thomas Dudley wrote this in March, 1631. He explained that he was writing upon his knee by the fireside in the living-room, having as yet no table nor other room in which to write during the sharp winter. In this room his family must resort “though they break good manners, and make mee many times forget what I would say, and say what I would not.”

But these hardships and inconveniences of living which the New England colonists met and overcame differ but little from those experienced in every new settlement. They have been parallelled again and again wherever Englishmen or Americans have wandered. In a few years after the coming of the ships much of the rawness and discomfort must have disappeared, certainly in the early settlements, and comparative comfort must have existed in most homes. If we could now lift the roof of the average seventeenth-century house in New England it is certain that we should find disclosed not only comfortable conditions of living but in many instances a degree of luxury with fine furnishings that is appreciated by few at the present time. And this can now be shown by means of the itemized inventories of estates that were carefully made, listing the contents of a house, room by room, and enabling us to visualize the interiors of the homes in which lived the pioneers of New England.

PARSON CAPEN HOUSE, TOPSFIELD

The Parlor

Among the early settlements made in the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay was one at Agawam, now the town of Ipswich. The news had reached Boston that the French were pushing their settlements westward along the coast, bringing with them “divers priests and Jesuits,” which so alarmed the Governor and Council that it was decided to forestall the French and hasten the planting of new towns north of Boston. The first move was to send the Governor’s son John, with twelve others, to establish themselves at Agawam. There were no roads and so they sailed along the coast in a shallop and took possession of the town site in March, 1633. Their families and other settlers soon followed and the increase of population was such that in August, 1634, the Court of Assistants decreed that the place be called Ipswich, after old Ipswich in England, “in acknowledgment of the great honor and kindness done to our people, who took shipping there.”

Three months later, in November, 1634, one John Dillingham arrived in Ipswich and the selectmen granted him six acres of land on which to build a house. He was from Leicestershire and with his wife and daughter had come over in the fleet with Winthrop in 1630, and remained in Boston until he removed to Ipswich. Life in the frontier settlement was too severe for him and he died during the next winter. On July 14, 1636, his widow, Sarah, made her “last will and testament” being in “perfect memory though my body be weake & sick” and a few days later she too was dead, leaving her orphaned daughter to be cared for by Richard Saltonstall and John Appleton, under the direction of the Quarterly Court. And this was not at all difficult for John Dillingham had left a “goodly estate,” for the times. This Dillingham home has been selected for analysis because it is one of the earliest estates in the Colony of which we have exact and detailed information, a number of documents relating to it having been preserved among the miscellaneous papers in the Massachusetts State Archives.[12] Moreover, it shows the furnishings and equipment of a settler living in a town of only two years growth from the wilderness.

The Dillingham homestead consisted of a house of two rooms and outbuildings with thirty acres of upland, sixty acres of meadow, i. e., grass land, and six acres of planting ground near the house, of which four acres were planted with corn. Apple trees and other fruits were fenced off in the garden. For livestock there was a mare, three cows, two steers, two heifers, four calves, and four pigs. There was an indentured servant, Thomas Downs, to help cultivate the land and care for the stock, and a maid, Ann Towle, who not only helped with the housework but also worked in the fields. “She hath been a faithful servant,” wrote Richard Saltonstall, executor of the estate, “and though she was discharged by her mistress a little before her time was out, yet it may be borne by the estate, considering her diligence.” Ann had come over in the ship Susan and Ellen, which arrived in April, 1635. Her passage cost £5.

The Dillinghams occupied a good social position in the youthful settlement but their two-room house did not contain any really fine furniture. The parlor was also used as a bedroom, a practice which was common everywhere in the seventeenth century. It had two bedsteads valued at £1. 6. 8.; a cupboard, 10s.; a sea chest, 10s.; two “joyned Chaires,” 5s.; a round table, 7s.; a deske, 4s.; and a band box, 2s. There was also a large nest of boxes valued £2. and a small nest of boxes worth only three shillings. The feather beds, boulsters, and pillows on each bed were valued at about twice as much as a bedstead and the coverlets averaged about £1. a piece. There were flaxen sheets for Mrs. Dillingham’s bed and coarse sheets for the beds of the maid and the indentured servant. A warming-pan bears silent testimony to the cold of the winter season. Another bedstead valued at only three shillings may have been in the garret and occupied by Ann Towle, the maid. A chest stood in the kitchen—more generally spoken of at that time as “the hall,” in accordance with the English usage—and two boxes, probably used for storage and also for seats. That was all the furniture listed in the kitchen that was considered of any value. The tables, stools, benches, shelving, or other furnishings seemingly necessary to housekeeping at that time either did not exist or were so crude in construction as to have little or no value in estimating the estate. We find five cushions, however, valued at fifteen shillings.

Mrs. Dillingham died possessed of a few really fine furnishings—possibly treasured ancestral pieces—for she bequeathed a silver bowl to the wife of Richard Saltonstall, and to the wife of John Appleton she gave a silver porringer. It would be extremely interesting today to know what has become of these two pieces of Colonial silver. No other silver is mentioned but on shelving in the kitchen rested 40-1/2 pounds of pewter valued at £2. 14. 0. As a pewter plate of the time weighs nearly two pounds and a platter much more the supply of pewter for the table was not large. Wooden plates, trenchers, and bowls are not mentioned, but there were twenty-five pewter saucers, six porringers, seven spoons, and five shillings worth of knives. As for table forks, they were practically unknown in the Colony at that time. Governor Winthrop brought over a fork in 1630, carefully preserved in a case, which is supposed to be the first and only table fork in the Colony in the earliest days of the settlements. Knives, spoons, and fingers, with plenty of napery, met the demands of table manners in the seventeenth century.

The large fireplace in the kitchen had its usual equipment of pothooks, fire shovel and tongs, gridiron, trivet, and bellows, and beside it was an old dark lantern valued at only two shillings. There were iron pots, kettles, skillets and ladles; a brass pot and a mortar. There was a frying-pan with a hole in it and in a box were kept “bullets, hinges and other smale things.” Two beer vessels were listed; a case of bottles, two jugs, three pans, a tray, and two baskets. Such was the simple equipment of the Dillingham kitchen. There were plenty of table-cloths and napkins but no curtains at any of the windows. If a broom were used it probably was made of birch twigs bound together around a long handle. Candlesticks do not appear in the inventory and the only store of food mentioned (aside from twenty-one new cheeses valued at £2. 16. 0.) was seven bushels of rye, two firkins and a half of butter, a half bushel of malt, six pounds of raisins, and some spice. Our ancestors had a highly developed appreciation of the value of condiments. In a Salem inventory at a somewhat later date appear salt, pepper, ginger, cloves, mace, cinnamon, nutmegs, and allspice.

Mrs. Dillingham’s wearing apparel unfortunately is not listed item by item, but given a total value of £5. 8. 4. Her linen amounted to an almost equal sum. Some of her deceased husband’s clothing is included in the inventory, such as a coat with silver buttons, a red waistcoat, a suit of serge and a black suit of serge unmade, a jacket of cloth, and an old suit and cloak. Little Sara Dillingham, the orphaned child, when sent to school to goodwife Symonds was supplied with “a stuffe petticoat & waskote” and four “shifts with shewes”; also a gown that cost £2. 10s. Perhaps after a time she may have been able to read and fully appreciate the books formerly in her loving father’s chest. They were:—“Perkins works in 3 volumes, Seaven Treatises bound in 2 volumes, the Spowse Royall, the bruised reade, & a little new testiment.”

By way of contrast let us glance at the inventory of the possessions of William Googe of Lynn, who died in 1646, ten years after Mrs. Dillingham had willed that her body be “decently buyried” and her child “religiously educated if God give it life.” Googe left a house and twelve acres of land and the total value of his possessions amounted to but £28. 11. 7, with debts of £4. 9. 7. He left a widow and three small children, and though dying in very lowly circumstances he may have known better times, for John Mascoll, the servant of Mr. Googe of Lynn, was fined in 1643, for neglecting the watch. The title of honor, “Mr.,” was used but sparingly in those early days and usually indicated a degree of social standing in the community.

JOHN WARD HOUSE, SALEM

Built in 1684; showing overhanging second story, gable windows and casement sash

Googe had been a soldier, for among his personal belongings at death were a sword and belt, a musket and bandoleers, and also gunpowder. One cow and four hogs comprised his entire livestock, and five bushels of wheat, ten bushels of Indian corn, and flax in the bundle lay in the garret of his house, which was frugally furnished with a chest, a chair, an old chair, a stool, and a trunk. The family probably slept on pallet beds made up on the floor, for bedding is listed but no bedsteads. They had a frying pan, a gridiron, a skillet, a posnet, an earthen pot, six spoons, and the following wooden ware, viz: “3 wood trayes & 3 wood boules & 3 wood dishes, 1s. 9d.; one runlitt, 1s.; paieles & tubs, 3s.” Two bags valued at two shillings bring to a close the list of the earthly possessions of William Googe of Lynn. When the inventory was brought into court it very properly gave the goods to the widow “for the bringing up of her three small children.” So reads the record.

Doubtless there were many families in the Colony little better conditioned, judging from the relatively small number of estates settled through the courts when compared with the deaths and estimated population.

Googe’s house and twelve acres of land were valued at only £8. This must have been a very simple, thatch-roofed house of not more than two rooms, comparable with the outlying farmhouse of Jacob Perkins that was burned in Ipswich in 1668. And thereby hangs a tale. Master Perkins and his wife had gone to town one summer afternoon leaving the house in charge of Mehitable Brabrooke, a sixteen-year-old serving maid. We will let the ancient document in the court files relate what happened.

“About 2 or 3 aclocke in the afternoone she was taking tobacco in a pipe and went out of the house with her pipe and gott upon the oven on the outside & backside of the house (to looke if there were any hogs in the corne) and she layed her right hand upon the thatch of the house (to stay herselfe) and with her left hand knocked out her pipe over her right arme upon the thatch on the eaves of the house (not thinking there had been any fire in the pipe) and imediately went downe into the corne feild to drive out the hogs she saw in it, and as she was going toward the railes of the feild ... she looked back, and saw a smoke upon her Mistress’ house in the place where she had knocked out her pipe at which shee was much frighted.”[13]

The wife of a neighbor came running to the assistance of Mehitable and afterwards testified that when she reached the house she looked into both fireplaces and saw no appearance of fire, only a few brands nearly dead under a great kettle hanging in the chimney. She also looked up into the chamber through the floor boards that lay very open on the side where the smoke was.

Could photographs more vividly picture the scene? The thatch-roofed farmhouse had two rooms on the ground floor and a chimney with two fireplaces. An oven was built on the backside probably having an opening inside the kitchen fireplace in the usual manner. The house was of but one story judging from the low roof that the maid was able to reach when standing on the oven, and the floor of the chamber in the loft had wide cracks between the boards so that it was possible to look through from below and see the under side of the roof. In similar homes lived many a family in the early days in comparative comfort.

As for the careless Mehitable, she was brought before the Quarterly Court on suspicion of wilfully setting the house on fire; a serious offence, which as late as 1821, was the cause of the execution in Salem of a sixteen-year-old boy. Among those who deposed at her trial was a young man who said that as he and she were going into the meadow, before the fire, to make hay, she told him that her mistress was angry with her, but she had “fitted her now” for she had put a great toad into her kettle of milk. As it turned out the Court ordered Mehitable to be severely whipped and to pay £40 damages to her master Jacob Perkins. It now seems incredible that a serving maid of 1668 could ever get together so large a sum of money.

The settlers in the New England Colonies, unless persons of wealth or possessed of large families, during the early years lived generally in houses having but one room and an entry-way on the ground floor. Above would be a chamber—sometimes only a garret. As the family increased in size and became more prosperous another room would be added to the house on the other side of the entry and chimney, making the structure a so-called two-room house. Still later, with the need for more room, a leanto would be built on the back of the house, thereby supplying three additional rooms on the ground floor with a kitchen in the middle. The earlier kitchen would then become a living-room or “sitting room”—in the New England phrase. This earlier kitchen was usually called “the hall” during the seventeenth century and in it centered the life of the family. It was the room where the food was cooked and eaten. There the family sat and there the indoor work was carried on. A loom sometimes occupied considerable space near a window and frequently a bed was made up in a corner, on which the father of the family slept, and there sometimes also he died.

The principal feature of this common room was its huge fireplace in which hung pots and kettles suspended by means of pot chains and trammels from the hardwood trammel-bar or lug-pole that rested on wooden cross bars and so bisected the wide flue in the chimney. These large fireplaces in the early days were sometimes called “chimneys” in the vernacular of the time. They were generally as wide as eight feet and a ten foot opening is not unknown.

This cavernous opening was spanned by a wooden lintel—a stick of timber sometimes sixteen inches or more square, and when exposed to a roaring fire, piled high with logs, this became an element of danger, the charring wood smoldering all night and setting fire to the house. The trammel-bar in the flue also caught fire not infrequently and gave way, allowing the pots and kettles to fall to the hearth, bringing disaster to the dinner or to the curdling milk and sometimes to those seated near. A trammel stick in the house of Captain Denney gave way from this cause and a large kettle filled with wort[14] fell down and spilt the boiling liquid over four of his children who were sitting or lying on the hearth, some of them asleep, “which scalded them in so terrible a manner, that one died presently after, and another’s life is dispaired of” continues the record.

“Here is good living for those who love good fires,” wrote Higginson in his “New-Englands Plantation,” and under the spell of the glowing flames, the bare, whitewashed walls, the brown timbers and floor boards of the ceiling, the dress of pewter, and the simple furnishings of the room, enriched by the shadows, became a place full of cheer—a place where privation and homesickness might be forgotten in the glow of the bright firelight. On cold nights the short bench inside the fireplace was a chosen place and the settle, a long seat made of boards with a high back to keep off the draft, was drawn before the fire and here sat the older members of the family.

The larger kettles hanging in the fireplace, were of brass and copper and some of them were of prodigious size. Hot water was always to be had and these kettles also served for the daily cooking, the cheese-making, soap-boiling, and candle-dipping.

Much of the food of the average New Englander until comparatively recent times consisted of corn-meal, boiled meats and vegetables and stews. Every well-equipped household had its spits for roasting and many had gridirons, but the usual diet of the average family was “hasty pudding,”—cornmeal mush and milk—varied by boiled meat or fish served in the center of a large pewter platter and surrounded by boiled vegetables. Baked beans and stewed beans appeared on the table several times every week in the year. Indian bannock, made by mixing corn meal with water and spreading it an inch thick on a small board placed at an incline before the fire and so baked, was a common form of bread. When mixed with rye meal it became brown bread and was baked in the brick oven with the beans and peas.

JOHN WARD HOUSE, SALEM

The Parlor

The brick oven was a feature of every chimney. Sometimes in early days it was built partly outside the house but so far as known the opening was always in the kitchen fireplace. To reach it the housewife must stoop below the oaken lintel and stand inside the fireplace, taking care that her woolen skirts did not come near the flames. To heat it for a baking, a fire was built inside, usually with specially prepared pine or birch wood that had been split and seasoned out of doors for a short time and then housed. The oven was hot enough when the black was burned off the top and the inside had become a uniform light color. The fire and ashes were then taken out by means of a peel—a long-handled, flat-bladed shovel made for the purpose—and when dusted out with a broom made of hemlock twigs it was ready for the brown bread, beans, peas, Indian pudding, pies, and rye drop cakes which were made with rye meal, eggs and milk and baked directly on the bricks in the bottom of the oven. Potatoes and eggs were roasted in the ashes of the fireplace.

Between the years of 1635 and 1655, court records and inventories of estates in the Massachusetts Bay Colony mention the following articles of food:

Bacon, beef, butter, cheese, eggs, fowls, lamb, milk, mutton, pork, suet, veal, wild game, and cod, herring, mackerel, salmon and sturgeon.

Barley, beans, Indian beans, bran, cabbages, carrots, chaff, corn, English corn, Indian corn, hops, Indian meal, rye meal, oatmeal, oats, parsnips, pease, pumpions, rye, squashes, turnips and wheat.

Apples, berries, fruit, honey, raisins, sugar and vinegar.

Biscuit, blewlman, bread, cake, malt, salad oil, porridge, rye malt, yeast, salt and many kinds of spices.

Much of this food was raised on the farm and nearly every family had its garden. Such articles of food as were imported were usually obtained at the shops in the larger towns by barter, as money was scarce. In 1651, a farmer from the frontier town of Andover came through the woods to Salem in his cart bringing twelve bushels of rye. He stopped at a shop owned by George Corwin and from the daybook kept at the time and still carefully preserved, we learn that among other necessaries he carried home sugar for the goodwife and for the children—a doll and a bird whistle.

In the early years domestic animals were too valuable to be killed for meat but game was plentiful and was roasted by being trussed on iron spits resting on curved brackets on the backs of the andirons. This, of course, required constant turning to expose the roast on all sides in order to cook it evenly—a task frequently delegated to a child. A skillet would be placed beneath to catch the drippings. Sometimes a bird was suspended before the fire by a twisted cord that would slowly unwind and partly wind again, requiring some one in frequent attendance to twist the cord. Families of wealth possessed a “jack” to turn the spit. This was a mechanism fastened over the fireplace and connected with the spit by means of a pulley and cord. A heavy weight suspended by a cord which slowly unwound, supplied the power that turned the spit.

At night, on going to bed, the fire was carefully covered with ashes in order to keep it for the next day. This was called “raking up the fire.” If through poor judgment the fire didn’t keep some one would go to a near neighbor to borrow coals, or if this was inconvenient, resort was then had to the tinder box. Tinder was made by charring linen or cotton rags and the tinder box was kept in the niche on the inside of the fireplace, made by leaving out a couple of bricks.

In “the hall,” usually upon open shelves, but sometimes upon a dresser, was displayed the pride of the housewife,—the dress of pewter and lattin ware. “China dishes,” imported by the East India Company or made in Holland, were used sparingly during the early years of the colonies. There was much earthenware and stoneware bottles and jugs, but it was woodenware and pewter that were commonly used. When Lionel Chute died in 1645 he bequeathed his silver spoon to his son James.[15] It was the only piece of silver in the house. Of pewter he died possessed of fourteen dishes “small and great,” eleven pewter salts, saucers and porringers, two pewter candlesticks and a pewter bottle. The widow Rebecca Bacon who died in Salem in 1655, left an estate of £195. 8. 6., which included a well-furnished house. She had brass pots, skillets, candlesticks, skimmers, a little brass pan, and an excellent supply of pewter including “3 large pewter platters, 3 a size lesse, 3 more a size lesse, 3 more a size lesse,” having a total value of £1. 16. She also had a pewter basin, six large pewter plates, and six lesser, nineteen pewter saucers, two fruit dishes, an old basin and a great plate, two candlesticks, one large salt and a small one, two porringers, a great flagon, one lesser, one quart, two pints and a half pint; and an old porringer. She also left “1 silver duble salt, 6 silver spoones, wine cup & a dram cup of silver.”

Giles Badger of Newbury left to his young widow, a glass bowl, beaker, and jug valued at three shillings; three silver spoons valued at £1, and a good assortment of pewter, including “a salt seller, a tunell and a great dowruff.” The household was also furnished with six wooden dishes and two wooden platters. In other inventories appear unusual items such as a pewter brim basin, pewter cullenders, pewter beer cups, pans, and mustard pots. Pewter tankards were common. There were new and old fashioned candlesticks. Pewter salts came in three sizes and the saucers were both small and large. In 1693, best London pewter plates cost the Boston shopkeepers 9-1/2 pence per pound in quantity.

The seventeenth century “hall” must have had little spare room for its daily occupants, for in addition to its table and chairs, its settle, stools and wash bench, the long ago inventories disclose such chattels as powdering tubs in which the salted meats were kept, the churn, barrels containing a great variety of things, keelers and buckets, bucking tubs for washing, and the various implements used in spinning and weaving, washing and ironing, cooking and brewing, and the making of butter and cheese. In the chimney hung hams and bacon and suspended from the ceiling were strings of dried apples and hands of seed corn.

It is claimed by some that the floors were sanded. That certainly was true at a later period but there are strong elements of doubt as to the prevalence of this custom during the seventeenth century. Sand, however, was used freely with home-made soft soap, to scrub the floors which were always kept white and clean, and whenever an early house is restored or taken down sand is always found, sometimes in considerable quantity, where it has sifted down through the cracks between the floor boards. The downstairs rooms had double floors but the chamber floors were made of one thickness of boards with here and there a knothole and frequently with cracks between the boards through which the dust and dirt from above must have sifted down upon the heads of those seated at dinner or engaged in their daily tasks in the rooms below. Not only does the structural evidence show this to be true but a number of instances occur among the papers in Court files, where witnesses have deposed as to what they had seen and heard through the cracks in chamber floors. A grandson of Governor Endecott once fell a victim of two gossiping sixteen-year old girls who had spent some time on their knees peeping through the cracks in a chamber floor. Capt. Richard More, the last survivor of the company on the “Mayflower,” late in life kept a tavern in Salem. He was spied upon in this manner and eventually brought before the justices of the Quarterly Court to answer for his evasion of the law set forth and maintained at that time.

JOHN WARD HOUSE, SALEM

The kitchen showing roasting jack, settle, birch broom, hands of seed corn, etc.

The parlor, called “the foreroom” at a later time, was the room where guests of station were received. The best bed hung with curtains and valance and covered with a rug, stood in a corner. In those days rugs were not used on floors but as bed furnishings. Even the baby’s cradle had its rug. Carpets, likewise, were too fine for wooden floors and were used as table covers. Of bedsteads there were many kinds,—high and low, canopy, close, corded, half-headed, joined, side, standing, inlaid, and wainscott, and slipped under the higher bedsteads during the daytime, were trundle or “truckle” beds in which the children slept at night. Lionel Chute, the schoolmaster, had an “old darnkell coverlet” on his bed while some of his neighbors possessed branched and embroidered coverlets and several had coverlets made of tapestry.

Among the better families the parlor and chamber windows had curtains hung from rods. In the parlor stood one or more chests in which were stored the family clothing and bedding, for closets did not exist in the seventeenth century house. There were great chests and small chests, long boarded and great boarded chests, chests with a drawer, carved chests, wainscot chests, trunks, and boxes. A few stools and chairs, a looking glass, a small table, and perhaps a cupboard completed the furnishings of the well-supplied parlor. In Capt. George Corwin’s best room there were chairs with leather bottoms and straw bottoms, a clock valued at £2, a screen having five leaves, a napkin press, and a “Scriture or Spice box.” White calico curtains hung at his chamber windows and the maid had a “Calico Cuberd cloth” in her room. Parlor walls were whitewashed and bare of ornament. The first families owned a portrait or two in oils and here and there a map in unglazed frame decorated a wall. The Puritan character did not warm to the fine arts and austere living was the aim if not always the achievement of the time.

The chambers in the second story must have been curiously furnished rooms, containing a huddle of stores of all descriptions. Henry Short, the town clerk of Newbury, died in 1673 leaving a goodly estate valued at nearly £2000.[16] He owned a negro slave and his house was large and well furnished. There was an old parlor and a new parlor containing beds, chests, chairs, trunks, and boxes. In the chamber over the new parlor there was a good feather-bed and bed clothing but no bedstead. Wool and yarn were stored in this room together with boxes, tubs, some feathers, and miscellaneous “lumber”—the phrase of the period for odds and ends. The chamber over the kitchen, a comfortable room of course, in winter, had its bed and bedding, also “5 hogsheds, 6 barrels, 5 Iron hoopes, a pair of stock-cards, meale trough & other lumber, a parcell of old Iron, a pike, a bed cord & other cordage.” Small wonder in such a clutter that the rooms frequently had other tenantry than the human occupants.

When Jasper Dankers arrived in Boston in 1680, the captain of the packet took him to his sister’s house where he lodged. “We were taken to a fine large chamber,” he writes, “but we were hardly in bed before we were shockingly bitten. I did not know the cause, but was not able to sleep.... My comrade who was very sleepy, fell asleep at first. He tumbled about very much; but I did not sleep any the whole night. In the morning we saw how it was, and were astonished we should find such a room with such a lady.”[17]

With the present wide-spread belief in Puritan austerity of character, there is associated a conception of a simplicity of dress and manners. But the channels of information by which present day beliefs have been shaped usually have been ecclesiastical, and bias and convenient forgetfulness have been factors in outlining the composition of the picture. Human nature and human frailities were much the same in the seventeenth century as at the present time. In point of fact, our New England ancestors when viewed as a body, are found to have had standards of living far below those of today. The common speech was gross in the extreme. Crowded living led to familiarity. There was more drunkenness, profanity, loose living and petty crime in proportion to the population than at the present time, and by no means did every one go to meeting on Sunday. The ministers controlled the lawmaking body and sumptuary laws were enacted which are enlightening. Because of “newe and immodest fashions” the wearing of silver, gold and silk laces, girdles and hat bands was prohibited. It was the fashion at that time to slash the sleeves so that a fabric of another color worn beneath would show in an ornamental manner through the slash. The ministers decreed that neither man nor woman should wear clothing with more than one slash on each sleeve and another on the back. “Cuttworks, inbroidered or needle worke capps, bands & rayles,” were forbidden.[18] Ruffs and beaver hats were prohibited, as was long hair. Binding or small edging laces might be used, but the making or selling of bone lace was penalized at the rate of five shillings per yard.

But this didn’t change human nature and although from time to time offenders were taken into court and punished, the wearing of fine clothing fashioned after the London mode continued and a few years later the ministers tried their hand again. Any kind of lace was anathema and “no garment shalbee made with short sleeves, whereby the nakedness of the arme may bee discovered.” On the other hand, large sleeves were forbidden, so the maids and goodwives of the time must have been somewhat at a loss to know how lawfully to fashion their clothes.

The minister at Ipswich grew so ill-tempered over the ungodly state of the women in his town that he vented his spleen as follows:—“When I hear a nugiperous Gentledame inquire what dress the Queen is in this week, what the nudius tertian of the Court, I look at her as the very gizzard of a trifle, the product of a quarter of a cypher, the epitome of nothing, fitter to be kickt, if she were of a kickable substance than either honoured or humoured.”[19]

The minister in the adjoining town, Rowley, actually cut off his nephew from his inheritance because he wore his hair long in the prevailing fashion. Later in the century the offense of wearing long hair was forgotten in the unspeakable sin of wearing wigs. The Great and General Court again took a hand and in 1675 condemned “the practise of men’s wearing their own or other’s hair made into periwigs.” Judge Sewall in his Diary alludes to the custom. In 1685 three persons were admitted to the Old South Church in Boston. “Two wore periwigs,” comments the Judge.

“1708, Aug. 20, Mr. Chievar died. The Wellfare of the Province was much upon his Spirit. He abominated Periwigs.”[20]

The Great and General Court at one time ordered that no person should smoke tobacco in public under a penalty of two shillings and six pence, nor in his own house with a relative or friend. But everybody smoked who wanted to, even the maids, and the repressive legislation in time met the usual fate of similar efforts to restrain individual liberty and manners.

It is sweet to fancy Priscilla at her spinning wheel wearing the coif and nun-like garb of the Puritan maiden of the poet and the artist. But the inventories of estates in the early years of the Colony, as well as at a later time, furnish evidence of a different character. The variety of fabrics listed is amazing and holds its own with the modern department store. There are most of the well-known fabrics of today, such as calico, cambric, challis, flannel, lawn, linen, plush, serge, silk, velvet, and many others; and there are also names that sound strangely in modern ears, viz: cheney, darnex, dowlas, genting, inckle, lockrum, ossembrike, pennistone, perpetuana, sempiternum, stammell, and water paragon.

JOHN WARD HOUSE, SALEM

Corner of the kitchen showing dresser with its “dress of pewter,” wash bench, meal chest, wooden ware, etc.

As for dress,—the women wore bonnets, caps, silk hoods, coifs, forehead cloths, ruffs, and whisks. Gowns, cloaks,

mantles, and muffs are mentioned frequently; as are many kinds of lace and even fans and veils. Shawls and scarfs were not unknown and there were gold, silver, and enamelled rings. At least one woman possessed a mask, and stomachers were not uncommon. Tortoise shell combs appear; all well-to-do persons wore gloves, and as for shoes—there were shoes with French heels, fall shoes, and those with silver buckles. Even shoe-strings appear in the inventories. There were silver, pewter, and steel buttons and those of gympe, thread, and silk.

Laboring men wore leather and coarse fabrics and for others there were suits, doublets, waistcoats and breeches. Trousers are mentioned; also a cane and periwigs. Of caps and hats there were a number of kinds—felt, castor, demi-castor, and even straw. Capt. George Corwin, a Salem merchant, owned a cloth coat trimmed with silver lace, a velvet coat, a tabby doublet, an old fashioned Dutch satin doublet, four cloaks of various kinds, two pairs of golden topped gloves, one embroidered pair, and a pair with black fringe. He also took his walks abroad wearing silk stockings, with a hat encircled by a silver band and carrying a silver headed cane or a plate hilt rapier, according to fashion. He possessed two silver watches. Who shall say that the men and women of the New England colonies did not dress well and live well in the early days according to their means?

What was their conduct not only in their homes but in their relations with their neighbors? Did they live peaceably and work together in building up the settlements? Did they set up in the wilderness domestic relations exactly like those they had abandoned over-seas? It was a raw frontier country to which they came and it is apparent that at the outset they felt themselves to be transplanted Englishmen. So far as possible they lived the lives to which they had been accustomed and they engrafted in their new homes the manners and customs of the generations behind them. Most of them fully recognized, however, that they were not to return; that they had cut loose from the old home ties and it was not long before the necessities and limitations of frontier life brought about changed conditions in every direction. Politically, religiously and socially, they were in a different relation than formerly in the English parish life. Many of them, especially those somewhat removed from the immediate supervision of magistrate and minister, before long seem to have shown a tendency to follow the natural bent of the frontiersman toward independent thought and action. Their political leaders made laws restricting daily life and action and their religious leaders laid down rules for belief and conduct, that soon were repellent to many. Civil and clerical records are filled with instances showing an evasion of and even contempt for the laws and rules laid down by the leaders of their own choosing. Some of it doubtless was in the blood of the men who had come in search of a certain individual freedom of action, but much of it may be attributed to frontier conditions and primitive living. There were many indentured servants, and rough fishermen and sailors have always been unruly. Simple houses of but few rooms accommodating large families are not conducive to gentle speech or modesty of manner nor to a strict morality. The craving for land holding and the poorly defined and easily removed bounds naturally led to ill feeling, assault, defamation, and slander.

It has been stated frequently that in the olden times in New England every one was obliged to go to church. The size of the meeting houses, the isolated locations of many of the houses, the necessary care of the numerous young children, and the interesting side-lights on the manners of the time which may be found in the court papers, all go to show that the statement must not be taken literally. Absence from meeting, breaking the Sabbath, carrying a burden on the Lord’s Day, condemning the church, condemning the ministry, scandalous falling out on the Lord’s Day, slandering the church, and other misdemeanors of a similar character were frequent.

A curious instance of Sabbath breaking occurred at Hampton, N. H. in 1646. Aquila Chase and his wife and David Wheeler were presented at court for gathering pease on the Sabbath. They were admonished. The family tradition has it that Aquila returned from sea that morning and his wife wishing to supply a delicacy for dinner, fell into grave error in thus pandering to his unsanctified appetite.

At the Feb. 29, 1648 session of the court held in Salem, eight cases were tried. A Gloucester man was fined for cursing, saying “There are the brethern; the devil scald them.” Four servants were fined for breaking the Sabbath by hunting and killing a raccoon in the time of the public exercise to the disturbance of the congregation. If the animal had taken to the deep woods instead of staying near the meeting house the servants might have had their fun without paying for it. Then came a Marblehead case—a man who had sailed his boat into the harbor loaded with hay that he had brought from Gloucester. This was on the Lord’s Day at the time when people were going to the morning exercises. He, too, was fined. Nicholas Pinion, who worked at the Saugus Iron Works, was presented for absence from meeting four Lord’s Days together, “spending his time drinking and prophanely,” and Nicholas Russell of the same locality was fined for spending a great part of one Lord’s Day with Pinion in drinking strong water and cursing Pinion’s wife thereby causing jealousy in the family; and the woman in question having broken her bond for good behavior, was ordered to be severely whipped. The other cases were for swearing, in which the above named lady was included; for being disguised in drink; and for living from his wife. And so the court ended.

Drunkenness was very common in the old days. Every family kept on hand a supply of liquor and wine, and cider was considered a necessity of daily living in the country, where it was served with each meal and also carried into the fields by the workers. It was stored in barrels in the cellar and the task of drawing the cider and putting it on the table usually fell to the younger members of the family. A man would often provide in his will for the comfort of his loving wife by setting aside for occupancy during her life, one half of his house, with a carefully specified number of bushels of rye, potatoes, turnips and other vegetables; the use of a horse with which to ride to meeting or elsewhere; and lastly, the direction that annually she be provided with a certain number of barrels of cider,—sometimes as many as eight.

Rev. Edward Holyoke, the President of Harvard College, was in the habit of laying in each year thirty or more barrels of cider as he had to provide for much entertaining. Late in the winter he would draw off part of his stock and into each barrel he would pour a bottle of spirit and a month later some of this blend would be bottled for use on special occasions.

WELLCURB AT THE JOHN WARD HOUSE

Showing wellsweep, wooden bucket and girl dressed in the costume of the late 17th century

As an example of life and manners in seventeenth century New England, the ministerial experiences of Topsfield may be cited. It is an inland town near Ipswich and was settled in 1639. The first minister was the Rev. William Perkins who had been a selectman and representative at Weymouth and a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in Boston. Later he preached at Gloucester where one of his flock was presented at court for unbecoming speeches against Mr. Perkins, saying “if it were not for the law, shee would never come to the meeting, the teacher was so dead ... affirming that the teacher was fitter to be a ladys chamberman than to be in the pulpit.”[21] He removed to Topsfield in 1656 and before long was collecting his salary through the courts. Some of his flock retaliated and brought him into court for drunkenness, when it appeared that he had stopped at the Malden ordinary and called for a cup of sack but goody Hill told him that he had had too much already and Master Perkins replied “if you think I am drunk let me see if I can not goe” and he went tottering about the kitchen and said the house was so full of potts and kettles that he could hardly go.

In 1663 a meeting house was built in Topsfield, and the Rev. Thomas Gilbert, a Scotchman, supplanted Mr. Perkins. The new minister also had a love for good wine and after a time Mr. Perkins entered a complaint and it appears from the records that one sacrament day Mr. Gilbert entertained at dinner a number of the older men and women whose homes were distant from the meeting house. He possessed a golden cup and what was left of the sacramental wine was drunk at dinner, the cup being passed around the table at least twice, the minister drinking deeply with the not unusual result, for he forgot to give thanks and sang a psalm with lisping utterance. Mr. Gilbert was followed in his pastorate by the Rev. Jeremiah Hobart, a Harvard graduate, who, during his eight years stay in Topsfield, became a familiar figure in the courts because of suits for non-payment of salary, for cursing and swearing, and for a damaging complaint for slander exhibiting much discreditable testimony. Then came the Rev. Joseph Capen and during his pastorate of over forty years the town and church enjoyed a peaceful growth interrupted only by the witchcraft delusion of 1692 in which an attempt to appropriate land of Topsfield men played an important part.

But manners and crimes vary with the centuries as do dress and speech. In the year 1655, the following crimes were penalized in the courts of the Massachusetts Bay Colony: eavesdropping, meddling, neglecting work, naughty speech, profane dancing, kissing, making love without consent of friends, uncharitableness to a poor man in distress, carelessness about fire, wearing great boots, etc., and a few years later we find other strange misdemeanors, such as abusing a mother-in-law, wicked speeches against a son-in-law, kicking another in the street, leaving children alone in the house, pulling hair, riding behind two fellows at night (this was a girl, Lydia by name), sleeping in meeting and dissenting from the rest of the jury.

With such minute supervision of the daily life of the colonists it can readily be appreciated that it was an age for gossiping, meddlesome interference with individual life and liberty and that in the course of time nearly every one came before the courts as complainant, defendant or witness. There were few amusements or intellectual diversions and they could only dwell on the gossip and small doings of their immediate surroundings. But all the while there was underlying respect for law, religion and the rights of others. The fundamental principles of human life were much the same as at the present day, and men and women lived together then as now and as they always will—with respect and love.

AN ACCOUNT OF SUPPLIES FURNISHED BY
THE COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
BAY TO REV. SAMUEL SKELTON, THE
MINISTER AT SALEM.

The following account of food, fabrics, household supplies and equipment furnished by the Company of the Massachusetts Bay to Rev. Samuel Skelton, the first minister at Salem, is of much economic interest. The emigrants sailed from London about the middle of April, 1629 and reached the harbor of Naumkeak (now Salem) on June 30th. Mr. Skelton died Aug. 2, 1634 and this accounting may have been made up after his death. It begins in 1629 at the time of the departure from England and covers an indeterminate period. The increase of livestock over a period of five years is described and this seems to indicate the period of residence at Salem until his death.

It is enlightening to find that the Massachusetts Bay Company seems to have maintained a company shop at which supplies of all kinds might be obtained; and it is a matter for comment that the minister’s family was supplied during the voyage and in the early days following the settlement, with such luxuries as powdered sugar, salad oil, castile soap and almonds, not to mention, also, a variety of spices, such as pepper, cloves, mace, and nutmegs.

The original of this document may be seen in the Suffolk County Court Files, Volume I.

Other interesting lists of all kinds of materials sent over by the Company, may be found in the Company records printed by the Commonwealth in 1853 (Vol. I, pp. 23-37) and also by the American Antiquarian Society (Transactions, Vol. III, pp. 5-30e).

Coppie of An Accompte of monies Mr Skelton is Creditor viz.

| | li.  s.  d.
Ano 1629 | Imprimis p so much wch should} |
| haue bene paid him in England} | 20-00-00
| towards fitting him for ye voyadg} |
| Item for Charges att Tillbury, Cowes, |
| & Plimoth, being wind bound | 02-10-00
| Item p Twenty li p Annum for 3 |
| years is ye some of | 60-00-00
| Item for on bushell of wheat flower | 00-15-00
| Ite. for one bushell of oatmeale | 00-10-00
| Ite. for one holland & 2 ordenary |
| Cheess | 00-10-00
| Ite. for xxli of powder sugar att | 01-03-09
| Ite. for one Loafe Cont 7li att 1s 6d | 00-10-06
| Ite. for one sugar Loafe Cont 5li att |
| 1s 7d p li. | 00-07-11
| Ite. 6li of pepper | 00-12-00
| Ite. Nutmeggs 4 oz | 00-01-08
| Ite. one oz. of Clovs, & one oz. of mace | 00-02-00
| Ite. iijli of starch | 00-01-03
| Ite. xijli of Rice | 00-06-00
| Ite. vjli of Vntryed suett | 00-03-00
| Ite. one gall of aquavite | 00-03-08
| Ite. for one flitch of Bacon | 00-14-00
| Ite. Castle soape ixli att 8d p li | 00-06-00
| Ite. frute viz Rasons Corrants & |
| pruens | 00-14-00
| Ite. Safron ij oz | 00-05-00
| Ite. five qu of stronge water | 00-08-00
| Ite. Almonds ijli at 1s 2d | 00-02-04
| Ite. xvli of tryed suett at 8d p. li | 00-10-00
| Ite. one gall of Sallert oyle | 00-06-00
| Ite. vjli of Candles | 00-03-00
| Ite. v geese & ix ducks | 00-08-00
Ano 1630 | Ite. xijli of Butter att | 00-08-00
| Ite. vj potts of Butter Cont. vijli p pott | 01-08-00
| Ite. ij Cheeses about x li a pc | 00-11-08
| Ite. half a firkin of butter of Mr Gibbs | 00-17-06
| Ite. one Third prt of a barrell of wt |
| biskett | 00-10-00
| Ite. one pott of honey vijli wat att | 00-07-10
| Ite. one pott of butter att | 00-03-00
| Ite. xli of Corrants att | 00-05-00
| Ite. [ ] Bacon | 00-10-00
| Ite. one doz of Candles | 00-08-00
| Ite. ij Cheeses att vjd p li | 00-11-03
| Ite. iij Cheeses att vij p. li | 00-17-09
| Ite. one porkett | 01-05-00
| Ite. xijli of tryed suett | 00-08-00
| Ite. vj gees & xij ducks | 00-14-00
| Ite. vj po: of powder suger about 20d | 00-10-00
| Ite. v po: of powder suger 18d | 00-07-06
| Ite. xli of Loaf suger | 01-00-00
| Ite. Cloves & mace | 00-01-00
| Ite. ij oz of Nutmeggs js & Sinamo 16d | 00-02-04
| Ite. workmens wadges for Cutting |
| & bringing home wood against |
| winter about | 03-00-00
| | ---------
| Suma tolis | 105-18-11

Item ⅌ so much pd Mr Pearce[22] |
for provisions of meale, pease, |
Canvas, Carsey & etcr wth 3li |
5s 9d after 25li ⅌ Cent. & freight. |
I say pd the some of | 12-15-01
Ite. for 3 quarts of aquavite | 00-03-09
Ite. for xli of Rice att 5d | 00-04-02
Ite. 10li of Butt[er] att | 00-06-08
Ite. 4 Chees[es] att | 01-03-04
Ite. 10 peeces of pork | 00-11-08
Ite. more 20li of Butter | 00-10-00
Ite. more 4 bushells Virginia Corne | 02-00-00
Ite. soape 7s & vineger 4 gallo 8s & |
1 gl 2s | 00-17-00
Ite. 2 pecke of wt salte att | 00:03:00
| ---------
Sumis | 18-14-08
And on the other syde the totall some of | 105-18-11
| ---------
Suma to lis | 124-13-07

Now ye Increase

The first yeare next after the receipte of the 2 heiffers, both the Calues miscaried, one about a quarter ould dyed, the other neare upon a yeare ould lost by the woolves.

The second yeare there was a heiffer Calfe and a bull Calfe, wch heiffer is now in my hands And the Bull Calfe Mr Skelton sould att one yer and three quarters ould for eight pounds.

The Therd yeare was       which the beginning of winter weare both eaten with the woolves. Now since the three foresaid years, the next yeare after was Twoe bull Calvs, and an heiffer Calfe, the springe before Mr Skeltons death.

And This yeare since was Three bull Calues Twoe wherof are dead the one when it was about Twenty & twoe weeks ould, the other since winter did begin. Now for the keeping of the Catle wch should haue beene att the Companyes Chardge, hath wholly lyen vpon vs.

Mr Skeltons account wth the Companie

Mr Skelton is D pr viz

| li.  s.  d
⅌ 14 yards of Dutch serge Recd att | 02-05-09
It. 17 yards of ffustian att | 01-07-00
It. 11 yards of wt English ieans | 00-13-09
It. 12 yards of Red p petuana | 01-16-00
It. 12 yards of Greene say | 01-13-00
It. 12 yards of yellow say | 01-13-00
It 12 elns of lin [torn] men | 00-14-00
It. 14 elns Nouess [torn] llain | 01-17-04
It. 20 elns o[f loc] krum | 01-05-10
It. 20 elns stript [linsey] woolsye | 01-09-04
It. [ ] yards [torn] buckrum | 00-05-03
It. one peece of Noridg serg | 00-15-00
It. 20 elns of Lockerum | 01-05-10
It. 15 yards of wt fflannell | 00-15-00
It. 20 elns of Course Canvas | 01-04 [torn]
It. one pound of whalbone | 0 [torn]
| ---------
| 20-11-00
Item ⅌ so much pd ⅌ Mr Renell |
prt of Mr Pearce his bill, the some of | 08-00-00
Item ⅌ 9li of Iron att 3d is | 00-02-03
It. ⅌ one syth | 00-03-00
It. ⅌ one fishing line | 00-03-00
It. ⅌ 30 pound ocum | 00-07-06
It. ⅌ 2000 Nails 6d p C. | 00-10-00
It. ⅌ 600 Nails 10d p C. | 00-05-05
It. ⅌ 1 Reame of paper | 00-10-00
Item, borrowed of Cp. Endicot of |
ye Comp. 7 yrds of bays att 2s 6d |
⅌ yd is | 00-17-06
halfe a elne of ffustian att | 00-00-10
It. 2 yards & half of yellow Carsey |
3s 4d | 00-08-04
| ---------
Suma Tolis St. | 031-19-05
Ite. 2 gall of Metheglen | 00-08-00
It. one Lether Jack | 00-01-06
It. two Tubbs} |
It. one wooden hand boule} |
Ite. vinegar} | 00-03-06
It. 3 peuter botles quarts} |
It. one pinte peuter botle | 00-00-10
Ite. one hatt | 00-10-00
| ---------
| 33-03-03

rec of Mr Winthrop Governr

Ite. 3 yrds of Cambrick

6 yrds & a h: of Loomeworke

2 Drinking hornes

8 pr of shoes for men

6 pr of gray stockings for men

6 pr of stockings for women

6 pr of stockings for children

10 yrds of Carsey

Thred

2000 of pinnes

6 Alls
one webb of blew gartering

2 knots of Tape

AN INVOICE OF ENGLISH GOODS SHIPPED TO
NEW ENGLAND ABOUT 1690

.

In July, 1694, suit was brought in the Court at Boston, by John Caxy of London, England, against Joseph Mallenson of Boston, to whom the London merchant had consigned various goods for the Boston market, the shipment consisted of a great variety of clothing, fabrics, hardwear, implements, kitchen utensils and pewter. Mallenson not having remitted for the goods, suit was bought and a copy of the invoice was presented at court and is still preserved among the Massachusetts State Archives. This document throws considerable light on the furnishings of the colonial home at that time and the prevailing scale of prices.

Invoice and Contents of Sundry Goods Laden on Board the good ship called the Friendship Capt. John Ware Comandr bound from this Port of London for Boston in New England and goes consigned to Mr Joseph Mallenson for the proper Accompt & Risque of John Caxy.

One Large Fatt qt Felt & Castor hatts as vizt No. 1.

No. 1 | 3 doz: Boyes Felts Edged & Lin’d |
| at 14/p doz: | £2.02.0
2 | 3 doz: ditto at 16 p doz: | 2.08.0
3 | 3 doz: ditto at 18 p doz: | 2.14.0
4 | 3 doz: ditto at 20/ p doz: | 3.00.0
5 | 4 doz: Mens felts at 34s | 6.16.0
6 | 10 doz: ditto at 40s p doz: | 20.00.0
7 | 3 doz: ditto at 48s p doz: | 7.04.0
8 | 3 doz: Mens Carrolinas at 8/6 p ps | 15.06.0
1 | 4 doz: Mens Castors at 5/6 | 13.04.0
2 | 3 doz: ditto at 6/6 | 11.14.0
3 | 2 doz: ditto at 7/9 | 9.06.0
4 | 2 doz: ditto at 9/ | 10.16.0
5 | 1 doz: ditto at 11/ | 6.12.0
| 6 doz: Rubers at 15d p doz: | 0.07.6
| 6 doz: ditto at 2/6 p doz: | 15.00.0
| a Large Fatt Cost 12s | 12.00.0
| | ----------
| | £112.16.6

One Small Case haire Powder, & Wash Balls No 1.

4 doz & halfe of Sweet haire Powder at 8d doz: | 1.16.0
3 li of best Damask Powder at 3/ p li | 0.09.0
7 gross Wash Balls at 8d p gs | 2.16.0
a Case cost 2s | 0.02.0
| -------
| 5.03.6

Two hhds Turnerie Ware No 1 & 2 as vizt & 7 bundles of Steel Shoe Shovells & Spads No 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7

3 Pottle Tun Canns at | 3.09.00
2 doz: Fine pint Tun Canns at | 18.00.00
6 quart Tunn Canns at | 06.00
3 Three pint Tunn Canns at | 04.00
4 Snap Mouse Traps | 01.00
4 Double fall Mouse Traps at | 02.02
2 Single fall Mouse Traps at | 01.04
2 Large Single fall Mouse Traps at | 01.06
4 Wooden Ratt Traps with Springs at | 05.00
1 doz: Punch Strainers Sett up | 02.09
9 doz: 6 best Maple Treachers at 30/ p doz: | 1.06.11
1 doz: Milk Trayes at | 11.00
3 doz: Platters at 6/ | 18.00
3 doz: hand Boles at 3/6 | 10.06
1 doz: Porridge Dishes at | 11.04
2 doz: handle Boles at 8/p doz: | 16.00
2 doz: Carved Spoons at 6d p doz: | 01.00
6 doz: Beer Tapps at 3d p doz: | 01.06
5 gs 2 doz: plaine Spoons at 2/6 p gro. | 12.11
1 gs Course haire Cottons kom’d at 2/9 | 1.13.00
1 gs Midle hayre cottons kom’d at 3/3 | 1.19.00
6 doz: Large haire Strainers at 2/ p doz | 12.00
3 doz: Small haire ditto at 18d p doz | 04.06
2 doz: Midle Bellows at 18/ p doz | 1.16.00
1 doz: 6. Small ditto at 16/ p doz | 1.04.00
1 doz: Sucking Bottles at 2s | 12.00
1 doz: Large Ladles at 1s8 | 01.08
1 doz: Small ditto | 01.00
12 doz: Steel Shod Shovells & Spads at 16/ | 9.12.00
2 hhds Cost 7s each | 14.00
| --------
| 25.03.10

One Case Lookeing Glasses No 3 as

No | 1 | 6 Dressing Glasses 10 Inches in Sight at 5/ ps. | 1.10.0
| 2 | 6 ditto at 6s ps 11 Inches in Sight | 1.16.0
| 3 | 6 ditto at 7s ps 12 Inches in Sight | 2.02.0
| 4 | 3 Glasses in Large Frames at 15/ ps 12 Inches | 2.05.0
| 5 | 3 ditto at 18s ps 14 Inches in Sight | 2.14.0
| 6 | 2 ditto at 22s ps 16 Inches in Sight | 2.04.0
| 7 | 2 ditto at 28s ps 18 Inches in Sight | 2.16.0
| 8 | 2 ditto at 35z ps 20 Inches | 3.10.0
| | A Case Cost 5s | 05.0
| | | -------
| | | 19.02.0

One Case No 2 qt as vizt

No | 1 | 2 Perriwiggs at 18s p ps | 1.16.0
| 2 | 2 ditto at 2s | 2.00.0
| 3 | 1 ditto at 25s | 1.05.0
| 4 | 1 ditto at 30s | 1.10.0
| | | -------
| | | 6.11.0

No | 1 | 2 doz: Child, woll hose at 5s p doz: | 10.0
| 2 | 2 doz: ditto at 6/8 | 13.4
| 3 | 1 doz: ditto at 8/ | 08.0
| 4 | 1 doz: ditto at 10/ | 10.0
| 5 | 2 doz: Womens Woll ditto at 9/6 | 19.0
| 6 | 2 doz: ditto at 10/6 | 1.01.0
| 7 | 1 doz ditto at 11/6 | 11.6
| 8 | 1 doz ditto at 13/6 | 13.6
| 9 | 1 doz ditto Mens Wool at 13/ | 13.0
| 10 | 2 doz ditto at 15/6 | 1.11.0
| 11 | 2 doz ditto at 18/ | 1.16.0
| 12 | 1 doz ditto at 20/ | 1.00.0
| 13 | 1 doz ditto black at 22/ | 1.02.0
| 14 | 1 doz Womens Worst ditto at 29/ | 1.09.0
| 15 | 1 doz Mens Short Worst Mixt at 36/ | 1.16.0
| 16 | 1 doz ditto at 38/ | 1.18.0
| 17 | 1 doz ditto at 43/ | 2.03.0
| 18 | 1 doz ditto black at 40/ | 2.00.0
| 19 | 1 doz Mens Mixt Role at 45/ | 2.05.0
| 20 | 1 doz ditto at 52/ p doz | 2.12.0
| 21 | 1 doz ditto bla: & blew at 52s | 2.12.0
| | 1 Case Cost wth Cords 2/ | 02.0
| | | --------
| | | 28.05.4

Thirty One Quoiles of Cordage Cont as vixd

No. | 1 | | 3 Inch 1/4 qt | 3.02.09
| 2 | 1 ditto | 4 Inches | 4.01.00
| 3 | 1 ditto | 5 Inches | 6.01.06
| 4 | 1 ditto | 5-3/4 Inches | 8.02.02
| 5 | 1 ditto | 6 | 9.01.25
| 6 | 1 Quoile | 3 | 2.03.25
| 7 | 1 Quoile | 2-3/4 | 2.02.08
| 8 | 1 Quoile | 2-1/4 | 1.03.13
| 9 | 1 Quoile | 2-1/2 | 2.00.10
| 10 | 1 Quoile | 2-1/2 | 2.00.12
| 11 | 1 Quoile | 2-1/4 | 1.03.23
| 12 | 1 ditto | 2-1/2 | 2.00.17
| 13 | 1 ditto | 2-3/4 | 2.02.04
| 14 | 1 ditto | 3 Inches | 3.01.02
| 15 | 2 ditto | 2 | 2.00.25
| 16 | 2 ditto | 2 | 2.00.12
| 17 | 2 ditto | 2 | 2.00.21
| 18 | 2 ditto | 2 | 2.00.13
| 19 | 2 ditto | 1 Inch 1/2 | 1.02.24
| 20 | 2 ditto | 1-1/2 | 1.01.13
| 21 | 3 ditto | 1-1/4 | 1.03.20
| 22 | 2 ditto | 1-3/4 | 1.03.11
| 23 | 3 Quoiles | 1-1/4 | 1.02.27
| | 1 Cable | 8 Inches 3/4 | 19.00.14
| | 2 | 5-1/2 | 7.02.26
| | 1 ditto | 4-1/2 | 5.01.22
| | 1 ditto | 4-3/2 | 5.03.07
| | 1 Quoile | 2-3/4 | 2.01.11
| | 1 Quoile | 2-3/4 | 2.01.11
| | 1 Quoile | 2-1/4 | 1.01.08

For a Lyghter to carry it on board | 15.00

One hhd No 4 qt wrot Brass & wrot Iron worke as vizd

12 brass Kettles qt 1 C. O.4li at 15d p li | 7.05.0
2 pr of 8 Square Monument Candlesticks | 15.0
2 pr ditto at 6s | 12.0
2 pr ditto at 5s | 10.0
2 pr ditto at 4s | 08.0
2 pr ditto at 3/6 | 07.0
2 pr ditto at 3/ | 06.0
2 pr of 4 square ditto at 7/ | 14.0
2 pr of ditto at 6s | 12.0
2 pr of Round ditto at 3/6 | 07.0
2 pr of ditto at 4s | 08.0
2 pr ditto at 4s 6 | 09.0
2 pr ditto at 5/ | 10.0
2 pr ditto at 5/6 | 11.0
2 pr ditto at 6/6 | 13.0
6 doz: Iron Spr Candlesticks at 5/6 | 1.13.0
2 Fine Mortars & Pestells at 4/ | 08.0
2 ditto at 4/6 | 09.0
2 ditto at 5/6 | 11.0
2 ditto at 7/3 | 14.6
1 doz. Flower Boxes | 11.0
1 doz Pepper Boxes | 06.0
5 doz Brass Snuffers at 7/6 | 1.17.6
6 Snuffers Stands at | 10.6
4 Snuffers Panns at | 04.8
1 doz: Beife Forkes | 07.0
1 doz Grid. Irons wta 98 Ribbs | 17.0
18 plaine Bellows | 1.03.0
4 doz: Alkomy Spoons at 12/9 | 11.0
2 doz: ditto at 2/3 | 04.6
1 doz: Brass Extinguishers | 03.0
6 brass Ladles at 6s 6d | 03.3
6 ditto at 9d | 04.6
6 ditto at 14d | 07.0
6 Slices at 7d | 03.6
6 ditto at 9 | 04.6
2 doz: brass Save-alls at 5s p doz | 10.0
3 doz ditto at 4/ | 12.0
3 doz ditto at 3/6 | 10.6
2 doz ditto at 3/ | 06.0
1 doz dubble Iaggers | 06.0
1 doz: ditto at | 06.0
2 doz: Single ditto at 3s 9 | 07.6
2 doz: Small mincers at 7s | 14.0
1 doz Large ditto at | 15.6
1 doz Chopers | 12.0
1 doz Cleavers | 17.6
3 doz Small padlocks at 5s 6 | 16.6
2 doz: ditto at 6s p doz | 12.0
2 doz: ditto at 7/9 p doz | 15.6
1 doz ditto at | 09.6
10 doz Scuers wth fraimes | 16.6
2 doz: Small Spr. Locks at 8s p doz | 16.0
2 doz Duble Spr Locks at 17/ p doz | 1.14.0
4 bundles Frying Pans qt 1 C. 1. 26li at 45/ | 3.09.6
1 hhd Cost 6s | 06.0
| -------
| 41.11.5

One Trunk No 1 qt Nothing butt Buttons as vizt

No. | 1 12 gs Gimp Fallow Brest at 9d p gro | 09.0
| 2 48 gs Gymp Fallow Coatt at 1.11d | 2.04.0
| 3 34 baggs Coat Pillers qt 136 gro: 18d p gro: | 10.04.0
| 4 10 gross bla: haire best at 20d | 16.8
| 5 10 baggs best Pillers Coats qt 40 gro: at 23d | 3.16.8
| 6 24 gross Silke browne best at 23d | 2.06.0
| 7 13 baggs qt 52 gross of Accor. Coats 2/6 p gs | 6.10.0
| 8 12 gross bla: hayre Milo Coats 3/3d | 1.19.0
| 9 20 gross Cutt haire Coats at 3/10 p gs | 3.16.8
| 10 30 gross Large Silke Coats at 3/10 | 5.15.0
| A Trunk & Cords Cost 15/ | 15.0
| | -------
| | 38.12.0

One Large hhd No 3 qt of Tinnerie Ware as vizt

6 Lanthorns at 2s 3d p L | 13.6
5 ditto at 21d | 10.6
6 ditto at 18d | 09.0
2 Large fish kettles & plates at 5s | 10.0
2 Small ditto at 3s | 06.0
2 doz Slices at 2/6 | 05.0
6 Large pastry panns at 22d | 11.0
6 Small ditto at 14d | 07.0
3 Setts Kettles at | 1.01.0
3 doz: Pockett Graters at 2s p doz | 06.0
3 doz ditto at 20d | 05.0
1 doz Large Square pudding pans at 14s | 14.0
1 doz ditto Small at 12d | 12.0
6 paire of Snuffers & panns at 18d p | 09.0
6 hanging Candlesticks at 12d | 06.0
2 doz: Large Corringers at 4s | 08.0
3 doz Midle ditto at 3s | 09.0
2 doz: Small ditto at 2/ | 04.0
6 Large Funnells at 9d ps | 04.6
2 doz quart ditto at 6/ p doz | 12.0
2 doz pint ditto at 4/ p doz | 08.0
2 doz ditto at 2/6 | 05.0
2 doz ditto at 2/ | 04.0
1 doz Large Sauce panns at 8d p ps | 08.0
2 doz: quart ditto at 6d p ps | 12.0
2 doz: point ditto at 4/6 | 09.0
2 doz: Flower Boxes at 3/6 | 07.0
2 doz: pepper boxes at 2/6 | 05.0
4 Large Dripping pans at 2/3 | 09.0
6 Small ditto at 20d | 10.0
1 doz Quart potts at 6d ps | 06.0
2 doz: pint ditto at 4/ p doz | 08.0
1 doz: Large Round Pudding panns 13d | 13.0
1 doz ditto Small at 11d | 11.0
1 doz: Candlesticks at 6d ps | 06.0
6 Planish Candlesticks at 8d | 04.0
1 doz Casting Ladles at 4d ps | 04.0
1 doz: bread Graters at 7d ps | 07.0
1 doz: ditto at 4d ps | 04.0
1 doz: Tinder boxes & at 8s | 08.0
8 Candle Boxes at 14d ps | 09.4
6 round Fish plates at 11d ps | 05.6
6 Cullendars at 16d ps | 08.0
1 doz halfe pint potts at 2d ps | 02.0
A Large Casque Cost 9s | 09.0
| -------
| 18.04.4

One Bayle of Stuffs & No 8 qt as vizt

No | 1 | 12 ps Worst. Fancies at 20s | 12.00.0
| 2 | 3 Woollen Shades at 22s ps | 3.00.0
| 3 | 6 playne Silke Crapes at 23/ ps | 6.18.0
| 4 | 6 Stript Worst. Crapes at 23/ | 6.18.0
| 5 | 2 Strip’t Silke Crapes at 26/ | 2.12.0
| 6 | 4 Spotted Strip’t Silke Crapes at 26/ | 5.04.0
| 7 | 2 Sattin Strip’t Crapes at 28/ | 2.16.0
| 8 | 10 Strip’t Druggetts at 28/ | 14.00.0
| 9 | 3 Woollen Damask at 29s | 4.07.0
| 10 | 6 Mixt Serges at 30/ | 9.00.0
| 11 | 2 Strip’t ditto at 33s | 3.06.0
| 13 | 10 Silke Fancies at 36/ ps | 18.00.0
| 14 | 6 Effigianes at 38/ ps | 11.08.0
| 15 | 6 Silke Damaske at 46/ | 13.16.0
| 16 | 3 Strip’t Cambletts at 46s | 6.18.0
| 17 | 1 Mock Calliminco at 3 | 3.00.0
| 18 | 1 Right ditto | 4.00.0
| 19 | 3 Role ps Silke Fancies qt 37:37:37-1/2 |
| | is 111-1/2 yd at 18d | 8.07.3
| 20 | 1 ps Red Flannel qt 20 ) |
| 21 | 1 ps Yello ditto qt 21 ) 110 yds at 14d | 6.08.4
| 22 | 1 ps ditto qt 25 ) |
| 23 | 1 ps white qt 44 ) |
| peices 92 | |
| | A Coard & Canvis paper & packing | 1.04.0
| | 4 doz: of Course hose in ditto Bale |
| | | --------
| | | 146.14.7

One Drume Fatt No 2 Containing Pewter as vizt

12 Pottle Tankards at 3s 10d ps | 2.06.0
12 Quart ditto at 3s | 1.16.0
24 Midle ditto at 2/6 | 3.00.0
24 Small ditto at 2/ | 2.08.0
12 doz: Large Poringers at 9s 6d p. doz | 5.14.0
12 doz: Small ditto at 8/ | 4.16.0
3 pr New-fashion’d Candlesticks at 4s | 12.0
3 pr ditto at 3s | 09.0
2 pr Round ditto at 2s 10d | 05.8
a Fatt Cost | 07.0

One Drume Fatt No 3 qt more Pewter vizt

18 Large Chamber Potts at 2/10s ps | 2.11.0
30 Middle ditto at 2s dd | 3.10.0
40 Small ditto at 2s | 4.00.0
12 doz Alkney Spoons at 2/9 | 1.13.0
24 doz Powder ditto at 2/3d p doz | 2.14.0
12 Large Salts at 2s 2 ps | 1.06.0
24 Middle ditto at 20d ps | 2.00.0
48 Small ditto at 12d ps | 2.08.0
18 Basons qt 32-1/2 at 12d | 1.12.6
2 doz: Sawcers at 9s p doz | 18.0
4 doz Small ditto at 7s p doz | 1.08.0
2 Pottle Wine Measure Potts at 5/6 | 11.0
6 Quart ditto at 2/8 | 16.0
6 Pint ditto Potts at 22d ps | 11.0
6 halfe Pint ditto at 14d | 07.0
6 Quartern ditto Potts at 9d p ps | 04.6
a ffat Cost 7s | 07.0

One halfe Barell Fatt No 4 Cont more pewter

No A 78 Dishes qt 265li at 9d 1/2 | 10.09.9-1/2
A ffat Cost 3s6 | 03.6
| ------------
| £76.02.5-1/2

One Bayle of Lincy Woolsie Cont 30 ps

No 7 at 31s ps | 46.10.0
Canvis &Ca | 1.07.0
| ----------
| 47.17.0

Two Large Bayles of Kersyes No 4:5 vizt

No | A | 3 Browns) |
| | 1 Gray) at 26s p ps. | 5.04.0
| B | 3 Browne) |
| | 1 Gray) at 28s ps | 5.12.0
| C | 1 Browne) |
| | 3 Grays) at 30s | 6.00.0
| D | 4 Browns at 31s | 6.04.0
| E | 4 Browns at 32s | 6.08.0
| F | 3 Browns) |
| | 2 Grays) at 35s | 10.10.0
| G | 4 Browns) |
| | 2 Grays ) at 37s | 11.02.0
| H | 4 Browns) |
| | 2 Grays)at 38s | 11.08.0
| I | 6 Browns at 39s | 11.14.0
| K | 3 Browns) |
| | 2 Drabbs) at 42s | 12.12.0
| | 1 Gray) |
| L | 6 Honly Reds at 42s | 12.12.0
| M | 2 Grays) |
| | 1 Drabb) |
| | 3 Browns ) at 43s ps | 25.16.0
| | 6 Nap’t) |
| N | 3 Browns) |
| | 2 Grays ) at 58s ps | 14.08.0
| | 1 Drabb ) |
| O | 3 Browns) |
| | 3 Grays ) at 55s ps 20 yds Long | 16.10.0
| | Canvis Cord Paper & packing 38s p bayle | 3.16.0
| | | ----------
| | | 159.16.0

One Bayle of Cottons of Severall Collers vizt

6 White Cottons at 15/ | 4.10.0
6 White ditto at 20/ | 6.00.0
6 Red ditto) |
5 Blew ditto) |
5 Cloth Cullerd ditto) at 17s p ps | 19.11.0
5 Ashe Cullerd ditto) |
2 Yellow ditto) |
4 Red ditto at 23s ps | 4.12.0
1 Blew ditto at 24/ | 1.04.0
Canvis & Packing | 1.18.0
| ----------
| 37.15.0

One hhd No 5 Cont Sundry Lotts of Goods as Vizt

12 hogskin Saddles Stirrups, Leathers bridles, |
Girts & Snaffels at 14s | 8.08.0
No 18 li whited Browne Thread at 2/3 | 13.6
20 li ditto at 2/6 | 15.0
22 li ditto at 2/10 | 17.0
24 li ditto at 3/3 | 19.6
26 li ditto at 3/8 | 1.02.0
28 li ditto at 4s p li | 1.04.0
4:15 3 li Nunns Thread at 6s | 18.0
5:10 3 li ditto at 7s p li | 1.01.0
6:10 3 li ditto at 8/ | 1.04.0
8:10 1 li ditto at 10s p li | 10.0
9:10 1 li ditto at 12/ | 12.0
12:10 1 li ditto at 16/ | 16.0
No 1 6 doz best Brown Thread at 22s p doz | 6.12.0
2 3 doz Cullr ditto at 26/ p doz | 3.08.0
3 4 doz: blew & Collerd Tape at 9/6 | 1.18.0
4 2 doz: blew & Collerd filletting at 13/6 | 1.07.0
5 1 doz: White filletting at 15 p | 15.0
6 2 doz fine white Twist at 3/4d | 06.8
7 2 doz Narrow Holland Tape at 7s p doz | 14.0
8 2 doz broad ditto at 10/ p doz | 1.00.0
9 3 Gross Cotton 6d Ribbin at 10s p gro | 1.10.0
10 1 ps broad Strip’t 12d Ribbin at 4/6 | 04.6
11 2 doz Pinns at 6/8 p doz | 12.0
12 3 doz. ditto at 7/2 p doz | 1.01.6
13 4 Mille Needles at 5/ p mille | 1.00.0
14 2 Gross Womens Brass Thimbles at 5/6 | 11.0
15 6 doz: Mens Steel ditto at 7s p gs | 03.6
16 6 doz. horne Combs at 14d | 07.0
17 6 doz: ditto at 18d | 09.0
18 6 doz: ditto at 22d | 11.0
19 2 doz Ivory Combs at 3/6 p doz | 07.0
20 2 doz ditto at 6/8 | 12.0
21 Old Brass Curtaine Rings at 14d | 07.0
22 2 doz. Small Inckhornes at 20d | 03.4
23 1 doz: Large ditto | 02.9
24 1 doz Large Sands at 4s | 04.0
25 2 gro: Tin brest Buttons 12d | 02.0
26 6 gro: Large ditto at 15d | 07.6
27 6 gro: ditto at 18d p gro | 09.0
28 2 gro: Ell Thread Laces at 2/4 | 04.8
29 2 gro: ditto yd & 1/2 at 3/8 | 06.0
30 1 gro: ditto Silke 2 yds at 30s | 1.10.0
1 hhd Cost 5/ | 05.0
Trunk No 2 |
31 6 gro: Large White Wastcoat Buttons |
at 15d | 07.6
32 6 gro: fine Small ditto at 18d | 09.0
33 2 gro: gilt sleeve buttons at 3/4 | 06.8
34 1 doz: bla: Velvitt Markes lin’d wth | 14.0
35 1 doz: best ditto at 15/ | 15.0
36 1 doz: best ditto lin’d wth Silke at 22s | 1.02.0
37 1 doz: Callico quilted Caps at 9s | 09.0
38 1 doz: Holland ditto at 12/ p doz | 12.0
39 18 yds Grey Lace at 3d | 04.6
40 20 yds ditto at 4d p yd | 06.8
41 33 yds ditto at 4d-1/2 | 12.4-1/2
42 15 yds ditto at 5d p yd | 06.3
43 12 yds ditto at 6d | 06.0
44 16 yds ditto at 8dd | 10.8
45 34 yds bla: Silke bone Lace at 5d-1/2 p yd | 15.7
46 42 yds ditto at 7d-1/2 | 1.06.3
47 24 yds ditto at 12d | 1.04.0
48 16 yds ditto at 13d | 17.4
49 18 yds ditto at 14d | 1.01.0
50 2 Gro: Silke Bindins at 18/6 p gro: | 1.17.0
51 2 Gro: Silke Galunes at 18/ | 1.16.0
52 1 gro: Narrow: Black Silk purle for Tippett | 05.0
53 2 gro: Brord ditto at 14s p gro: | 1.08.0
54 1 gro: White, Thready brord gause purle |
at 10/6 | 10.6
55 2 doz: black & White Net Gause at 11/ p doz. | 1.02.0
56 1 doz: black Mourning gause at | 12.0
57 1 doz: White ditto at 12s | 12.0
58 2 doz: White Thread gause at 12/ | 1.04.0
59 2 doz: black Silke ditto at 13/ | 1.06.0
60 3 doz: Women Silke Girdles wth Buckles 6/ | 18.0
61 2 doz: Long ditto Copper Tassells at 3/9 | 07.6
62 1 doz: Rich Silke & Silver Tassle ditto 12/ | 12.0
63 1 doz: best ditto at 15s | 15.0
64 1 doz: Romall handkerchiffs at 16s p doz | 16.0
65 1 doz: Silke ditto at 20s p doz | 1.00.0
66 1 doz: best Large ditto at 23s | 1.03.0
67 4 doz: black Moyhaire ring at 6/ | 1.04.0
68 4 doz: Deep ditto at 7s p doz | 1.08.0
69 2 doz: Copper Cullr& purled ditto at 6/ p doz | 12.0
70 4 doz: Cullr Mixt ditto at 7s | 1.08.0
71 4 doz: Cloth Culler: bla: & Scarlett |
ditto at 8/ 12.0 |
72 2 doz: Deep bla: Duble ditto at 9s6 | 19.0
73 18 doz: Nar: fringe to Sett on ye Top |
of Fringe 20d | 1.10.0
74 18 yds White Corded Thred fringe at 10d yd | 15.0
75 13 oz. 1/2 bla: bella. Silke fringe at 25d | 1.02.6
76 27 oz: best Nar: & Deep ditto at 21d | 2.07.3
77 12 oz: Copper Cullr Nar: & Deep ditto at 22d | 1.02.0
78 18 oz: 1/16 do & white Nar: & deep |
Mixtd. 2s | 1.16.1-1/2
79 21 oz 1/2 Clo: Cullr blew & white Nar |
& Deep 2-1/2d | 2.08.4
80 21 oz 1/2 Clo: Cullr green & white corded |
do 2/4d | 2.10.2
81 17 oz: 1/4 3/16 bla: Corded ditto at 2/ |
p doz | 1.14.10-1/2
82 1 gro 1/2 Silke bread to Sett at Bottom |
of fringe 14s | 1.01.0
83 5 ps ferrett 6d Ribbon at 7s ps | 1.15.0
84 1 gro: bla: 1d Taffety Ribbon at 7s | 07.0
85 2 gro: ditto 2d ditto at 16 p gro | 1.12.0
86 12 ps Dutch 7/4 Ribbins for binding |
Drowls 20d | 1.00.0
87 4 ps 6d Taffety Ribbon at 5/ | 1.00.0
88 4 ps 8d ditto at 9 ps | 1.16.0
89 1 ps 10d ditto at | 11.0
90 1 ps 12d ditto | 13.0
91 4 ps Double Love Ribben 6d at 6/ | 1.04.0
92 2 ps 8d ditto at 8 | 16.0
93 1 ps 10d ditto at (?) | 09.6
94 2 ps white Span. 6d ditto at 8/6 | 17.0
95 1 ps ditto 8d at 10 | 10.0
96 3 doz: Sattin Stripes 8d Ribbon at 6s | 18.0
97 2 doz Cloth Cullr& purple Figur’d 10d |
ditto 8s | 16.0
98 2 doz: blew & Green 12d ditto at 11s | 1.02.0
99 2 doz Copper Cullr’d & bla: 14d ditto at 13s | 1.06.0
100 81i Clo: Cullr Silke wth a Little bla: at 17/6 | 7.00.0
101 1 Childs Peake at 6/ | 06.0
102 1 Womans Laced head dress at 10s | 10.0
103 1 ditto Laced at 13/ | 13.0
104 1 Alamode Drowle Trim’d at 2s wth bla purl | 02.0
105 1 Tippett ditto at 2/4d | 02.4
106 1 Best ditto at 6/8 Laced wth bla: Silk? | 06.0
107 2 doz: New fashon’d Peake Wyers at 18d |
p doz | 03.0
108 2 doz: Cornitt Wyers ditto at 2/ p doz | 04.0
109 4 doz: Comode Wyers ditto at 4/ p doz | 16.0
110 17 Roles at 5d p ps | 07.1
111 4 doz New Fason’d pass Wyers at 10s | 03.4
112 1 gro: Strip’d Worsted at 9s p gro | 09.0
a Trunke & Coards Cost 12/ | 12.0
| ----------
| 59.18.0

One Bayle of Linning Cloth No 3 Cont as vizt

20 | 40:2 | 19:2 | 20 | 39 | 330:2
20 | 39:2 | 39:2 | 17 | 18 | 394
19:2 | 40: | 39 | 20 | 20 | 435
19: | 19:2 | 20 | 19:2 | 20 | 313:2
19:2 | 19 | 19:2 | 19:2 | 40 | 392
| | | | | ------
20:2 | 20 | 19:2 | 19: | 19:2 | 1864:2
17 | 20 | 62 | 40 | 40: | 932:1
20 | 38:2 | 60 | 19:2 | 19:2 |
19 | 40 | 38 | 19:2 | 39:2 |
37 | 20 | 20 | 19:2 | 20: |
19 | 19 | 19:2 | 20 | 19:2 |
20 | 19 | 20 | 18:2 | 39:2 |
19 | 19 | 19:2 | 20:2 | 19:2 |
24 | 19 | 19:2 | 20:2 | 19: |
40 | 19 | 19:2 | 19:2 | 19 |
----- | --- | ---- | ---- | ---- |
330:2 | 394 | 435 | 313:2 | 392 |
----- | --- | ---- | ----- | ---- |

Is 932 Ells 1/4 of Kamells cloth at 6dp ell23.6.0

85 50 60 86 69 43 73 68 78 101 42

42 43 49 78 77 44 91 is 1129 of

Brown Oxenbrigs at 50li p Role 1500 |
ells to a Role at 8d p ell | 37.12.8
| ---------------
| 60.18.8
| ---------------
| £1127.17.7

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Essex County Quarterly Court Records, Vol. II, p. 28

[2] Waters, Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

[3] In the Delaware settlement houses of logs split through the middle or hewed square were built “according to the Swedish mode.”

[4] Mourt’s Relation, Boston, 1841.

[5] Higginson, New-Englands Plantation, London, 1630.

[6] Force’s Tracts, Washington, 1838.

[7] Essex County Quarterly Court Records, Vol. VI, p. 363.

[8] Essex County Deeds, Book V, leaf 107.

[9] Johnson, Wonder Working Providence, London, 1654.

[10] Higginson, New-Englands Plantation, London, 1630.

[11] Force’s Tracts, Washington, 1838.

[12] Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 15B, leaves 59-67.

[13] Essex County Quarterly Court Records, Vol. IV, pp. 56-57.

[14] Beer in the making.

[15] Probate Records of Essex County, Mass. Vol. I, p. 47.

[16] Probate Records of Essex County, Mass., Vol. II, p. 348.

[17] Dankers, Journal of a Voyage to New York, Brooklyn, 1867.

[18] Records of the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, p. 126.

[19] Ward, The Simple Cobler of Aggawam, London, 1647.

[20] Sewall’s Diary, Vol. II, p. 231.

[21] Essex County Quarterly Court Records, Vol. I, p. 275.

[22] The master of the ship George Bonaventure in which Mr. Skelton came over.

Transcriber’s Notes

Perceived typographical errors in the author’s text have been silently corrected.

Archaic spelling and inconsistent punctuation in quoted text and tables have been retained as in the original.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation and compound words have been maintained as printed.

Footnotes have been moved to the end of the text.

The per sign ⅌ is a symbol used to indicate a ratio.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DOMESTIC LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

- Domestic Life in NEW ENGLAND in the Seventeenth Century

- THE PREFACE

- ILLUSTRATIONS

- DOMESTIC LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

- AN ACCOUNT OF SUPPLIES FURNISHED BY THE COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY TO REV. SAMUEL SKELTON, THE MINISTER AT SALEM.

- AN INVOICE OF ENGLISH GOODS SHIPPED TO NEW ENGLAND ABOUT 1690

- FOOTNOTES:

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE